Pete North gained his BA in History and Politics in 1984. After a few years working for the Departments of Employment, Trade and Industry, and Environment, he gained his MA in Peace Studies from the University of Bradford (1993) and his PhD from the School for Advanced Urban Studies at the University of Bristol (1997). He was a post-doctoral Research Associate at the University of Sheffield (1996-7). Between 1997 and 2002 he was Senior Research Fellow at the Local Economy Policy Unit at South Bank University. He joined the University of Liverpool in 2002. His research focuses on social movements that organise broadly against globalisation and for localisation, and that develop alternatives to capitalism – in particular the way that movements that argued for different conceptions of 'the economic' are now developing ideas for a post carbon economy. He is interested in thinking about links between economies, livelihoods and environments that are not exploitative and which provide an alternative to forms of growth and development that may not be sustainable in the long term. More recently he has been looking at what conceptualisations of local economic development might facilitate action against dangerous climate change in the global north and south. Address: Liverpool, Liverpool, United Kingdom
This policy brief summarises the findings of the Low Carbon Liverpool Project examining how Liver... more This policy brief summarises the findings of the Low Carbon Liverpool Project examining how Liverpool can sustain its prosperity while making its contribution to avoiding dangerous climate change
This policy brief looks at how social enterprise on Merseyside can engage with Low Carbon agendas... more This policy brief looks at how social enterprise on Merseyside can engage with Low Carbon agendas to ensure that low carbon opportunities can be equally accessed.
• Now Liverpool has re-branded itself, how can its economic development agencies effectively faci... more • Now Liverpool has re-branded itself, how can its economic development agencies effectively facilitate the transition to a low carbon economy? • Does the city have the right policies to combine a healthy, vibrant and socially inclusive local economy with what we need to do to avoid dangerous climate change in the future? • Specifically, what does this mean for the support of new and existing businesses and social enterprises? How can we ensure that socially excluded communities can benefit from low carbon opportunities? This brief focuses on support for businesses. Key recommendations 1. Levels of support for businesses engaging in low carbon issues on Merseyside reflect international best practice well, but support is inconsistent and often confusing. 2. Business people act on low carbon from a range of motivations, not just economic rationality. 3. Marketing strategies based on information deficit models rarely work. Low carbon support could reflect more widely the full range of motivations business people have. 4. There is a danger of good practice being lost in the current funding crisis. If so, business leadership will be crucial in driving low carbon forward. Businesspeople value 'war stories', and practical advice provided by another businessperson who has 'done it'. This is not public funding dependent.
• Now Liverpool has re-branded itself, how can its economic development agencies effectively faci... more • Now Liverpool has re-branded itself, how can its economic development agencies effectively facilitate the transition to a low carbon economy? • Does the city have the right policies to combine a healthy, vibrant and socially inclusive local economy with what we need to do to avoid dangerous climate change in the future? Key recommendations 1. Successful cities are those that combine a clear, locally-owned and widely accepted vision with strong and focussed leadership and a culture of partnership working at the strategic level. Liverpool achieved
Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 2017
While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the ‘post-polit... more While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the ‘post-political’ critique dismisses climate policy as a vacuous discourse that obscures power relations and exclusion, defends the established neoliberal order, and silences challenges. This paper argues that rather than consensus, there is a conflict between urban climate policy and the need to reignite economic growth in the context of austerity urbanism, but also that we should not assume that challenges to neoliberal understandings of the ‘sensible’ will always be disregarded. Rather, urban climate policy can be progressed through partnership processes utilising ‘co-production’ techniques which entail significant agonistic, if not antagonistic, contestation. The argument is illustrated with a case study of climate policy making in the context of austerity urbanism in Liverpool, UK. While ‘low carbon’ is conceptualised by elite actors in Liverpool in neoliberal terms as a source of new low carbo...
Since 1980 the dominance of elected municipal government in Britain has given way to a broader lo... more Since 1980 the dominance of elected municipal government in Britain has given way to a broader local governance. While the precise configuration of this change has been debated in detail, approaches to the processes of restructuring and the operation and relative efficacy of new arrangements remain empirically limited and theoretically underdeveloped. We explore the usefulness of a range of contemporary theoretical accounts including regulationist approaches in responding to these lacunae. In developing our analysis we argue first that explaining the restructuring of local governance requires (amongst a range of developments) further theoretical and empirical work on local business interest representation; and, secondly, that attempts to move beyond partial evaluations of the new local governance must be predicated upon appropriate and rigorous theoretical foundations.
In this paper, we suggest that not enough attention is being paid to the place of political conte... more In this paper, we suggest that not enough attention is being paid to the place of political contestation and antagonism in terms of how SDGs are being rolled out as part of a broader consensual, liberal geo-politics under conditions of contemporary neoliberal capitalism. In particular, we argue for more consideration of the significance of the SSE as way to achieve the SDGs through responding to a broader crisis of social reproduction and work where millions of people cannot live with dignity, and looming climate crisis is not addressed. We want to foreground that the SSE is offering novel and tangible alternative forms of social production, useful work and means of the social reproduction of life beyond the current capitalist crisis that are being developed from the grassroots up, and which represent a challenge to conceptions of the SDGs as a policy prescription or mobilising utopia within an overall framework of neoliberal globalism. Consequently, we argue for policy in support of the SSEs that facilitates, rather than tames, these radical grassroots critiques and for the development of an autonomous, meso-civil society SSE sector
This article discusses left-wing thought in today's Poland as a case study of resistance to right... more This article discusses left-wing thought in today's Poland as a case study of resistance to right-wing populism in east central Europe (CEE). In contrast with deeply pessimistic, structural 'Gramscian' analyses of a neoliberalised, formerly backward, peripheral, 'eastern' Poland re-joining the 'west' before turning to right-wing populism, the article argues that as much attention should be paid to its left-wing opponents as to neoliberalism and populism themselves. The article acknowledges that given the pathologies of what was called 'actually existing socialism' in Poland, historical and contemporary discourses are utilised to attempt to aggressively delegitimise what are pejoratively called lewacy-'lefties'-in contemporary Poland with the result that the left's successes in conventional electoral terms is limited. But that is not the whole story. What is more interesting is to explore how contemporary lay anticommunism shapes the conditions of, rather than determines, the fundamental limits of progressive imaginations for today's Poland. Given the context in which Polish leftists operate, what do they argue for in order to counter and ameliorate aggressive discourses? The article argues that the Polish left counters right-wing populism by (1) drawing inspiration from social democracy, welfare states and past histories of Polish thought on cooperation and self-management; (2) by linking with and building from vibrant movements opposing populism's reactionary cultural stances, and (3) by taking opportunities afforded by Poland's electoral system. The article concludes that to move forward it might be more fruitful to explore less state-focused, less paranoid, non-capitalocentric conceptualisations of oppositions to right-wing populism in CEE.
Liverpool is a city which has, in many ways, undoubtedly and observably benefitted from Objective... more Liverpool is a city which has, in many ways, undoubtedly and observably benefitted from Objective One EU funding to the extent that there is pretty much universal agreement that this has underpinned the city's recent renaissance. That said, outside the city centre persistent long term economic problems endure. This paper reviews the mixed experiences of Merseyside's Objective One 'Pathways to Inclusion' programme as an attempt to solve problems of concentrated deprivation, arguing that the success of conventional approaches has been mixed. Brexit provides an opportunity for a rupture with forms of local economic development that have been progressively neoliberalised through time. It argues for a focus on opportunities, not deficits and
While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the 'post-polit... more While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the 'post-political' critique dismisses climate policy as a vacuous discourse that obscures power relations and exclusion, defends the established neoliberal order, and silences challenges. This paper argues that rather than consensus, there is a conflict between urban climate policy and the need to reignite economic growth in the context of austerity urbanism, but also that we should not assume that challenges to neoliberal understandings of the 'sensible' will always be disregarded. Rather, urban climate policy can be progressed through partnership processes utilising 'co-production' techniques which entail significant agonistic, if not antagonistic, contestation. The argument is illustrated with a case study of climate policy making in the context of austerity urbanism in Liverpool, UK. While 'low carbon' is conceptualised by elite actors in Liverpool in neoliberal terms as a source of new low carbon jobs and businesses, with an emphasis on energy security and fuel poverty, this view is not unchallenged. The paper recounts how an ad hoc group of actors in the city came together to form a partnership advocating for more strategic decarbonisation, which should be progressed through a bid for the city to be European Green Capital. The disputes that emerged around this agenda suggest that in the context of austerity urbanism the need for cities to act to mitigate against dangerous climate change is not as uncontested as conceptions of the post-political suggest.
The economic crisis that broke out in 2007–2008 and the ongoing crisis in the Eurozone has given ... more The economic crisis that broke out in 2007–2008 and the ongoing crisis in the Eurozone has given a new urgency to discussions about alternatives to capitalism, and a new salience to proposals for monetary reform and for grassroots economic alternatives. Using Marx and Engel's concept of Utopianism as an analytical tool to distinguish between what is the work of 'cranks', and what of 'brave heretics', the paper examines four monetary responses to the crisis: (1) Positive Money's call for a state monopoly on money issuance; (2) the reintroduction of national currencies, in particular the drachma; (3) proposals for state-issued parallel currencies; and (4) grassroots or subaltern money networks of various types. The paper argues that the dominance of neoliberal ideology at a European Union level means that proposals for monetary reform at the international and national level are unlikely to be taken seriously by elites and consequently seem utopian in Marxian terms. There seems to be little political will to engage with the complexities of and potential opportunities of a more diverse monetary architecture within the Eurozone, and a perceived need to 'discipline' potentially 'irresponsible' governments like Greece's SYRIZA, although 'responsible' actors in the north of the Eurozone get more leeway. The potential of grassroots alternatives is also too often overstated. While alternative currency networks developed as part of the Greek crisis are not particularly well developed, alternative currency networks could work as sites of innovation, normal-ising the idea that there are progressive alternatives to Eurozone breakup.
This policy brief summarises the findings of the Low Carbon Liverpool Project examining how Liver... more This policy brief summarises the findings of the Low Carbon Liverpool Project examining how Liverpool can sustain its prosperity while making its contribution to avoiding dangerous climate change
This policy brief looks at how social enterprise on Merseyside can engage with Low Carbon agendas... more This policy brief looks at how social enterprise on Merseyside can engage with Low Carbon agendas to ensure that low carbon opportunities can be equally accessed.
• Now Liverpool has re-branded itself, how can its economic development agencies effectively faci... more • Now Liverpool has re-branded itself, how can its economic development agencies effectively facilitate the transition to a low carbon economy? • Does the city have the right policies to combine a healthy, vibrant and socially inclusive local economy with what we need to do to avoid dangerous climate change in the future? • Specifically, what does this mean for the support of new and existing businesses and social enterprises? How can we ensure that socially excluded communities can benefit from low carbon opportunities? This brief focuses on support for businesses. Key recommendations 1. Levels of support for businesses engaging in low carbon issues on Merseyside reflect international best practice well, but support is inconsistent and often confusing. 2. Business people act on low carbon from a range of motivations, not just economic rationality. 3. Marketing strategies based on information deficit models rarely work. Low carbon support could reflect more widely the full range of motivations business people have. 4. There is a danger of good practice being lost in the current funding crisis. If so, business leadership will be crucial in driving low carbon forward. Businesspeople value 'war stories', and practical advice provided by another businessperson who has 'done it'. This is not public funding dependent.
• Now Liverpool has re-branded itself, how can its economic development agencies effectively faci... more • Now Liverpool has re-branded itself, how can its economic development agencies effectively facilitate the transition to a low carbon economy? • Does the city have the right policies to combine a healthy, vibrant and socially inclusive local economy with what we need to do to avoid dangerous climate change in the future? Key recommendations 1. Successful cities are those that combine a clear, locally-owned and widely accepted vision with strong and focussed leadership and a culture of partnership working at the strategic level. Liverpool achieved
Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 2017
While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the ‘post-polit... more While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the ‘post-political’ critique dismisses climate policy as a vacuous discourse that obscures power relations and exclusion, defends the established neoliberal order, and silences challenges. This paper argues that rather than consensus, there is a conflict between urban climate policy and the need to reignite economic growth in the context of austerity urbanism, but also that we should not assume that challenges to neoliberal understandings of the ‘sensible’ will always be disregarded. Rather, urban climate policy can be progressed through partnership processes utilising ‘co-production’ techniques which entail significant agonistic, if not antagonistic, contestation. The argument is illustrated with a case study of climate policy making in the context of austerity urbanism in Liverpool, UK. While ‘low carbon’ is conceptualised by elite actors in Liverpool in neoliberal terms as a source of new low carbo...
Since 1980 the dominance of elected municipal government in Britain has given way to a broader lo... more Since 1980 the dominance of elected municipal government in Britain has given way to a broader local governance. While the precise configuration of this change has been debated in detail, approaches to the processes of restructuring and the operation and relative efficacy of new arrangements remain empirically limited and theoretically underdeveloped. We explore the usefulness of a range of contemporary theoretical accounts including regulationist approaches in responding to these lacunae. In developing our analysis we argue first that explaining the restructuring of local governance requires (amongst a range of developments) further theoretical and empirical work on local business interest representation; and, secondly, that attempts to move beyond partial evaluations of the new local governance must be predicated upon appropriate and rigorous theoretical foundations.
In this paper, we suggest that not enough attention is being paid to the place of political conte... more In this paper, we suggest that not enough attention is being paid to the place of political contestation and antagonism in terms of how SDGs are being rolled out as part of a broader consensual, liberal geo-politics under conditions of contemporary neoliberal capitalism. In particular, we argue for more consideration of the significance of the SSE as way to achieve the SDGs through responding to a broader crisis of social reproduction and work where millions of people cannot live with dignity, and looming climate crisis is not addressed. We want to foreground that the SSE is offering novel and tangible alternative forms of social production, useful work and means of the social reproduction of life beyond the current capitalist crisis that are being developed from the grassroots up, and which represent a challenge to conceptions of the SDGs as a policy prescription or mobilising utopia within an overall framework of neoliberal globalism. Consequently, we argue for policy in support of the SSEs that facilitates, rather than tames, these radical grassroots critiques and for the development of an autonomous, meso-civil society SSE sector
This article discusses left-wing thought in today's Poland as a case study of resistance to right... more This article discusses left-wing thought in today's Poland as a case study of resistance to right-wing populism in east central Europe (CEE). In contrast with deeply pessimistic, structural 'Gramscian' analyses of a neoliberalised, formerly backward, peripheral, 'eastern' Poland re-joining the 'west' before turning to right-wing populism, the article argues that as much attention should be paid to its left-wing opponents as to neoliberalism and populism themselves. The article acknowledges that given the pathologies of what was called 'actually existing socialism' in Poland, historical and contemporary discourses are utilised to attempt to aggressively delegitimise what are pejoratively called lewacy-'lefties'-in contemporary Poland with the result that the left's successes in conventional electoral terms is limited. But that is not the whole story. What is more interesting is to explore how contemporary lay anticommunism shapes the conditions of, rather than determines, the fundamental limits of progressive imaginations for today's Poland. Given the context in which Polish leftists operate, what do they argue for in order to counter and ameliorate aggressive discourses? The article argues that the Polish left counters right-wing populism by (1) drawing inspiration from social democracy, welfare states and past histories of Polish thought on cooperation and self-management; (2) by linking with and building from vibrant movements opposing populism's reactionary cultural stances, and (3) by taking opportunities afforded by Poland's electoral system. The article concludes that to move forward it might be more fruitful to explore less state-focused, less paranoid, non-capitalocentric conceptualisations of oppositions to right-wing populism in CEE.
Liverpool is a city which has, in many ways, undoubtedly and observably benefitted from Objective... more Liverpool is a city which has, in many ways, undoubtedly and observably benefitted from Objective One EU funding to the extent that there is pretty much universal agreement that this has underpinned the city's recent renaissance. That said, outside the city centre persistent long term economic problems endure. This paper reviews the mixed experiences of Merseyside's Objective One 'Pathways to Inclusion' programme as an attempt to solve problems of concentrated deprivation, arguing that the success of conventional approaches has been mixed. Brexit provides an opportunity for a rupture with forms of local economic development that have been progressively neoliberalised through time. It argues for a focus on opportunities, not deficits and
While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the 'post-polit... more While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the 'post-political' critique dismisses climate policy as a vacuous discourse that obscures power relations and exclusion, defends the established neoliberal order, and silences challenges. This paper argues that rather than consensus, there is a conflict between urban climate policy and the need to reignite economic growth in the context of austerity urbanism, but also that we should not assume that challenges to neoliberal understandings of the 'sensible' will always be disregarded. Rather, urban climate policy can be progressed through partnership processes utilising 'co-production' techniques which entail significant agonistic, if not antagonistic, contestation. The argument is illustrated with a case study of climate policy making in the context of austerity urbanism in Liverpool, UK. While 'low carbon' is conceptualised by elite actors in Liverpool in neoliberal terms as a source of new low carbon jobs and businesses, with an emphasis on energy security and fuel poverty, this view is not unchallenged. The paper recounts how an ad hoc group of actors in the city came together to form a partnership advocating for more strategic decarbonisation, which should be progressed through a bid for the city to be European Green Capital. The disputes that emerged around this agenda suggest that in the context of austerity urbanism the need for cities to act to mitigate against dangerous climate change is not as uncontested as conceptions of the post-political suggest.
The economic crisis that broke out in 2007–2008 and the ongoing crisis in the Eurozone has given ... more The economic crisis that broke out in 2007–2008 and the ongoing crisis in the Eurozone has given a new urgency to discussions about alternatives to capitalism, and a new salience to proposals for monetary reform and for grassroots economic alternatives. Using Marx and Engel's concept of Utopianism as an analytical tool to distinguish between what is the work of 'cranks', and what of 'brave heretics', the paper examines four monetary responses to the crisis: (1) Positive Money's call for a state monopoly on money issuance; (2) the reintroduction of national currencies, in particular the drachma; (3) proposals for state-issued parallel currencies; and (4) grassroots or subaltern money networks of various types. The paper argues that the dominance of neoliberal ideology at a European Union level means that proposals for monetary reform at the international and national level are unlikely to be taken seriously by elites and consequently seem utopian in Marxian terms. There seems to be little political will to engage with the complexities of and potential opportunities of a more diverse monetary architecture within the Eurozone, and a perceived need to 'discipline' potentially 'irresponsible' governments like Greece's SYRIZA, although 'responsible' actors in the north of the Eurozone get more leeway. The potential of grassroots alternatives is also too often overstated. While alternative currency networks developed as part of the Greek crisis are not particularly well developed, alternative currency networks could work as sites of innovation, normal-ising the idea that there are progressive alternatives to Eurozone breakup.
This article discusses left-wing thought in today's Poland as a case study of resistance to right... more This article discusses left-wing thought in today's Poland as a case study of resistance to right-wing populism in east central Europe (CEE). In contrast with deeply pessimistic, structural 'Gramscian' analyses of a neoliberalised, formerly backward, peripheral, 'eastern' Poland re-joining the 'west' before turning to right-wing populism, the article argues that as much attention should be paid to its left-wing opponents as to neoliberalism and populism themselves. The article acknowledges that given the pathologies of what was called 'actually existing socialism' in Poland, historical and contemporary discourses are utilised to attempt to aggressively delegitimise what are pejoratively called lewacy-'lefties'-in contemporary Poland with the result that the left's successes in conventional electoral terms is limited. But that is not the whole story. What is more interesting is to explore how contemporary lay anticommunism shapes the conditions of, rather than determines, the fundamental limits of progressive imaginations for today's Poland. Given the context in which Polish leftists operate, what do they argue for in order to counter and ameliorate aggressive discourses? The article argues that the Polish left counters right-wing populism by (1) drawing inspiration from social democracy, welfare states and past histories of Polish thought on cooperation and self-management; (2) by linking with and building from vibrant movements opposing populism's reactionary cultural stances, and (3) by taking opportunities afforded by Poland's electoral system. The article concludes that to move forward it might be more fruitful to explore less state-focused, less paranoid, non-capitalocentric conceptualisations of oppositions to right-wing populism in CEE.
This paper builds on engagements in community economies thinking with the social and solidarity e... more This paper builds on engagements in community economies thinking with the social and solidarity economy (SSE) by advancing a fourfold conceptualisation of the sector which draws distinctions between (1) social enterprise and social entrepreneurialism which uses 'business skills' to do 'good'; (2) the social economy which aims to include those 'left out' or 'behind' in otherwise capitalist economies-both of which have tendencies to advance processes of neoliberalisation-;(3) the solidarity, community or diverse economy, focusing on ethical conversations how we can live with others with dignity in the Anthropocene; and (4) a novel conceptualisations of what we call the antagonistic economy, challenging (particularly Anglo-Saxon) neoliberalism's malignant effects. We advance the argument through a discussion of Polanyi's three fictitious factors of capital: labour (recovered factories), finance (alternative currencies) and land (community land trusts). This matters as there is currently little clarity over how far the SSE represents, variously, a variety of capitalism, a manifestation of actually-existing diverse forms of market activity, or a challenge to and transformation of capitalism. We argue that we need a greater understanding of the latter, and in particular of when we can and cannot have inclusive ethical conversations about how our interconnectedness; when someone is 'outside' these conversations; and when this is either dangerously prescriptive strategy or a positive mobilising discourse providing more motive power for the task of building better worlds.
While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the ‘post polit... more While the urban is identified as a productive site for addressing climate change, the ‘post political’ critique dismisses climate policy as vacuous discourse about the necessity to avoid catastrophe that obscures power relations and exclusion, and silences challenges. This paper argues that the construction of climate policy in conflict with other drivers is more contested than this perspective recognises, and illustrates this with a case study of climate policy making in Liverpool, UK. It shows why some cities struggle to become the ‘greenest cities’.
United Nations, Interagency Task Force, Knowledge Hub, 2019
Paper prepared for the United Nations Inter-Agency Task Force on the Social and Solidarity Econom... more Paper prepared for the United Nations Inter-Agency Task Force on the Social and Solidarity Economy (UNTFSSE) Call for Papers 2018 - Implementing the Sustainable Development Goals: What Role for Social and Solidarity Economy?
AUTHORS: Paul CHATTERTON - Ana Cecilia DINERSTEIN - Peter NORTH - F. Harry PITTS
In this paper, we suggest that not enough attention is being paid to the place of political contestation and antagonism in terms of how SDGs are being rolled out as part of a broader consensual, liberal geo-politics under conditions of contemporary neoliberal capitalism. In particular, we argue for more consideration of the significance of the SSE as way to achieve the SDGs through responding to a broader crisis of social reproduction and work where millions of people cannot live with dignity, and looming climate crisis is not addressed. We want to foreground that the SSE is offering novel and tangible alternative forms of social production, useful work and means of the social reproduction of life beyond the current capitalist crisis that are being developed from the grassroots up, and which represent a challenge to conceptions of the SDGs as a policy prescription or mobilising utopia within an overall framework of neoliberal globalism. Consequently, we argue for policy in support of the SSEs that facilitates, rather than tames, these radical grassroots critiques and for the development of an autonomous, meso-civil society SSE sector.
Paper prepared for the United Nations Inter-Agency Task Force on the Social and Solidarity Economy (UNTFSSE) Call for Papers 2018
Implementing the Sustainable Development Goals: What Role for Social and Solidarity Economy?
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Papers by Peter North
AUTHORS: Paul CHATTERTON - Ana Cecilia DINERSTEIN - Peter NORTH - F. Harry PITTS
In this paper, we suggest that not enough attention is being paid to the place of political contestation and antagonism in terms of how SDGs are being rolled out as part of a broader consensual, liberal geo-politics under conditions of contemporary neoliberal capitalism. In particular, we argue for more consideration of the significance of the SSE as way to achieve the SDGs through responding to a broader crisis of social reproduction and work where millions of people cannot live with dignity, and looming climate crisis is not addressed. We want to foreground that the SSE is offering novel and tangible alternative forms of social production, useful work and means of the social reproduction of life beyond the current capitalist crisis that are being developed from the grassroots up, and which represent a challenge to conceptions of the SDGs as a policy prescription or mobilising utopia within an overall framework of neoliberal globalism. Consequently, we argue for policy in support of the SSEs that facilitates, rather than tames, these radical grassroots critiques and for the development of an autonomous, meso-civil society SSE sector.
Paper prepared for the United Nations Inter-Agency Task Force on the Social and Solidarity Economy (UNTFSSE) Call for Papers 2018
Implementing the Sustainable Development Goals: What Role for Social and Solidarity Economy?