The variations of presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems of government represe... more The variations of presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems of government represent the main framework of analysis of this study. Extremely different factors of the political process and inter-institutional relations, which are the conditions for defining different systems of government, can be indicators for distinguishing typical and atypical systems of government. In this sense, the purpose of this article is to determine whether the peculiarities of the institution of the vote of no confidence in governments in several post-Soviet semi-presidential countries (Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia) can predetermine the atypicality of these systems of government. It is argued that the atypicality of the post-Soviet semi-presidentialism is often due to the fact that parliaments have the right to cast the votes of no confidence in governments, but the latter come in force only when they are supported by presidents, who may be empowered to c...
Осадчук І. Непрямі вибори президента як індикатор типовості чи атиповості президентських систем правління в Аргентині (1853–1994), Болівії (1985–1993) та Чилі (1925–1980). Регіональні студії. 2018. № 14. С. 43–47.
The political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government)... more The political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government) are presidential systems of government, which formally and/or actually differ from traditional or typical presidential systems of government. At the same time, extremely different factors of political process and inter-institutional relations, which are the conditions for defining and distinguishing between different types of systems of government, can be indicators for distinguishing typical and atypical presidential systems of government. In this cut, the purpose of the article is to determine whether the peculiarities of the institution of indirect presidential elections in Argentina (1853–1994), Bolivia (1985–1993) and Chile (1925–1980) can predetermine the typicality or atypicality of the presidential systems of government in these countries. This was done because of the fact that new institutionalism and its various types and paradigms were chosen as a theoretical and methodological basis of the proposed research. The researcher proceeds from the fact that indirect presidential elections peculiar to Argentina (1853–1994) and Chile (1925–1980). There was a tradition, according to which the Congress elected a candidate who received the largest number of votes in general election. Therefore, the author determined the presidential systems of government in Argentina (1853–1994) and Chile (1925–1980) as typical ones. In return, the atypicality of the presidential system of government in Bolivia (1985–1993) was due to the fact that presidents Victor Paz Estenssoro (in 1985) and Jaime Paz Zamora (in 1989) were finally elected in parliament. However, in the first round of elections, which took place on the basis of a popular vote, they respectively received the second and the third places. Consequently, the post-electoral pacts in 1985 and 1989 did not support a popular choice of presidents, but instead influenced the election of heads of state as candidates who satisfied the party/coalition interests. Key words: system of government, presidentialism, atypicality, indirect presidential elections, post-electoral pacts, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile.
Осадчук І. Атиповість президентської системи правління в Болівії (1985–1993). Вісник Львівського університету. Серія філософсько-політологічні студії. 2018. Вип. 20. С. 187–192.
The article is devoted to analyzing the modern method to the definition of systems of government ... more The article is devoted to analyzing the modern method to the definition of systems of government within the framework of a republican form of government. The author analyzed the peculiarities of functioning of the institute of indirect presidential elections in Bolivia (in 1985–1993). The author determined the presidential system of government in Bolivia (in 1985–1993) as atypical. Key words: system of government, presidentialism, atypicality, indirect presidential elections, post-electoral pacts, Bolivia.
Осадчук І. Прямі вибори прем’єр-міністра як індикатор атипової парламентської системи правління в Державі Ізраїль (1996–2003). Політичне життя. 2018. № 4. С. 37–43., 2018
Political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government) are... more Political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government) are parliamentary systems of government, which formally and/or actually differ from traditional or typical parliamentary systems of government. At the same time, extremely different factors of political process and inter-institutional relations, which are the conditions for defining different types of systems of government, can be indicators for distinguishing typical and atypical parliamentary systems of government. In this cut, the purpose of the article is to determine the factors and consequences of 1992 electoral reform and to find out whether the peculiarities of the institution of direct elections of prime minister can predetermine the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003. This purpose was solved in the situation when new institutionalism and its types/paradigms were chosen as a theoretical and methodological basis of the research. The author analyzed the peculiarities of 1992 electoral reform and found out that the main factors that had determined its necessity were the following prerequisites: the choice and composition of government were practically out of the attention of voters; popular disaffection with established parties started its rising and the overall perception of democracy started its tarnishing; new and splinter parties were encouraged to be formed thereby constantly increasing fragmentation and polarization of party system; small parties had disproportionate political power; multiparty governments made the process of decision-making more difficult (in particular, with veto power granted to most parties in the coalition on a variety of issues); government crises became more and more frequent immobilizing cabinets for long periods of time. The researcher also determined the consequences of 1992 electoral reform. According to Rae’s fractionalization index and the results of 1996 and 1999 elections, the fractionalization of party system increased. That is why a party or bloc that nominated a candidate for a prime minister received much lower support than a candidate himself. This meant that a significant part of electorate shared its choice on parliamentary elections and direct elections of prime minister, voting for a candidate for a prime minister from one party and given votes to Knesset for another party. Therefore, it is proved that the features of the institution of direct elections of prime minister predetermined the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003. Key words: system of government, parliamentarism, atypical parliamentarism, electoral reform, institution of the direct elections of the prime minister, fractionalization of the party system, State of Israel.
Осадчук І. Політичний режим у Туреччині (2014–2017): змагальний, гегемоністський чи закритий авторитаризм? Вісник Львівського університету. Серія філософсько-політологічні студії. 2018. Вип. 16. C. 180–188.
The article is devoted to analyzing basic approaches to the definition of authoritarianism. The a... more The article is devoted to analyzing basic approaches to the definition of authoritarianism. The author analyzed the peculiarities of functioning of the political regime in Turkey (in 2014–2017). The author determined the political regime in Turkey (in 2014–2017) as competitive authoritarianism. Key words: political regime, closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime, Turkey.
Осадчук І. Політичний режим у Німецькій імперії (1871–1890): модель змагального авторитаризму? Evropský politický a právní diskurz. 2018. Svazek 5. 1 vydání. S. 143–150., 2018
Concepts of closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, he... more Concepts of closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime are analysed. The institutional features of the political system of the German Empire in 1871–1890 are revealed. Specifics of the formation and functioning of the political parties of the German Empire in 1871–1890 is determined. The ideological positioning of political parties and the peculiarities of party relations with the Reich Chancellor O. von Bismarck are analyzed. The role of the press in the German Empire in 1871–1890 is determined. The specifics of such a phenomenon as «Kulturkampf» is determined. The factors and features of the Reich Chancellor O. von Bismarck’s social policy are revealed. The type of political regime in the German Empire in 1871–1890 is determined. Key words: political regime, Otto von Bismarck, Kulturkampf, closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime.
Осадчук І. Політичний режим Північної Кореї (1991–2016) : тоталітаризм чи посттоталітаризм? / Ігор Осадчук // Вісник Маріупольського державного університету. Серія : Історія. Політологія. – 2016. – Вип. 17. – С. 216–225.
The political system of North Korea (DPRK) remains one of the most closed political practices in ... more The political system of North Korea (DPRK) remains one of the most closed political practices in the world. In Ukrainian Political Science, DPRK’s political system, especially at the present stage of its development, is investigated insufficiently. The main question, which became the subject of scientific debate, is the following: «Is the current political regime of the DPRK totalitarianism?». The goal of the research is to analyse the functioning of the current political regime of North Korea (1991–2016) and to determine its type. North Korea’s ideology is not intellectually systematized today. The introduction of new ideological concepts in its politics, such as Songun («military-first» politics) and Kangsong Taeguk («Strong and Prosperous Nation» politics as a supposed leading strategy in strengthening North Korea’s economy and military), is best interpreted as a new emphasis on the military-oriented segment of Juche. The myth of the «continental imperialism» is not typical for the country (it is only typical the «imperialism among Koreans»). In the 1990’s, there was a significant shift of the centre position of the Worker’s Party of North Korea to the army, though a monolithic power centre has remained. The military should be given priority in politics and resource allocation. Bribes became an institutionalized tool for gaining travel permits for both domestic and cross-border travels. The breakdown of police control through bribery had effectively damaged the function of the North Korean’s system of control. Moreover, all the tools the state had earlier used to ensure control have eroded. Police control and terror are not «comprehensive», but their role in the DPRK’s political system is significant. The economic crisis and the regime’s subsequent inability to finance its institutions had eroded the monopoly of mass communication. The breakdown of the state economy gave rise private and unofficial economy. Therefore, the current political regime of North Korea is determined as post-totalitarianism. Post-totalitarianism suggests a state of structural totalitarianism, but with a weakened central power that allows other groups of interests, i.e. relating to class, regions, economical or other bureaucratic spheres, to take root and affect politics. Post-totalitarianism involves a sort of pluralism that does not exist in the totalitarian society. In this political system, ideology turns into a mere instrument for those in power and is adapted to other forces than of purely regime’s political goals.
Осадчук І. «Партії влади» та правлячі партії в пострадянських країнах / Ігор Осадчук // Evropský politický a právní diskurz. – 2016. – Svazek 3. – 6. vydání. – S. 154–161.
The experience of political systems of the post-Soviet countries shows the need for analysis of t... more The experience of political systems of the post-Soviet countries shows the need for analysis of the «parties of power» and ruling parties phenomena in these countries. The aim of the research is to analyse the concepts of «party of power», ruling party and to determine the features of formation and functioning of the «parties of power» and ruling parties phenomena in post-Soviet countries. The author offers three main approaches of determining the «party of power» phenomenon. According to the first approach, «party of power» is a formally untitled political bloc, which consists of pragmatically oriented and deideologised circles of the old nomenclature, representatives of the state machine, heads of traditional sectors of industry and agriculture. This definition often refers to political interests of state and bureaucracy machine, which are not formally decorated as a separate party, but influence political process. According to the second approach, «party of power» is an electoral bloc created by statesmen to participate in parliamentary elections and presidential race. This bloc is based on public resources in party infrastructure building and highly depends on charismatic appeals to voters in search of support. According to the third approach, «party of power» is a political party established by president/executive power for its interests. «Party of power» is a political organization of party type, which actively serves electoral and internal elite competition. «Party of power» is created by government to protect and represent its (of president or executive) power interests and ensure the legitimacy of policy, conservation and maintenance of its political positions. The ruling party takes over the role of the government leader (alone or in coalition with other parties) and also provides recruiting of state leaders and state decision-making. The ruling party is engaged in daily affairs, coordinating them with the government, and is simultaneously responsible for a crisis, if it arise. As the result of research, it was concluded that «parties of power» and ruling parties are instruments of expression and serving the interests of presidents and ruling elites in post-Soviet countries. Key words: party of power, ruling party, electoral bloc, party systems, post-Soviet countries.
Осадчук І. «Партії влади» в Росії та країнах Центральної Азії / Ігор Осадчук // Politicus. – 2016. – № 3. – С. 80–83.
Concept of «party of power» is analysed. Three main approaches to determining of the «party of po... more Concept of «party of power» is analysed. Three main approaches to determining of the «party of power» are offered. Features of formation and functioning of the «parties of power» in Russia and Central Asian countries are determined. Key words: party of power, electoral bloc, party systems, post-Soviet countries, Russia, Central Asian countries.
Осадчук І. Ефективність урядів в пострадянських країнах / Ігор Осадчук // Вісник Харківського національного університету імені В. Н. Каразіна. Сер. : «Питання політології». – 2015. – Вип. 28. – С. 26–31., 2015
The concept of „government effectiveness” is analyzed. The main approaches to the government
effe... more The concept of „government effectiveness” is analyzed. The main approaches to the government effectiveness in political science are defined. Indicators of the effectiveness of governments are determined. On the basis of special methods the effectiveness of governments in post-Soviet countries is evaluated. Correlation between the types of political regimes and indicators of the effectiveness of governments in post-Soviet countries is ascertained. Key words: government effectiveness, post-Soviet countries, quality of bureaucracy, transformation index, status index, management index.
Проаналізовано поняття „ефективність уряду”. Визначено основні підходи до ефективності уряду в політичній науці. Виокремлено індикатори ефективності урядів. На підставі спеціальних методик оцінено ефективність урядів у пострадянських країнах. З’ясовано кореляцію між типами політичних режимів та критеріями ефективності урядів у пострадянських країнах. Ключові слова: ефективність уряду, пострадянські країни, якість бюрократії, індекс трансформації, статусний індекс, індекс управління.
Осадчук І. Особливості формування та функціонування правлячої еліти в контексті «патронажного президенталізму» в Туркменістані / Ігор Осадчук // Вісник Харківського національного університету імені В.Н.Каразіна. Сер. : «Питання політології». – 2014. – № 1132. – С. 59–62., 2014
Concepts of political class, political elite, ruling class, ruling elite, patronal presidentialis... more Concepts of political class, political elite, ruling class, ruling elite, patronal presidentialism are analysed. The role of the president and his entourage during the formation of the ruling elite of Turkmenistan is ascertained. Features of functioning of ruling elite in the context of patronal presidentialism in Turkmenistan are defined.
Key words: system of government, political class, political elite, ruling class, ruling elite, patronal presidentialism, president of Turkmenistan.
Проаналізовано поняття: „політичний клас”, „політична еліта”, „правлячий клас”, „правляча еліта”, „патронажний президенталізм”. З’ясовано роль президента та його найближчого оточення у процесі формування правлячої еліти Туркменістану. Визначено особливості функціонування правлячої еліти в контексті „патронажного президенталізму” в Туркменістані.
Ключові слова: система правління, політичний клас, політична еліта, правлячий клас, правляча еліта, патронажний президенталізм, президент Туркменістану.
Осадчук І. Політична культура суспільства як чинник президенціалізації напівпрезидентських систем правління у Білорусі (1996–2013) та Казахстані (1995–2013) / Ігор Осадчук // Філософія і політологія в контексті сучасної культури. – Дніпропетровськ : Ліра, 2014. – Вип. 7. – С. 230–238., 2014
Concepts of system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political cult... more Concepts of system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political culture of society are analysed. The object of research is the political culture of society in Belarus and Kazakhstan. The subject of research is political culture of society as a factor of presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996-2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013). The aim of the research is determining the features of the political culture of society in the context of presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996- 2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013). Main tasks of research are: 1) to define concepts of system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political culture of society; 2) to analyse the impact of political culture of society on presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996-2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013).
Determining the features of the political culture of society in Belarus and Kazakhstan, we set that these features lead to presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996-2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013). In further studies, the main goal will be to determine other factors, institutional and functional consequences of presidentialization of the systems of government in the CIS countries.
Keywords: system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political culture of society.
Проаналізовано поняття «система правління», «президенціалізація напівпрезидентської системи правління», «політична культура суспільства». Визначено особливості політичної культури білоруського та казахського суспільств у контексті президенціалізації напівпрезидентських систем правління у Білорусі (1996-2013) та Казахстані (1995-2013).
Ключові слова: система правління, президенціалізація напівпрезидентської системи правління, політична культура суспільства.
The variations of presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems of government represe... more The variations of presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems of government represent the main framework of analysis of this study. Extremely different factors of the political process and inter-institutional relations, which are the conditions for defining different systems of government, can be indicators for distinguishing typical and atypical systems of government. In this sense, the purpose of this article is to determine whether the peculiarities of the institution of the vote of no confidence in governments in several post-Soviet semi-presidential countries (Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia) can predetermine the atypicality of these systems of government. It is argued that the atypicality of the post-Soviet semi-presidentialism is often due to the fact that parliaments have the right to cast the votes of no confidence in governments, but the latter come in force only when they are supported by presidents, who may be empowered to c...
Осадчук І. Непрямі вибори президента як індикатор типовості чи атиповості президентських систем правління в Аргентині (1853–1994), Болівії (1985–1993) та Чилі (1925–1980). Регіональні студії. 2018. № 14. С. 43–47.
The political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government)... more The political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government) are presidential systems of government, which formally and/or actually differ from traditional or typical presidential systems of government. At the same time, extremely different factors of political process and inter-institutional relations, which are the conditions for defining and distinguishing between different types of systems of government, can be indicators for distinguishing typical and atypical presidential systems of government. In this cut, the purpose of the article is to determine whether the peculiarities of the institution of indirect presidential elections in Argentina (1853–1994), Bolivia (1985–1993) and Chile (1925–1980) can predetermine the typicality or atypicality of the presidential systems of government in these countries. This was done because of the fact that new institutionalism and its various types and paradigms were chosen as a theoretical and methodological basis of the proposed research. The researcher proceeds from the fact that indirect presidential elections peculiar to Argentina (1853–1994) and Chile (1925–1980). There was a tradition, according to which the Congress elected a candidate who received the largest number of votes in general election. Therefore, the author determined the presidential systems of government in Argentina (1853–1994) and Chile (1925–1980) as typical ones. In return, the atypicality of the presidential system of government in Bolivia (1985–1993) was due to the fact that presidents Victor Paz Estenssoro (in 1985) and Jaime Paz Zamora (in 1989) were finally elected in parliament. However, in the first round of elections, which took place on the basis of a popular vote, they respectively received the second and the third places. Consequently, the post-electoral pacts in 1985 and 1989 did not support a popular choice of presidents, but instead influenced the election of heads of state as candidates who satisfied the party/coalition interests. Key words: system of government, presidentialism, atypicality, indirect presidential elections, post-electoral pacts, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile.
Осадчук І. Атиповість президентської системи правління в Болівії (1985–1993). Вісник Львівського університету. Серія філософсько-політологічні студії. 2018. Вип. 20. С. 187–192.
The article is devoted to analyzing the modern method to the definition of systems of government ... more The article is devoted to analyzing the modern method to the definition of systems of government within the framework of a republican form of government. The author analyzed the peculiarities of functioning of the institute of indirect presidential elections in Bolivia (in 1985–1993). The author determined the presidential system of government in Bolivia (in 1985–1993) as atypical. Key words: system of government, presidentialism, atypicality, indirect presidential elections, post-electoral pacts, Bolivia.
Осадчук І. Прямі вибори прем’єр-міністра як індикатор атипової парламентської системи правління в Державі Ізраїль (1996–2003). Політичне життя. 2018. № 4. С. 37–43., 2018
Political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government) are... more Political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government) are parliamentary systems of government, which formally and/or actually differ from traditional or typical parliamentary systems of government. At the same time, extremely different factors of political process and inter-institutional relations, which are the conditions for defining different types of systems of government, can be indicators for distinguishing typical and atypical parliamentary systems of government. In this cut, the purpose of the article is to determine the factors and consequences of 1992 electoral reform and to find out whether the peculiarities of the institution of direct elections of prime minister can predetermine the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003. This purpose was solved in the situation when new institutionalism and its types/paradigms were chosen as a theoretical and methodological basis of the research. The author analyzed the peculiarities of 1992 electoral reform and found out that the main factors that had determined its necessity were the following prerequisites: the choice and composition of government were practically out of the attention of voters; popular disaffection with established parties started its rising and the overall perception of democracy started its tarnishing; new and splinter parties were encouraged to be formed thereby constantly increasing fragmentation and polarization of party system; small parties had disproportionate political power; multiparty governments made the process of decision-making more difficult (in particular, with veto power granted to most parties in the coalition on a variety of issues); government crises became more and more frequent immobilizing cabinets for long periods of time. The researcher also determined the consequences of 1992 electoral reform. According to Rae’s fractionalization index and the results of 1996 and 1999 elections, the fractionalization of party system increased. That is why a party or bloc that nominated a candidate for a prime minister received much lower support than a candidate himself. This meant that a significant part of electorate shared its choice on parliamentary elections and direct elections of prime minister, voting for a candidate for a prime minister from one party and given votes to Knesset for another party. Therefore, it is proved that the features of the institution of direct elections of prime minister predetermined the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003. Key words: system of government, parliamentarism, atypical parliamentarism, electoral reform, institution of the direct elections of the prime minister, fractionalization of the party system, State of Israel.
Осадчук І. Політичний режим у Туреччині (2014–2017): змагальний, гегемоністський чи закритий авторитаризм? Вісник Львівського університету. Серія філософсько-політологічні студії. 2018. Вип. 16. C. 180–188.
The article is devoted to analyzing basic approaches to the definition of authoritarianism. The a... more The article is devoted to analyzing basic approaches to the definition of authoritarianism. The author analyzed the peculiarities of functioning of the political regime in Turkey (in 2014–2017). The author determined the political regime in Turkey (in 2014–2017) as competitive authoritarianism. Key words: political regime, closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime, Turkey.
Осадчук І. Політичний режим у Німецькій імперії (1871–1890): модель змагального авторитаризму? Evropský politický a právní diskurz. 2018. Svazek 5. 1 vydání. S. 143–150., 2018
Concepts of closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, he... more Concepts of closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime are analysed. The institutional features of the political system of the German Empire in 1871–1890 are revealed. Specifics of the formation and functioning of the political parties of the German Empire in 1871–1890 is determined. The ideological positioning of political parties and the peculiarities of party relations with the Reich Chancellor O. von Bismarck are analyzed. The role of the press in the German Empire in 1871–1890 is determined. The specifics of such a phenomenon as «Kulturkampf» is determined. The factors and features of the Reich Chancellor O. von Bismarck’s social policy are revealed. The type of political regime in the German Empire in 1871–1890 is determined. Key words: political regime, Otto von Bismarck, Kulturkampf, closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime.
Осадчук І. Політичний режим Північної Кореї (1991–2016) : тоталітаризм чи посттоталітаризм? / Ігор Осадчук // Вісник Маріупольського державного університету. Серія : Історія. Політологія. – 2016. – Вип. 17. – С. 216–225.
The political system of North Korea (DPRK) remains one of the most closed political practices in ... more The political system of North Korea (DPRK) remains one of the most closed political practices in the world. In Ukrainian Political Science, DPRK’s political system, especially at the present stage of its development, is investigated insufficiently. The main question, which became the subject of scientific debate, is the following: «Is the current political regime of the DPRK totalitarianism?». The goal of the research is to analyse the functioning of the current political regime of North Korea (1991–2016) and to determine its type. North Korea’s ideology is not intellectually systematized today. The introduction of new ideological concepts in its politics, such as Songun («military-first» politics) and Kangsong Taeguk («Strong and Prosperous Nation» politics as a supposed leading strategy in strengthening North Korea’s economy and military), is best interpreted as a new emphasis on the military-oriented segment of Juche. The myth of the «continental imperialism» is not typical for the country (it is only typical the «imperialism among Koreans»). In the 1990’s, there was a significant shift of the centre position of the Worker’s Party of North Korea to the army, though a monolithic power centre has remained. The military should be given priority in politics and resource allocation. Bribes became an institutionalized tool for gaining travel permits for both domestic and cross-border travels. The breakdown of police control through bribery had effectively damaged the function of the North Korean’s system of control. Moreover, all the tools the state had earlier used to ensure control have eroded. Police control and terror are not «comprehensive», but their role in the DPRK’s political system is significant. The economic crisis and the regime’s subsequent inability to finance its institutions had eroded the monopoly of mass communication. The breakdown of the state economy gave rise private and unofficial economy. Therefore, the current political regime of North Korea is determined as post-totalitarianism. Post-totalitarianism suggests a state of structural totalitarianism, but with a weakened central power that allows other groups of interests, i.e. relating to class, regions, economical or other bureaucratic spheres, to take root and affect politics. Post-totalitarianism involves a sort of pluralism that does not exist in the totalitarian society. In this political system, ideology turns into a mere instrument for those in power and is adapted to other forces than of purely regime’s political goals.
Осадчук І. «Партії влади» та правлячі партії в пострадянських країнах / Ігор Осадчук // Evropský politický a právní diskurz. – 2016. – Svazek 3. – 6. vydání. – S. 154–161.
The experience of political systems of the post-Soviet countries shows the need for analysis of t... more The experience of political systems of the post-Soviet countries shows the need for analysis of the «parties of power» and ruling parties phenomena in these countries. The aim of the research is to analyse the concepts of «party of power», ruling party and to determine the features of formation and functioning of the «parties of power» and ruling parties phenomena in post-Soviet countries. The author offers three main approaches of determining the «party of power» phenomenon. According to the first approach, «party of power» is a formally untitled political bloc, which consists of pragmatically oriented and deideologised circles of the old nomenclature, representatives of the state machine, heads of traditional sectors of industry and agriculture. This definition often refers to political interests of state and bureaucracy machine, which are not formally decorated as a separate party, but influence political process. According to the second approach, «party of power» is an electoral bloc created by statesmen to participate in parliamentary elections and presidential race. This bloc is based on public resources in party infrastructure building and highly depends on charismatic appeals to voters in search of support. According to the third approach, «party of power» is a political party established by president/executive power for its interests. «Party of power» is a political organization of party type, which actively serves electoral and internal elite competition. «Party of power» is created by government to protect and represent its (of president or executive) power interests and ensure the legitimacy of policy, conservation and maintenance of its political positions. The ruling party takes over the role of the government leader (alone or in coalition with other parties) and also provides recruiting of state leaders and state decision-making. The ruling party is engaged in daily affairs, coordinating them with the government, and is simultaneously responsible for a crisis, if it arise. As the result of research, it was concluded that «parties of power» and ruling parties are instruments of expression and serving the interests of presidents and ruling elites in post-Soviet countries. Key words: party of power, ruling party, electoral bloc, party systems, post-Soviet countries.
Осадчук І. «Партії влади» в Росії та країнах Центральної Азії / Ігор Осадчук // Politicus. – 2016. – № 3. – С. 80–83.
Concept of «party of power» is analysed. Three main approaches to determining of the «party of po... more Concept of «party of power» is analysed. Three main approaches to determining of the «party of power» are offered. Features of formation and functioning of the «parties of power» in Russia and Central Asian countries are determined. Key words: party of power, electoral bloc, party systems, post-Soviet countries, Russia, Central Asian countries.
Осадчук І. Ефективність урядів в пострадянських країнах / Ігор Осадчук // Вісник Харківського національного університету імені В. Н. Каразіна. Сер. : «Питання політології». – 2015. – Вип. 28. – С. 26–31., 2015
The concept of „government effectiveness” is analyzed. The main approaches to the government
effe... more The concept of „government effectiveness” is analyzed. The main approaches to the government effectiveness in political science are defined. Indicators of the effectiveness of governments are determined. On the basis of special methods the effectiveness of governments in post-Soviet countries is evaluated. Correlation between the types of political regimes and indicators of the effectiveness of governments in post-Soviet countries is ascertained. Key words: government effectiveness, post-Soviet countries, quality of bureaucracy, transformation index, status index, management index.
Проаналізовано поняття „ефективність уряду”. Визначено основні підходи до ефективності уряду в політичній науці. Виокремлено індикатори ефективності урядів. На підставі спеціальних методик оцінено ефективність урядів у пострадянських країнах. З’ясовано кореляцію між типами політичних режимів та критеріями ефективності урядів у пострадянських країнах. Ключові слова: ефективність уряду, пострадянські країни, якість бюрократії, індекс трансформації, статусний індекс, індекс управління.
Осадчук І. Особливості формування та функціонування правлячої еліти в контексті «патронажного президенталізму» в Туркменістані / Ігор Осадчук // Вісник Харківського національного університету імені В.Н.Каразіна. Сер. : «Питання політології». – 2014. – № 1132. – С. 59–62., 2014
Concepts of political class, political elite, ruling class, ruling elite, patronal presidentialis... more Concepts of political class, political elite, ruling class, ruling elite, patronal presidentialism are analysed. The role of the president and his entourage during the formation of the ruling elite of Turkmenistan is ascertained. Features of functioning of ruling elite in the context of patronal presidentialism in Turkmenistan are defined.
Key words: system of government, political class, political elite, ruling class, ruling elite, patronal presidentialism, president of Turkmenistan.
Проаналізовано поняття: „політичний клас”, „політична еліта”, „правлячий клас”, „правляча еліта”, „патронажний президенталізм”. З’ясовано роль президента та його найближчого оточення у процесі формування правлячої еліти Туркменістану. Визначено особливості функціонування правлячої еліти в контексті „патронажного президенталізму” в Туркменістані.
Ключові слова: система правління, політичний клас, політична еліта, правлячий клас, правляча еліта, патронажний президенталізм, президент Туркменістану.
Осадчук І. Політична культура суспільства як чинник президенціалізації напівпрезидентських систем правління у Білорусі (1996–2013) та Казахстані (1995–2013) / Ігор Осадчук // Філософія і політологія в контексті сучасної культури. – Дніпропетровськ : Ліра, 2014. – Вип. 7. – С. 230–238., 2014
Concepts of system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political cult... more Concepts of system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political culture of society are analysed. The object of research is the political culture of society in Belarus and Kazakhstan. The subject of research is political culture of society as a factor of presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996-2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013). The aim of the research is determining the features of the political culture of society in the context of presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996- 2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013). Main tasks of research are: 1) to define concepts of system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political culture of society; 2) to analyse the impact of political culture of society on presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996-2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013).
Determining the features of the political culture of society in Belarus and Kazakhstan, we set that these features lead to presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996-2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013). In further studies, the main goal will be to determine other factors, institutional and functional consequences of presidentialization of the systems of government in the CIS countries.
Keywords: system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political culture of society.
Проаналізовано поняття «система правління», «президенціалізація напівпрезидентської системи правління», «політична культура суспільства». Визначено особливості політичної культури білоруського та казахського суспільств у контексті президенціалізації напівпрезидентських систем правління у Білорусі (1996-2013) та Казахстані (1995-2013).
Ключові слова: система правління, президенціалізація напівпрезидентської системи правління, політична культура суспільства.
Lytvyn V., Osadchuk I. The Atypicality of Semi-Presidentialism in the Post-Soviet Countries: The Context of the Votes of No Confidence in Governments // Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review. 2019. Vol. 19. No. 1. P. 57–82., 2019
The variations of presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems of government represe... more The variations of presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems of government represent the main framework of analysis of this study. Extremely different factors of the political process and inter-institutional relations, which are the conditions for defining different systems of government, can be indicators for distinguishing typical and atypical systems of government. In this sense, the purpose of this article is to determine whether the peculiarities of the institution of the vote of no confidence in governments in several post-Soviet semi-presidential countries (Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia) can predetermine the atypicality of these systems of government. It is argued that the atypicality of the post-Soviet semi-presidentialism is often due to the fact that parliaments have the right to cast the votes of no confidence in governments, but the latter come in force only when they are supported by presidents, who may be empowered to choose between the dismissal of governments and the dissolution of legislatures. On one hand, such systems of government definitively tend to be semi-presidential. On the other hand, the atypical responsibility of governments to parliaments denies the semi-presidential nature of systems of governments largely in favor of presidentialism. This determines that against the backdrop of traditional generalizations of different systems of government, they are formally and actually constructed as “constitutional hybrids” in the six post-Soviet countries (Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia) and therefore can be positioned both as cases of atypical semi-presidentialism and instances of incomplete presidentialism. At the same time, such cases are unique and must be classified as exceptional ones. Keywords: system of government; semi-presidentialism; the vote of no confidence in government; atypicality; the post-Soviet countries.
Литвин В. Атиповість напівпрезидентських систем державного правління у пострадянських країнах: контекст вотумів недовіри урядам / Віталій Литвин, Ігор Осадчук // Politicus. – 2018. – Вип. 3. – С. 49–57., 2018
Як відомо теоретично і як засвідчує практика, у рамках республіканської форми державного правлінн... more Як відомо теоретично і як засвідчує практика, у рамках республіканської форми державного правління функціонують системи державного правління, які формально і/чи фактично відрізняються від традиційних/типових президентської, парламентської і напівпрезидентської. При цьому, індикаторами розрізнення типових й атипових систем державного правління можуть бути вкрай варіативні чинники політичного процесу та міжінституційних відносин, які є предикторами дефініювання і виокремлення різних типів систем державного правління. У цьому зрізі метою статті є визначити те, чи особливості інституту вотуму недовіри урядам у напівпрезидентських системах державного правління в пострадянських країнах зумовлюють атиповість цих систем правління. Теоретико-методологічною основою запропонованого дослідження обрано неоінституціоналізм і його варіативні типи й парадигми. Їх поєднання дозволило виробити цілісне уявлення про атиповість пострадянського формату напівпрезиденталізму на підставі такого його індикатора, як інститут вотуму недовіри урядам. Ключові слова: система державного правління, напівпрезиденталізм, вотум недовіри уряду, атиповість, пострадянські країни.
Литвин В. Теоретико-методологічні параметри і підходи до типологізації партійних систем та емпірично-порівняльні результати їх верифікації на прикладі України (1990–2016) / В. Литвин, І. Осадчук // Політичні партії і вибори: українські та світові практики / А. Романюк. – Львів, 2017. – С. 149–193., 2017
Lytvyn V., Romanyuk A., Osadchuk I. Attributes, logics, and reasons for the choice of semi-presidentialism: A verification and systematisation on the example of European countries // Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review. 2020. Vol. XX. No. 4. P. 469–498.
This article is devoted to the study of the attributes, logics, and reasons for the choice of sem... more This article is devoted to the study of the attributes, logics, and reasons for the choice of semipresidentialism in European countries. The supposition is that the verification and systematisation of the attributes of semi-presidentialism can be both constitutional and political that confirms its both institutional and political nature. Firstly, the article focuses on theoretical, methodological, practical, and empirical tools for the verification and systematisation of the attributes, logics and reasons of semi-presidentialism. Secondly, the article concerns the systematisation of the attributes and cases of semi-presidentialism in Europe. Thirdly, the study addresses the logics, patterns and reasons for the choice, attribution, and development of semi-presidentialism in Europe. It was stated that semipresidentialism can be distinctively delineated formally (institutionally-procedurally) and actually (politically-behaviourally), even though it is outlined by the common definitional attributes. Thus, European semi-presidentialism is not a homogeneous, but a heterogeneous phenomenon. It remains the most common constitutional type in Europe, even though its attribution, logics and reasons have not created the equilibrium state in European countries. Therefore, the descriptive novelty is that semi-presidentialism is distinctively positioned formally and actually, since despite definition it is characterised by diverse complementary (typological) and temporary (transitive) attributes and reasons for the choice. In turn, the analytical novelty is that semi-presidentialism as the dominant European model operates quite variably in practice, certifying that its formal side does not always correspond to its actual side. Keywords: system of government, semi-presidentialism, attributes of semi-presidentialism, logics and reasons for the choice of semi-presidentialism, European countries.
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Papers by Ihor Osadchuk
Key words: system of government, presidentialism, atypicality, indirect presidential elections, post-electoral pacts, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile.
Key words: system of government, presidentialism, atypicality, indirect presidential elections, post-electoral pacts, Bolivia.
The author analyzed the peculiarities of 1992 electoral reform and found out that the main factors that had determined its necessity were the following prerequisites: the choice and composition of government were practically out of the attention of voters; popular disaffection with established parties started its rising and the overall perception of democracy started its tarnishing; new and splinter parties were encouraged to be formed thereby constantly increasing fragmentation and polarization of party system; small parties had disproportionate political power; multiparty governments made the process of decision-making more difficult (in particular, with veto power granted to most parties in the coalition on a variety of issues); government crises became more and more frequent immobilizing cabinets for long periods of time.
The researcher also determined the consequences of 1992 electoral reform. According to Rae’s fractionalization index and the results of 1996 and 1999 elections, the fractionalization of party system increased. That is why a party or bloc that nominated a candidate for a prime minister received much lower support than a candidate himself. This meant that a significant part of electorate shared its choice on parliamentary elections and direct elections of prime minister, voting for a candidate for a prime minister from one party and given votes to Knesset for another party. Therefore, it is proved that the features of the institution of direct elections of prime minister predetermined the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003.
Key words: system of government, parliamentarism, atypical parliamentarism, electoral reform, institution of the direct elections of the prime minister, fractionalization of the party system, State of Israel.
Key words: political regime, closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime, Turkey.
Key words: political regime, Otto von Bismarck, Kulturkampf, closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime.
Key words: party of power, ruling party, electoral bloc, party systems, post-Soviet countries.
Key words: party of power, electoral bloc, party systems, post-Soviet countries, Russia, Central Asian countries.
effectiveness in political science are defined. Indicators of the effectiveness of governments are
determined. On the basis of special methods the effectiveness of governments in post-Soviet countries is
evaluated. Correlation between the types of political regimes and indicators of the effectiveness of
governments in post-Soviet countries is ascertained.
Key words: government effectiveness, post-Soviet countries, quality of bureaucracy, transformation
index, status index, management index.
Проаналізовано поняття „ефективність уряду”. Визначено основні підходи до
ефективності уряду в політичній науці. Виокремлено індикатори ефективності урядів. На
підставі спеціальних методик оцінено ефективність урядів у пострадянських країнах.
З’ясовано кореляцію між типами політичних режимів та критеріями ефективності урядів у
пострадянських країнах.
Ключові слова: ефективність уряду, пострадянські країни, якість бюрократії, індекс
трансформації, статусний індекс, індекс управління.
Key words: system of government, political class, political elite, ruling class, ruling elite, patronal presidentialism, president of Turkmenistan.
Проаналізовано поняття: „політичний клас”, „політична еліта”, „правлячий клас”, „правляча еліта”, „патронажний президенталізм”. З’ясовано роль президента та його найближчого оточення у процесі формування правлячої еліти Туркменістану. Визначено особливості функціонування правлячої еліти в контексті „патронажного президенталізму” в Туркменістані.
Ключові слова: система правління, політичний клас, політична еліта, правлячий клас, правляча еліта, патронажний президенталізм, президент Туркменістану.
Determining the features of the political culture of society in Belarus and Kazakhstan, we set that these features lead to presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996-2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013). In further studies, the main goal will be to determine other factors, institutional and functional consequences of presidentialization of the systems of government in the CIS countries.
Keywords: system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political culture of society.
Проаналізовано поняття «система правління», «президенціалізація напівпрезидентської системи правління», «політична культура суспільства». Визначено особливості політичної культури білоруського та казахського суспільств у контексті президенціалізації напівпрезидентських систем правління у Білорусі (1996-2013) та Казахстані (1995-2013).
Ключові слова: система правління, президенціалізація напівпрезидентської системи правління, політична культура суспільства.
Books by Ihor Osadchuk
Key words: system of government, presidentialism, atypicality, indirect presidential elections, post-electoral pacts, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile.
Key words: system of government, presidentialism, atypicality, indirect presidential elections, post-electoral pacts, Bolivia.
The author analyzed the peculiarities of 1992 electoral reform and found out that the main factors that had determined its necessity were the following prerequisites: the choice and composition of government were practically out of the attention of voters; popular disaffection with established parties started its rising and the overall perception of democracy started its tarnishing; new and splinter parties were encouraged to be formed thereby constantly increasing fragmentation and polarization of party system; small parties had disproportionate political power; multiparty governments made the process of decision-making more difficult (in particular, with veto power granted to most parties in the coalition on a variety of issues); government crises became more and more frequent immobilizing cabinets for long periods of time.
The researcher also determined the consequences of 1992 electoral reform. According to Rae’s fractionalization index and the results of 1996 and 1999 elections, the fractionalization of party system increased. That is why a party or bloc that nominated a candidate for a prime minister received much lower support than a candidate himself. This meant that a significant part of electorate shared its choice on parliamentary elections and direct elections of prime minister, voting for a candidate for a prime minister from one party and given votes to Knesset for another party. Therefore, it is proved that the features of the institution of direct elections of prime minister predetermined the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003.
Key words: system of government, parliamentarism, atypical parliamentarism, electoral reform, institution of the direct elections of the prime minister, fractionalization of the party system, State of Israel.
Key words: political regime, closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime, Turkey.
Key words: political regime, Otto von Bismarck, Kulturkampf, closed authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, hegemonic authoritarianism, hybrid regime.
Key words: party of power, ruling party, electoral bloc, party systems, post-Soviet countries.
Key words: party of power, electoral bloc, party systems, post-Soviet countries, Russia, Central Asian countries.
effectiveness in political science are defined. Indicators of the effectiveness of governments are
determined. On the basis of special methods the effectiveness of governments in post-Soviet countries is
evaluated. Correlation between the types of political regimes and indicators of the effectiveness of
governments in post-Soviet countries is ascertained.
Key words: government effectiveness, post-Soviet countries, quality of bureaucracy, transformation
index, status index, management index.
Проаналізовано поняття „ефективність уряду”. Визначено основні підходи до
ефективності уряду в політичній науці. Виокремлено індикатори ефективності урядів. На
підставі спеціальних методик оцінено ефективність урядів у пострадянських країнах.
З’ясовано кореляцію між типами політичних режимів та критеріями ефективності урядів у
пострадянських країнах.
Ключові слова: ефективність уряду, пострадянські країни, якість бюрократії, індекс
трансформації, статусний індекс, індекс управління.
Key words: system of government, political class, political elite, ruling class, ruling elite, patronal presidentialism, president of Turkmenistan.
Проаналізовано поняття: „політичний клас”, „політична еліта”, „правлячий клас”, „правляча еліта”, „патронажний президенталізм”. З’ясовано роль президента та його найближчого оточення у процесі формування правлячої еліти Туркменістану. Визначено особливості функціонування правлячої еліти в контексті „патронажного президенталізму” в Туркменістані.
Ключові слова: система правління, політичний клас, політична еліта, правлячий клас, правляча еліта, патронажний президенталізм, президент Туркменістану.
Determining the features of the political culture of society in Belarus and Kazakhstan, we set that these features lead to presidentialization of semi-presidential regimes in Belarus (1996-2013) and Kazakhstan (1995-2013). In further studies, the main goal will be to determine other factors, institutional and functional consequences of presidentialization of the systems of government in the CIS countries.
Keywords: system of government, presidentialization of semi-presidential regime, political culture of society.
Проаналізовано поняття «система правління», «президенціалізація напівпрезидентської системи правління», «політична культура суспільства». Визначено особливості політичної культури білоруського та казахського суспільств у контексті президенціалізації напівпрезидентських систем правління у Білорусі (1996-2013) та Казахстані (1995-2013).
Ключові слова: система правління, президенціалізація напівпрезидентської системи правління, політична культура суспільства.
Keywords: system of government; semi-presidentialism; the vote of no confidence in government; atypicality; the post-Soviet countries.
Ключові слова: система державного правління, напівпрезиденталізм, вотум недовіри уряду, атиповість, пострадянські країни.
Keywords: system of government, semi-presidentialism, attributes of semi-presidentialism, logics and reasons for the choice of semi-presidentialism, European countries.