Lecturer in International Relations and Politics at Liverpool John Moores University. Research interests in Minority nationalisms, federalism, devolution, territorial autonomy/politics, secession, political parties, British/Scottish and Spanish/Catalan politics. Address: School of Law, Policing and Social Sciences North Holmes Road Canterbury CT1 1QU
In 2017, Canada celebrated the 150th anniversary of the establishment of the Canadian Confederati... more In 2017, Canada celebrated the 150th anniversary of the establishment of the Canadian Confederation. This sesquicentennial anniversary was marked by a variety of celebrations the length and breadth of the country, from New Brunswick to Nova Scotia, Ontario to Quebec. Prime Minister Trudeau heralded the 150th anniversary as a time for celebration, jubilation and, more sombrely, introspection. Since his emphatic win in 2015, a celebration of Canada’s diversity has been an integral component to Trudeau’s vision of Canada, illuminated by his choice of ministerial team in 2015, which included equal numbers of men and women, two aboriginal politicians and three Sikh MPs. As well as championing Canada’s diversity, the prime minister has also sought to strike a more conciliatory tone with the First Nations and indigenous peoples. The discourse of ‘reconciliatory federalism’ remained a central component of his speeches to mark the 150th anniversary, but hitherto remains limited in its translation into political practice
This article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 ... more This article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 Scottish Parliament election. The Scottish National Party (SNP) secured its third electoral victory, yet failed to achieve a widely predicted majority. With just two MSPs short of a majority, the SNP has ruled out any formal coalition with the opposition and will instead govern as a minority administration. The composition of the parliament’s opposition also changed significantly. The Scottish Conservatives increased their share of the constituency and regional votes, and became, for the first time, the largest opposition party in the chamber. Scottish Labour suffered a severe electoral drubbing, losing 13 of its seats. The election was also important for the Scottish Liberal Democrats and Scottish Green Party. The latter increased its vote share and number of seats, leapfrogging the Lib Dems to become the fourth largest party in the chamber.
This article compares the secessionist movements in Scotland and Catalonia and evaluates the mino... more This article compares the secessionist movements in Scotland and Catalonia and evaluates the minority nationalist discourse by focusing on the role of the European Union (EU) in the quest for independence of Scottish and Catalan nationalists. Both separatist movements champion territorial independence from their host states, but favour continued membership of the EU. Given the paradoxical nature of this stance, leaving one union to continue in another, we examine the role the EU plays in the discourse used by the secessionist movements. In order to do so, we carried out a coding exercise, comparing the White Papers produced by the Scottish and Catalan pro-secessionist governments. What we find is that the EU plays a pivotal role in secessionist debates, construed as a Union which affords numerous benefits to smaller countries, as well as providing a framework which not only helps dissipate the negative perceptions of ‘going it alone’, but may even facilitate independence.
This article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 ... more This article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 Scottish Parliament election. The Scottish National Party (SNP) secured its third electoral victory, yet failed to achieve a widely predicted majority. With just 2 MSPs short of a majority, the SNP has ruled out any formal coalition with the opposition and will instead govern as a minority administration. The composition of the parliament’s opposition also significantly changed. The Scottish Conservatives increased their share of the constituency and regional votes, and became, for the first time, the largest opposition party in the chamber. Scottish Labour suffered a severe electoral drubbing, losing 13 of its seats. The election was also important for the Scottish Liberal Democrats and Scottish Green Party. The latter increased its vote share and number of seats, leapfrogging the LibDems to become the fourth largest party in the chamber.
Constitutional Politics in Multinational Democracies, 2021
This chapter proceeds as follows. In the first part, we discuss to what extent federalism can ser... more This chapter proceeds as follows. In the first part, we discuss to what extent federalism can serve as a tool of peace-building and conflict resolution in societies recovering from (violent) conflict. Federalism and other power-sharing mechanisms have been increasingly used in the post-Cold War era in order to stabilize political systems, prevent further conflict and lay the foundation of a basic democratic system of governance (Noel 2005). In Bosnia, both federalism and consociationalism were used to bring an end to the conflict between Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats. Yet, as our discussion will highlight, important questions remain regarding this approach.
In the second part of the chapter, we discuss the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina in more detail. We elaborate on the provisions of the GFAP and how the agreement and its provisions have become a major point of contention among the different groups in post-war Bosnia. We argue that all three major groups in Bosnia have a ‘minority complex’ and that this complex drives their policy proposals and constitutional visions. In the concluding section, we highlight what Bosnia can teach us about other post-war countries and how federalism and power-sharing can be used to facilitate conflict resolution and democratization.
Power-Sharing in Europe: Past Practice, Present Cases and Future Directions, 2020
This chapter examines the prospects of a consociational compromise in Spain and Catalonia as a re... more This chapter examines the prospects of a consociational compromise in Spain and Catalonia as a response to the protracted constitutional stalemate between the two governments. While Spain's transition to democracy in the late 1970s had a clear consociational tinge, it has since evolved toward the entrenchment of a majoritarian and mononational interpretation of the state, hostile to its plurinational reality and to minority nationalist aspirations in territories like Catalonia. Hitherto, no institutional resolution has been found to satisfy the demands of both sides. This chapter argues that consociational philosophy has much to offer to Spain and Catalonia. While a more consensual approach to politics is crucial to thawing the frosty relations between the pro-and anti-independence sides, the development of a fully-fledged consociational system has yet to gain much traction.
This chapter examines the increasing use of decentralisation as a tool of conflict resolution. St... more This chapter examines the increasing use of decentralisation as a tool of conflict resolution. Starting from the point that there has been an increase of intra-state conflicts in the post-Cold War era, it highlights how different forms of decentralisation have been used in order to bring warring parties together, provide autonomy for certain groups, and ensure a fair distribution of resources. While the logic behind using decentralisation as a conflict resolution tool might seem obvious, it is not without its challenges. In particular, evidence from numerous case studies suggests that decentralisation mainly works if connected to other forms of power-sharing such as grand coalitions and minority veto rights. In addition, decentralisation might lay the foundation for further calls for autonomy and ultimately might lead some groups to declare independence and secede. Yet, the chapter points out that often there are no viable alternatives to decentralisation in violent intra-state conflict, and that further research is required, in order to understand under which circumstances decentralisation works as a tool of conflict resolution and which preconditions and additional institutional features are required in order to make it work.
The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview
of the constitutional debate in the UK vis-à-... more The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the constitutional debate in the UK vis-à-vis Scotland and the future of the UK union. We take stock of this debate in the post-referendum period, and look at what next for Scotland in the light of the Scottish government’s push for a second independence referendum.
Federalism has become increasingly used as a tool of conflict resolution in the post-Cold War era... more Federalism has become increasingly used as a tool of conflict resolution in the post-Cold War era. This contribution discusses the rationale in using federalism as a tool of peace-building, conflict resolution and democratisation in deeply divided, ethnically heterogeneous and post-conflict societies. In doing so, it is highlighted how federalism can serve as an acceptable and viable solution for different ethnic groups because of its emphasis on autonomy and territorial integrity. The contribution also demonstrates that federalism is not able to solve all problems in ethnically heterogeneous societies and that further research is needed in order to understand the conditions in which federalism can be used to end conflict and bring peace and democracy to divided countries.
Paper presented at the Workshop 'Transforming Politics in Spain: Local, Regional and State-wide P... more Paper presented at the Workshop 'Transforming Politics in Spain: Local, Regional and State-wide Perspectives'
Book Review to be published online in Political Studies at Wiley Online Library
Note: Not the fi... more Book Review to be published online in Political Studies at Wiley Online Library Note: Not the final version
The independence referendum in Catalonia continues to dominate global headlines, but the region i... more The independence referendum in Catalonia continues to dominate global headlines, but the region is far from the only one in Europe considering secession. Is this movement a trend or a fluke? Paul Anderson of Canterbury Christ Church University takes a look at just how different independence movements can be.
Paul Anderson asks what next for Catalonia, Spain and the EU following this weekend’s events in t... more Paul Anderson asks what next for Catalonia, Spain and the EU following this weekend’s events in the Spanish region?
A referendum on Catalan independence is set to take place on 1 October. Paul Anderson traces the ... more A referendum on Catalan independence is set to take place on 1 October. Paul Anderson traces the change in tack in Catalonia, where polls have started to record a sharp upturn in favour of independence over the past seven years, bolstered by the Rajoy government's refusal to engage in dialogue. A 'Yes' vote is unlikely, but not impossible: it would not be accepted by Madrid, and the EU would come to play an important role.
In 2017, Canada celebrated the 150th anniversary of the establishment of the Canadian Confederati... more In 2017, Canada celebrated the 150th anniversary of the establishment of the Canadian Confederation. This sesquicentennial anniversary was marked by a variety of celebrations the length and breadth of the country, from New Brunswick to Nova Scotia, Ontario to Quebec. Prime Minister Trudeau heralded the 150th anniversary as a time for celebration, jubilation and, more sombrely, introspection. Since his emphatic win in 2015, a celebration of Canada’s diversity has been an integral component to Trudeau’s vision of Canada, illuminated by his choice of ministerial team in 2015, which included equal numbers of men and women, two aboriginal politicians and three Sikh MPs. As well as championing Canada’s diversity, the prime minister has also sought to strike a more conciliatory tone with the First Nations and indigenous peoples. The discourse of ‘reconciliatory federalism’ remained a central component of his speeches to mark the 150th anniversary, but hitherto remains limited in its translation into political practice
This article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 ... more This article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 Scottish Parliament election. The Scottish National Party (SNP) secured its third electoral victory, yet failed to achieve a widely predicted majority. With just two MSPs short of a majority, the SNP has ruled out any formal coalition with the opposition and will instead govern as a minority administration. The composition of the parliament’s opposition also changed significantly. The Scottish Conservatives increased their share of the constituency and regional votes, and became, for the first time, the largest opposition party in the chamber. Scottish Labour suffered a severe electoral drubbing, losing 13 of its seats. The election was also important for the Scottish Liberal Democrats and Scottish Green Party. The latter increased its vote share and number of seats, leapfrogging the Lib Dems to become the fourth largest party in the chamber.
This article compares the secessionist movements in Scotland and Catalonia and evaluates the mino... more This article compares the secessionist movements in Scotland and Catalonia and evaluates the minority nationalist discourse by focusing on the role of the European Union (EU) in the quest for independence of Scottish and Catalan nationalists. Both separatist movements champion territorial independence from their host states, but favour continued membership of the EU. Given the paradoxical nature of this stance, leaving one union to continue in another, we examine the role the EU plays in the discourse used by the secessionist movements. In order to do so, we carried out a coding exercise, comparing the White Papers produced by the Scottish and Catalan pro-secessionist governments. What we find is that the EU plays a pivotal role in secessionist debates, construed as a Union which affords numerous benefits to smaller countries, as well as providing a framework which not only helps dissipate the negative perceptions of ‘going it alone’, but may even facilitate independence.
This article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 ... more This article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 Scottish Parliament election. The Scottish National Party (SNP) secured its third electoral victory, yet failed to achieve a widely predicted majority. With just 2 MSPs short of a majority, the SNP has ruled out any formal coalition with the opposition and will instead govern as a minority administration. The composition of the parliament’s opposition also significantly changed. The Scottish Conservatives increased their share of the constituency and regional votes, and became, for the first time, the largest opposition party in the chamber. Scottish Labour suffered a severe electoral drubbing, losing 13 of its seats. The election was also important for the Scottish Liberal Democrats and Scottish Green Party. The latter increased its vote share and number of seats, leapfrogging the LibDems to become the fourth largest party in the chamber.
Constitutional Politics in Multinational Democracies, 2021
This chapter proceeds as follows. In the first part, we discuss to what extent federalism can ser... more This chapter proceeds as follows. In the first part, we discuss to what extent federalism can serve as a tool of peace-building and conflict resolution in societies recovering from (violent) conflict. Federalism and other power-sharing mechanisms have been increasingly used in the post-Cold War era in order to stabilize political systems, prevent further conflict and lay the foundation of a basic democratic system of governance (Noel 2005). In Bosnia, both federalism and consociationalism were used to bring an end to the conflict between Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats. Yet, as our discussion will highlight, important questions remain regarding this approach.
In the second part of the chapter, we discuss the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina in more detail. We elaborate on the provisions of the GFAP and how the agreement and its provisions have become a major point of contention among the different groups in post-war Bosnia. We argue that all three major groups in Bosnia have a ‘minority complex’ and that this complex drives their policy proposals and constitutional visions. In the concluding section, we highlight what Bosnia can teach us about other post-war countries and how federalism and power-sharing can be used to facilitate conflict resolution and democratization.
Power-Sharing in Europe: Past Practice, Present Cases and Future Directions, 2020
This chapter examines the prospects of a consociational compromise in Spain and Catalonia as a re... more This chapter examines the prospects of a consociational compromise in Spain and Catalonia as a response to the protracted constitutional stalemate between the two governments. While Spain's transition to democracy in the late 1970s had a clear consociational tinge, it has since evolved toward the entrenchment of a majoritarian and mononational interpretation of the state, hostile to its plurinational reality and to minority nationalist aspirations in territories like Catalonia. Hitherto, no institutional resolution has been found to satisfy the demands of both sides. This chapter argues that consociational philosophy has much to offer to Spain and Catalonia. While a more consensual approach to politics is crucial to thawing the frosty relations between the pro-and anti-independence sides, the development of a fully-fledged consociational system has yet to gain much traction.
This chapter examines the increasing use of decentralisation as a tool of conflict resolution. St... more This chapter examines the increasing use of decentralisation as a tool of conflict resolution. Starting from the point that there has been an increase of intra-state conflicts in the post-Cold War era, it highlights how different forms of decentralisation have been used in order to bring warring parties together, provide autonomy for certain groups, and ensure a fair distribution of resources. While the logic behind using decentralisation as a conflict resolution tool might seem obvious, it is not without its challenges. In particular, evidence from numerous case studies suggests that decentralisation mainly works if connected to other forms of power-sharing such as grand coalitions and minority veto rights. In addition, decentralisation might lay the foundation for further calls for autonomy and ultimately might lead some groups to declare independence and secede. Yet, the chapter points out that often there are no viable alternatives to decentralisation in violent intra-state conflict, and that further research is required, in order to understand under which circumstances decentralisation works as a tool of conflict resolution and which preconditions and additional institutional features are required in order to make it work.
The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview
of the constitutional debate in the UK vis-à-... more The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the constitutional debate in the UK vis-à-vis Scotland and the future of the UK union. We take stock of this debate in the post-referendum period, and look at what next for Scotland in the light of the Scottish government’s push for a second independence referendum.
Federalism has become increasingly used as a tool of conflict resolution in the post-Cold War era... more Federalism has become increasingly used as a tool of conflict resolution in the post-Cold War era. This contribution discusses the rationale in using federalism as a tool of peace-building, conflict resolution and democratisation in deeply divided, ethnically heterogeneous and post-conflict societies. In doing so, it is highlighted how federalism can serve as an acceptable and viable solution for different ethnic groups because of its emphasis on autonomy and territorial integrity. The contribution also demonstrates that federalism is not able to solve all problems in ethnically heterogeneous societies and that further research is needed in order to understand the conditions in which federalism can be used to end conflict and bring peace and democracy to divided countries.
Paper presented at the Workshop 'Transforming Politics in Spain: Local, Regional and State-wide P... more Paper presented at the Workshop 'Transforming Politics in Spain: Local, Regional and State-wide Perspectives'
Book Review to be published online in Political Studies at Wiley Online Library
Note: Not the fi... more Book Review to be published online in Political Studies at Wiley Online Library Note: Not the final version
The independence referendum in Catalonia continues to dominate global headlines, but the region i... more The independence referendum in Catalonia continues to dominate global headlines, but the region is far from the only one in Europe considering secession. Is this movement a trend or a fluke? Paul Anderson of Canterbury Christ Church University takes a look at just how different independence movements can be.
Paul Anderson asks what next for Catalonia, Spain and the EU following this weekend’s events in t... more Paul Anderson asks what next for Catalonia, Spain and the EU following this weekend’s events in the Spanish region?
A referendum on Catalan independence is set to take place on 1 October. Paul Anderson traces the ... more A referendum on Catalan independence is set to take place on 1 October. Paul Anderson traces the change in tack in Catalonia, where polls have started to record a sharp upturn in favour of independence over the past seven years, bolstered by the Rajoy government's refusal to engage in dialogue. A 'Yes' vote is unlikely, but not impossible: it would not be accepted by Madrid, and the EU would come to play an important role.
The wait is finally over. The Supreme Court has ruled on 24 January 2017 that 'by a majority of e... more The wait is finally over. The Supreme Court has ruled on 24 January 2017 that 'by a majority of eight to three … [the] government cannot trigger Article 50 without an Act of Parliament to do so'. Theresa May and 'Team Brexit' have expressed their dismay and disappointment in the decision. Despite much of the hype surrounding the legal implications of the decision (the judges of the High Court were labelled as 'enemies of the people'), one thing remains certain, the UK will withdraw from the European Union. What is not clear, however, is whether the Supreme Court's decision will delay the triggering of Article 50 or how much opposition will ensue in the immanent debates in Westminster. The decision indisputably has significant legal ramifications, but the effect of the decision on the UK's constitutional edifice cannot be understated. As well as ruling that Article 50 must be triggered by an Act of Parliament, the Supreme Court also dismissed the need for the British Government to seek the legal consent of the devolved legislatures. This is, of course, much to the chagrin of the Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish governments and will no doubt further strain the tenuous relationships between the British government and its devolved counterparts. The Brexit debate has firmly moved from the legal arena to the political realm. Although the Westminster Parliament is no longer alone in her own State, she remains the most powerful legislature on the British Isles. Despite the rolling programme of devolution in the late 1990s, the Westminster Parliament has not, in theory, relinquished any of its sovereign power. It has merely authorised the devolved legislatures to enact laws on a limited number of matters. As Enoch Powell infamously remarked, 'power devolved is power retained'. The establishment of the Sewel Convention, however, 'limits' the possibility of Westminster interference in devolved affairs. The convention states that the UK parliament will not normally legislate on devolved matters or indeed on matters which affect the legal powers of the devolved parliaments without the consent of the legislature involved. The decision to leave the EU would thus affect devolved matters in Scotland (agriculture and fisheries, for instance), thus, argues the Scottish Government, there is a requirement to consult the devolved nations on the terms of the Brexit negotiations. While the Supreme Court's decision rules out any legal obligation to consult the devolved legislatures on Brexit, the fact that the UK is a multinational state means that there is a political obligation to do so. Pursuing an agreed approach to the issue of Brexit, that is, one that has the support of the all devolved nations, is of crucial importance to impede the constitutional crises that look set to unfold should the British Government impose a Brexit strategy on the devolved administrations. This would be an unequivocally irresponsible and reckless move that could potentially embolden the claims of separatists in both Scotland and Northern Ireland.
Scotland's First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, has indicated that she may call a second independence... more Scotland's First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, has indicated that she may call a second independence referendum if the UK government pursues a 'hard' Brexit. Paul Anderson writes on the options for Scotland, and the role Spain could play as it seeks to deal with its own secession issue in Catalonia. He states that it is unlikely a special deal for Scotland will be possible during the Brexit negotiations, but that Theresa May would be wise to avoid making the same mistakes in dealing with Scotland that the Spanish government has made in Catalonia.
Scotland's First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, has indicated that she intends to do everything in he... more Scotland's First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, has indicated that she intends to do everything in her power to keep Scotland within the EU following the UK's decision to leave on 23 June. But how would other EU states react to the prospect of Scotland staying within the EU? Paul Anderson writes on the position of Spain, which is generally viewed as having a stake in blocking Scottish membership due to the existence of independence movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country. He suggests that it is unlikely Spain would block Scottish membership given the support for it in other EU countries, but that a Spanish veto cannot be ruled out.
A study of Scotland’s state-wide parties and the evolution of their territorial trajectories vis-... more A study of Scotland’s state-wide parties and the evolution of their territorial trajectories vis-à-vis the independence referendum.
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Both separatist movements champion territorial independence from their host states, but favour continued membership of the EU. Given the paradoxical nature of this stance, leaving one union to continue in another, we examine the role the EU plays in the discourse used by the secessionist movements. In order to do so, we carried out a coding exercise, comparing the White Papers produced by the Scottish and Catalan pro-secessionist governments. What we find is that the EU plays a pivotal role in secessionist debates, construed as a Union which affords numerous benefits to smaller countries, as well as providing a framework which not only helps dissipate the negative perceptions of ‘going it alone’, but may even facilitate independence.
In the second part of the chapter, we discuss the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina in more detail. We elaborate on the provisions of the GFAP and how the agreement and its provisions have become a major point of contention among the different groups in post-war Bosnia. We argue that all three major groups in Bosnia have a ‘minority complex’ and that this complex drives their policy proposals and constitutional visions. In the concluding section, we highlight what Bosnia can teach us about other post-war countries and how federalism and power-sharing can be used to facilitate conflict resolution and democratization.
While the logic behind using decentralisation as a conflict resolution tool might seem obvious, it is not without its challenges. In particular, evidence from numerous case studies suggests that decentralisation mainly works if connected to other forms of power-sharing such as grand coalitions and minority veto rights. In addition, decentralisation might lay the foundation for further calls for autonomy and ultimately might lead some groups to declare independence and secede.
Yet, the chapter points out that often there are no viable alternatives to decentralisation in violent intra-state conflict, and that further research is required, in order to understand under which circumstances decentralisation works as a tool of conflict resolution and which preconditions and additional institutional features are required in order to make it work.
of the constitutional debate in the UK vis-à-vis Scotland and the future of the UK union. We take stock of
this debate in the post-referendum period, and look
at what next for Scotland in the light of the Scottish
government’s push for a second independence
referendum.
Note: Not the final version
Both separatist movements champion territorial independence from their host states, but favour continued membership of the EU. Given the paradoxical nature of this stance, leaving one union to continue in another, we examine the role the EU plays in the discourse used by the secessionist movements. In order to do so, we carried out a coding exercise, comparing the White Papers produced by the Scottish and Catalan pro-secessionist governments. What we find is that the EU plays a pivotal role in secessionist debates, construed as a Union which affords numerous benefits to smaller countries, as well as providing a framework which not only helps dissipate the negative perceptions of ‘going it alone’, but may even facilitate independence.
In the second part of the chapter, we discuss the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina in more detail. We elaborate on the provisions of the GFAP and how the agreement and its provisions have become a major point of contention among the different groups in post-war Bosnia. We argue that all three major groups in Bosnia have a ‘minority complex’ and that this complex drives their policy proposals and constitutional visions. In the concluding section, we highlight what Bosnia can teach us about other post-war countries and how federalism and power-sharing can be used to facilitate conflict resolution and democratization.
While the logic behind using decentralisation as a conflict resolution tool might seem obvious, it is not without its challenges. In particular, evidence from numerous case studies suggests that decentralisation mainly works if connected to other forms of power-sharing such as grand coalitions and minority veto rights. In addition, decentralisation might lay the foundation for further calls for autonomy and ultimately might lead some groups to declare independence and secede.
Yet, the chapter points out that often there are no viable alternatives to decentralisation in violent intra-state conflict, and that further research is required, in order to understand under which circumstances decentralisation works as a tool of conflict resolution and which preconditions and additional institutional features are required in order to make it work.
of the constitutional debate in the UK vis-à-vis Scotland and the future of the UK union. We take stock of
this debate in the post-referendum period, and look
at what next for Scotland in the light of the Scottish
government’s push for a second independence
referendum.
Note: Not the final version