International Journal of Water Resources Development, 2024
Moving beyond the purely material understanding of infrastructures, new perspectives in infrastru... more Moving beyond the purely material understanding of infrastructures, new perspectives in infrastructural regionalism assert that infrastructures and regions simultaneously shape each other. Drawing on this reciprocal relationship, we introduce the concept of 'water regionalism' to examine how regional factors, dynamics, and complexities shape water infrastructures, and how water infrastructures concurrently shape regions. Through qualitative research methodologies, we empirically demonstrate how this concept operates in practice by examining the history of regional planning and hydraulic infrastructure development in Turkey, particularly the process of how the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP) and the GAP region have shaped each other since the 1970s.
This policy paper uses open-source software (the Global Surface Water Explorer) to examine surfac... more This policy paper uses open-source software (the Global Surface Water Explorer) to examine surface water changes in the Euphrates-Tigris Basin from 1984-2015, focusing on Iraq – a downstream riparian state. The timeline captures the impact on Iraq of upstream dam construction (notably in Turkey and Iran), wars, conflicts, and political transformations (particularly in Syria and Iraq), and a period of protracted drought (across the basin) between 2007-2018. Between 1984-2015, the area of permanent water in Iraq declined by a third (from 5,684 km2 to 3,779 km2), with greatest losses in the south. There was an 86% reduction (16,664 km2) in area of the Mesopotamian Marshes. In contrast, over the same period, the area of permanent water in Turkey increased by over a quarter (from 8,667 km2 to 10,875 km2). Mapping long-term changes in the occurrence and variability of surface water is a necessary step in achieving greater hydro-transparency; that is, the open availability of information on the movement, storage and management of water within and across state borders. Increased hydro-transparency, through the public provision of evidence-based information, can build trust between the riparian states (Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran), informing options for more sustainable, equitable and reasonable utilisation of basin flows.
Critical epistemologies and methodologies have over time challenged the static and mono-dimension... more Critical epistemologies and methodologies have over time challenged the static and mono-dimensional approaches to fieldwork, allowing researchers to contemplate and conduct their research in spaces of in-betweenness. Despite this important shift, the essentialist idea that both 'the field' and 'home' in a fieldwork setting must be actual places persists. In this article, we challenge the conceptualization and operationalization of 'home' not only as the juxtaposition to 'the field', but also as the embodiment of a place in a specific temporality. We argue that the postulation of 'home' as a constant disregards the non-predetermined and unpredictable nature of fieldwork relationships that are often complicated by implicit and explicit power dynamics, especially in places researchers identify as 'home'. We demonstrate that unequal power relations, especially (1) between the Global North and Global South, (2) between majority and minoritized groups, (3) among genders, and (4) between elites and non-elites, require us to envisage 'the field' and 'home' in relative terms. We propose the reconceptualization of fieldwork place as a hybridized space that conjoins 'the field' and 'home' as 'field-home', particularly at a time when research mobility is restricted by the COVID-19 pandemic. In this way, we extend the literature on issues related to power, positionality and reflexivity in qualitative research, and provide practical insights for those preparing for fieldwork.
Since the Syrian civil war broke out in 2011, the People’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina ... more Since the Syrian civil war broke out in 2011, the People’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, the YPG) has been one of the most notable groups in Syria. The group has become increasingly known especially after playing a significant role in the fight against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and, later on, declaring autonomy in northern Syria in 2014. While various political, economic, and social dimensions of the Rojava struggle and of the YPG have been examined within a wide array of fields, the group and its identity have not been adequately examined through a social-psychological lens thus far. In this study, we seek to fill this gap by examining how YPG supporters represent, understand, and express the identity and behaviour of their own group and their adversaries on social media, particularly on Twitter. In light of social identity theory, we explore YPG supporters’ (1) ingroup representations (both ingroup members and allies), (2) ingroup social norms, (3) outgroup representations, and (4) outgroup social norms. Thus, we not only present the first empirical study in this regard, but also discuss the meanings of identity content and social norms in relation to the processes of mobilization and solidarity among YPG supporters.
Depolitizasyon, neoliberalizmin son 40 yıldaki egemenliğine paralel olarak geçtiğimiz on yıllarda... more Depolitizasyon, neoliberalizmin son 40 yıldaki egemenliğine paralel olarak geçtiğimiz on yıllarda hem akademik hem de politika oluşturan çevrelerde artarak ilgi görmüş bir kavramdır. İlgili literatürde siyaset sonrası bir durum veya politika üretme sürecini siyasetten arındırmak için kullanılan bir yönetim stratejisi olarak tanımlanan kavramı son dönemlerde farklı disiplinlerden çok sayıda siyaset ve sosyal bilimcinin ampirik vakaları incelemek için kullandığı görülmektedir. Türkçe depolitizasyon literatürüne bakıldığında, Türkiye’nin siyasi, ekonomik ve toplumsal meselelerinin de artan şekilde depolitizasyon ışığında incelendiği görülebilir. Türkiye’de yaşanan ekonomik krizler sonrasında ekonomi yönetiminin nasıl siyasetten arındırıldığı veya postmodern ideolojinin bizzat siyaseti nasıl siyasetsizleştirdiği gibi sorulara yanıt arayan çalışmalar özellikle 2000’lerden sonra artmıştır. Literatür taramasına dayalı bir tartışma sunan bu makale, öncüllerinden farklı, fakat öncüllerini tamamlayıcı bir şekilde depolitizasyon kavramının siyasal teorik temellerine de inmekte, kavramın neoliberalizmle ilişkisini açıklamaktadır. Makale ayrıca neoliberalizmin neleri, nasıl ve neden siyasal düzlemden teknik bir düzlem olarak hayal ettiği ekonomik düzleme aktararak siyaseti dışladığını ortaya koymaktadır. Bu süreçlerin dünya genelinde ve Türkiye özelinde kalkınma pratiklerine nasıl yön verdiğini somut örnekler ışığında tartışan makale, böylece depolitizasyonun siyasal ve toplumsal kökenleri açısından daha derin, çeşitleri ve uygulama alanları açısından da daha geniş bir kavram olduğunu da göstermektedir.
Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement, 2021
Despite more than two decades of critical scholarly engagement, “development” is far from sheddin... more Despite more than two decades of critical scholarly engagement, “development” is far from shedding its hierarchical, patriarchal, and colonial underpinnings. In academic research and teaching, power relations are continuously perpetuated – both implicitly and explicitly. Grounding our arguments on post- and decolonial critiques and our own experiences, we contend that how, why, and by whom “development” research is carried out must remain under constant scrutiny. We propose a reflexive and sociopolitically conscious approach of “knowledge co-construction”. Thus, we seek to decouple the myths of objective production of knowledge around “development” and provide (especially) students and early career researchers with a critical gaze.
The Foucauldian concept of power-knowledge has been a useful lens to study the idea, discourse, a... more The Foucauldian concept of power-knowledge has been a useful lens to study the idea, discourse, and practice of development. Since the 1980s, many scholars have employed this critical framework to unearth the overlooked power relations created and altered by the concept of development in general, and development projects in particular. This article contributes to this debate by advancing and enriching this perspective. Analyzing a broad number of official sources supporting Turkey’s Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) and drawing theoretically on the concept of power of Michel Foucault and absences of Boaventura de Sousa Santos, we argue that GAP is part of a state strategy to produce southeastern Turkey by design and the representation of lack. We develop a framework that helps us understand the narratives on the project as a design of absences, a design-power that works as a particular form of power-knowledge. In the terrain of absences, design has become the way to exercise power together with the observation of geography and population. The absences created by the development discourse become a key-feature of design-power. In this sense, GAP is design-power to produce a new region and new subjectivities and works as a particular form of power-knowledge.
The Foucauldian concept of power-knowledge has been a useful lens to study the idea, discourse, a... more The Foucauldian concept of power-knowledge has been a useful lens to study the idea, discourse, and practice of development. Since the 1980s, many scholars have employed this critical framework to unearth the overlooked power relations created and altered by the concept of development in general, and development projects in particular. This article contributes to this debate by advancing and enriching this perspective. Analyzing a broad number of official sources supporting Turkey’s Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) and drawing theoretically on the concept of power of Michel Foucault and absences of Boaventura de Sousa Santos, we argue that GAP is part of a state strategy to produce southeastern Turkey by design and the representation of lack. We develop a framework that helps us understand the narratives on the project as a design of absences, a design-power that works as a particular form of power-knowledge. In the terrain of absences, design has become the way to exercise power together with the observation of geography and population. The absences created by the development discourse become a key-feature of design-power. In this sense, GAP is design-power to produce a new region and new subjectivities and works as a particular form of power-knowledge.
In simplest terms, depoliticization refers to a systemic condition that inscribes the whole of so... more In simplest terms, depoliticization refers to a systemic condition that inscribes the whole of society or to a distinct governing strategy for disguising the political nature of policy process. Understood as a condition, a strategy, or both, the concept has been employed to examine a wide array of policy issues until recently. Especially in development studies, the concept has been increasingly utilized to examine the rationale, mechanisms, and ramifications of development projects that were carried out in different parts of the world. Except a few examples, however, the depoliticizing implications of development schemes in Turkey have not received adequate scholarly attention. This article investigates Turkey’s Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) in the conceptual guidance of depoliticization approach. The article explores how a neoliberal agenda has trivialized political issues such as those concerning distribution, resource use, inequality, inclusion, or conflict in southeastern Turkey. It critically assesses how the dominance of experts, the subscription to the ‘homo oeconomicus’ model, and the developmentalization of security policy have operated as means of depoliticization within the project. In this way, it provides a new perspective regarding how policymakers and project authorities attempt to ‘economize’ or ‘technicize’ the political in project frameworks and sites.
The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is one of the largest regional... more The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is one of the largest regional development projects ever implemented in the Middle East. Launched officially in the 1970s to develop the water and land resources of southeastern Turkey, GAP has over time evolved from a predominantly technical, largely state-led and mainly infrastructural and economic development-oriented project into a primarily social, largely market-friendly and chiefly sustainable and human development-oriented project. Parallel to this evolution, GAP has grown more visible in political and public discourses. The implications of the project, for instance, on the ecology and cultural heritages, on the Kurdish Question, and on water issue among Turkey, Syria and Iraq have become clearer. However, despite growing academic and policy interest on GAP, there has been no attempt to provide a literature review on the project. Even more than 40 years after GAP was begun, a bird’s eye view of researched and under-researched topics in the literature has not been introduced yet. This article seeks to present a qualitative review of GAP-related literature. In this way, it seeks to constitute an initial step to establish a base for more expansive reviews and to provide guidance to interested and involved researchers, practitioners and policymakers.
Hacettepe Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi, 2019
Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (GAP), başlangıçta Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nin su ve toprak kaynaklar... more Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (GAP), başlangıçta Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nin su ve toprak kaynaklarını geliştirmek ve Fırat-Dicle Havzası’nda sulama yapmak ve enerji üretmek için 22 baraj, 19 hidroelektrik santrali ve çeşitli sulama yatırımlarının yapılmasını öngören, zamanla çok sektörlü, sürdürülebilir insani gelişmeye dayalı entegre bir bölgesel kalkınma projesine dönüştürülen kapsamlı bir modernleşme hamlesidir. GAP, kapsamı, boyutu ve dönüştürücü gücü sebebiyle Türkiye’nin iç ve dış dinamiklerini etkilemiş, ülkenin ulusal ve uluslararası politikalarının şekillenmesinde önemli bir rol oynamıştır. Buna rağmen proje hedeflenen sürede tamamlanamamış, projenin bitiş tarihi projenin resmen başlatılmasından bu yana geçen 40 sene içinde sürekli değişikliğe uğramıştır. Son resmî verilere göre proje şemsiyesi altındaki enerji projelerinin %74’ü, sulama projelerinin ise %30.4’ü ancak gerçekleştirilebilmiştir. GAP literatürü incelendiğinde projenin zamanında tamamlan(a)mamasının neredeyse hiç sorunsallaştırılmadığı ve gecikmeye sebep olan faktörlerin neler olduğunun yeterince araştırılmadığı görülmektedir. Bu çalışma, literatürdeki bu eksikliği gidermek ve GAP’ın tamamlanmasını geciktiren faktörleri irdelemek amacıyla yürütülmüştür. Çalışma, 1975–2014 arasındaki Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi tutanaklarının, GAP Bölge Kalkınma İdaresi arşivinin ve ilgili aktörlerle yapılan 64 derinlemesine görüşmenin analizini yaparak GAP’ı geciktiren başlıca 10 faktör olduğunu göstermiş, bu faktörleri detaylı olarak inceleyerek projenin geçmişine, şimdiki durumuna ve gelecekte izleyebileceği yola dair yeni ve daha iyi bir bakış açısı sunmaya çalışmıştır.
Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, Aug 21, 2019
The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is one of the largest developm... more The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is one of the largest development projects ever undertaken in Turkey. Launched in the 1970s, GAP initially aimed primarily at the construction of 22 dams and 19 hydroelectric
power plants on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and of extensive irrigation networks to produce hydroelectric energy and irrigate 1.8 million hectares of land in south-eastern
Turkey. In later decades, the scope of GAP widened considerably as it became a more comprehensive and bold scheme of modernization and transformation. Following this expansion, GAP also aimed at entirely reorganizing the political, social, economic, and cultural landscape of south-eastern Turkey and at transforming the local population therein. Despite these developments, and despite GAP having been intensely examined
in the literature, the raison d’être of the project has not yet been adequately examined from a critical perspective. Questions regarding how the state authorities rationalized
the inception of GAP and which factors motivated them to undertake development activities remain under-discussed. This article seeks to analyse the major rationales of GAP together with their multifaceted implications. In this way, the article aims to present an alternative narrative on the evolution and recent status of GAP, based on empirical data.
Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi, 2018
Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (GAP), Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nin su ve toprak kaynaklarını geliştir... more Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (GAP), Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nin su ve toprak kaynaklarını geliştirmek ve Fırat-Dicle Havzası’nda sulama yapmak ve hidroelektrik enerji üretmek adına 1977’de başlatılmış, 2017’ye uzanan 40 yıllık süreçte çok sektörlü, sürdürülebilir insani kalkınmaya dayalı entegre bir bölgesel kalkınma projesine dönüştürülmüştür. GAP her ne kadar geniş kapsamı, iddialı amaç ve hedefleri, olumlu ve olumsuz etkileri, teknik, siyasi, ekonomik, sosyal, kültürel ve ekolojik boyutlarıyla hem Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi, hem Türkiye, hem de Orta Doğu için hayati öneme sahip olsa da, bu projenin projeyi planlayanlar ve uygulayanlar tarafından hangi şekillerde algılandığı ve sözlü ve yazılı metinlerde hangi boyutlarıyla ele alındığı bugüne kadar kapsamlı ve sistematik olarak tartışılmamıştır. Bu çalışma literatürdeki bu önemli eksiği tamamlamakta ve Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’nde 1975-2014 arasında yapılan tartışmaların, GAP Bölge Kalkınma İdaresi arşivinin ve GAP’ın planlama ve uygulama aşamalarında projeye katkı sağlamış 64 siyasi aktör, karar alıcı ve devlet seçkiniyle yapılan derinlemesine mülakatların ışığında 40. yılında GAP ile ilgili söylemlerin kapsamını belirleyip projenin yıllar içinde hangi noktaya evrildiğinin özgün bir değerlendirmesini sunmaktadır.
The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is arguably the largest region... more The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is arguably the largest regional development project ever witnessed in Turkey. Begun in the 1970s, GAP initially aimed primarily at the construction of 22 dams and 19 hydroelectric power plants on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and of extensive irrigation networks to produce hydroelectric energy and water 1.8 million hectares of land in southeastern Turkey. Later, the scope of GAP broadened significantly as it became a more ambitious and comprehensive scheme of modernization and transformation. Following this expansion, the multidimensionality of GAP and its multifaceted implications became clearer at both the national and international level. The project grew more visible and influential not only in political and public discourses, but also in the GAP region itself. Despite these developments, however, the question of how the project’s characteristics, vocabulary, rationales, and mechanisms have changed since its inception remains underdiscussed. This article asks what GAP was in the past and what it has more recently become. It examines the gradual transformation of GAP over forty years by specifically taking into account the continuities and ruptures in development discourse, theory, and practice since the 1950s. In this way, the article aims to provide a new perspective regarding the stages through which the project has passed to reach its current form.
The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) was initiated in the 1970s to ... more The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) was initiated in the 1970s to produce energy and irrigate arid lands through constructing dams and hydroelectric power plants on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and extensive irrigation networks in southeastern Turkey. Over time, the project was expanded to achieve a wider range of goals in different fields and radically transform Southeastern Anatolia Region. It is also widely claimed that GAP was initiated to address the root causes of the Kurdish question in Turkey and that security considerations and political calculations were actually the raison d’être of GAP. However, this supposed link between GAP and the Kurdish question was often established in a simplistic manner and the question how these two have been related – or not – remained largely untangled. This article aims to fill this research gap and examine the complex and multi-dimensional nature of the interrelationship between GAP and the Kurdish question based on diverse primary and secondary data sources. Accordingly, the article identifies and discusses major narratives in which GAP was conceived as a political and strategic ‘anti-Kurdish’ plot; remedy for the conflict; and totally technical non-political project and presents an alternative and more accurate perspective on how to interpret this relationship.
Küresel ölçekteki köklü değişim ve dönüşümlere rağmen, güvenlik ve kalkınma hem teorik hem pratik... more Küresel ölçekteki köklü değişim ve dönüşümlere rağmen, güvenlik ve kalkınma hem teorik hem pratik yönleriyle küresel siyaset gündemindeki kritik konumlarını korumuştur. Zamanla her iki alan içerisinde de değişim ve dönüşümler yaşanmış, ortaya çıkan insan güvenliği ve insani kalkınma gibi kavramlarla iki alan birbirini âdeta kapsayacak duruma gelmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, güvenlik-kalkınma ilişkisinin nasıl insan paydasında kesişip bir güvenlik-kalkınma bağı altında kavramsallaştırıldığını genel hatlarıyla ve betimleyici bir şekilde tartışmaktır. Bu kapsamda öncelikle güvenlik ve kalkınmanın örtüşen karakteristik özellikleri, iki alan içerisindeki paradigma değişiklikleri ve iki alanın yakınlaşma süreci açıklanacak, ardından güvenlik-kalkınma ilişkisinin hangi şekillerde kavramsallaştırıldığı bu çabalara yöneltilen eleştirilerle birlikte tartışılacaktır.
Despite radical changes and transformations at global scale in the past decades, security and development have retained their critical positions in global political agenda with their theoretical and practical dimensions. Over time, two areas have also undergone significant changes and transformations and converged to each other, especially after the emergence of human security and human development. The aim of this study is to broadly describe and discuss how “human” has become the common denominator of security and development and in what ways two areas have been conceptualized under security-development nexus. In this regard, common characteristics of security and development, paradigm shifts in both areas, their convergence process, different ways as to how security-development relationship has been conceptualized, and critiques towards such attempts will be discussed.
Güvenlik ve kalkınma kavramları Uluslararası İlişkiler teori ve pratiğinde merkezi bir yer tutmak... more Güvenlik ve kalkınma kavramları Uluslararası İlişkiler teori ve pratiğinde merkezi bir yer tutmaktadır. Güvenlik ve kalkınma alanlarının kendi içlerinde bile tam anlamıyla bir uzlaşma olmamasına rağmen, uluslararası kuruluşlar, düşünce kuruluşları, ve üniversite bazlı araştırmalar arasında güvenlik ve kalkınmanın birbiriyle bağlı olduğuna dair bir mutabakat vardır. Bu gelişen anlayışa Türkiye Cumhuriyeti siyasi ve bürokratik elitinin de kayıtsız kalmadığı ve yakın geçmişte güvenliği kalkınmayla, kalkınmayı da güvenlikle ilişkilendirdiği, bu ilişkiden de olumlu sonuçlar elde etmeyi amaçladığı iddia edilebilir. Bu bağlamda 1980’li yılların başında enerji üretimi ve sulamayı baz alan bir mühendislik projesi olarak Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nde başlatılan Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi’nin (GAP) devlet eliti tarafından bu şekilde ele alındığı, kalkınma ve GAP’ın Kürt sorununu çözmek ve toplumsal barışı sağlamak adına tamamlayıcı bir unsur olarak görüldüğü öne sürülebilir. Bu çalışma, söz konusu güvenlik-kalkınma “bağını” ve güvenlik ve kalkınmanın ortak ve ayrışan işlevlerini incelemekte, ayrıca Türkiye ve GAP özeline inerek bu kavramların GAP çerçevesinde nasıl ele alındığını tartışmaktadır. Çalışma aynı zamanda güvenlik ve kalkınma yaklaşımlarını birleştirme ve iki kavramı bir “bağ” içinde düşünmenin gerekliliğini savunan çağrılara rağmen güvenlik ve kalkınma arasındaki ilişkinin bu denli basit, katı ve tek yönlü olmadığını ve iki kavramı bir bağ çerçevesinde düşünmenin her zaman olumlu sonuçlar veremeyebileceğini vurgulamaktadır. Bu sebeple çalışma, alternatif bir yaklaşım ortaya koymakta ve iki alan arasındaki ilişkiyi bir bağdan ziyade, kimi zaman birbirini destekleyen, kimi zaman da birbirlerine ket vuran fikirlerin, süreçlerin ve uygulamaların karşılıklı etkileşimde olduğu dinamik bir ağ gibi görmenin daha faydalı, kapsayıcı, ve tutarlı olacağının altını çizmektedir.
The concepts of security and development have been central to the theory and practice of internat... more The concepts of security and development have been central to the theory and practice of international affairs. Even though there is little sense of common agreement within both arenas, there is a seeming consensus among international organizations, key think-tanks, and university-based research that security and development are interconnected. Arguably, the political and bureaucratic elite of Turkey has also long assumed that fusing security and development was desirable and would produce positive outcomes. The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Guneydogu Anadolu Projesi, or GAP in its Turkish acronym), the large-scale, multi-sectoral regional development project initiated in early 1980s in Southeastern Anatolia Region of Turkey, sets a good example as to how the elite has conceived development–GAP in particular–as a complementary means to deal with Turkey’s Kurdish question and to maintain peace and security. This study examines this “nexus” between security and development and discusses the common and contrasting functions of these concepts with specific focus on how they were conceived within GAP framework. The study emphasizes that although it has become fashionable to talk about such a “nexus”, the relationship between security and development is far from being simple, static, and one-dimensional, and linking these concepts do not always lead to positive results. Therefore, the study puts forward an alternative approach and emphasizes that conceiving security-development relationship as a dynamic network of interconnections is a more flexible, inclusive, and fruitful approach.
Referendums are used as last-ditch devices to resolve issues in certain contexts. This was the ca... more Referendums are used as last-ditch devices to resolve issues in certain contexts. This was the case in Turkey, as the current Justice and Development Party government decided to hold a constitutional referendum on September 12, 2010 to amend the current Constitution of 1982, ratified by the military junta of 1980-1983. At the end, 58% of the voters voted “Yes”, as opposed to 42% of “No” votes. However, despite its enormous political and social impact, the subject remains under-researched and in need of explanation. This study gives a snapshot and evaluation of the 2010 referendum campaign according to relevant theories of psychology and political science. Accordingly, this study denotes eleven interrelated factors of crucial importance in similar referendums and discusses their representation in the context of referendum, thus, contributes to the literature in terms of explaining both psychological and political factors in the referendums.
In the past decade, there has been a growing research interest in both media and terrorism studie... more In the past decade, there has been a growing research interest in both media and terrorism studies, as the impacts of acts of terror have been felt in almost every corner of the globe through the media. Recent history has provided plenty of examples of the mutually beneficial relationship between terrorist organizations and the media; however, this symbiosis was largely overlooked among both academics and policy-makers. This concise study aims to address both theoretical and practical, particularly policy-making aspect of this issue. In this regard, this study examines how and why the architects of terrorism exploit the media for their operational efficiency, and how and why the media covers acts of terrorism and benefits from huge audiences. Finally, as the policy-making aspect of the issue is as important as its theoretical significance, a set of policy recommendations will be discussed to help the formulation of better media-related counter-terrorism policies.
International Journal of Water Resources Development, 2024
Moving beyond the purely material understanding of infrastructures, new perspectives in infrastru... more Moving beyond the purely material understanding of infrastructures, new perspectives in infrastructural regionalism assert that infrastructures and regions simultaneously shape each other. Drawing on this reciprocal relationship, we introduce the concept of 'water regionalism' to examine how regional factors, dynamics, and complexities shape water infrastructures, and how water infrastructures concurrently shape regions. Through qualitative research methodologies, we empirically demonstrate how this concept operates in practice by examining the history of regional planning and hydraulic infrastructure development in Turkey, particularly the process of how the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP) and the GAP region have shaped each other since the 1970s.
This policy paper uses open-source software (the Global Surface Water Explorer) to examine surfac... more This policy paper uses open-source software (the Global Surface Water Explorer) to examine surface water changes in the Euphrates-Tigris Basin from 1984-2015, focusing on Iraq – a downstream riparian state. The timeline captures the impact on Iraq of upstream dam construction (notably in Turkey and Iran), wars, conflicts, and political transformations (particularly in Syria and Iraq), and a period of protracted drought (across the basin) between 2007-2018. Between 1984-2015, the area of permanent water in Iraq declined by a third (from 5,684 km2 to 3,779 km2), with greatest losses in the south. There was an 86% reduction (16,664 km2) in area of the Mesopotamian Marshes. In contrast, over the same period, the area of permanent water in Turkey increased by over a quarter (from 8,667 km2 to 10,875 km2). Mapping long-term changes in the occurrence and variability of surface water is a necessary step in achieving greater hydro-transparency; that is, the open availability of information on the movement, storage and management of water within and across state borders. Increased hydro-transparency, through the public provision of evidence-based information, can build trust between the riparian states (Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran), informing options for more sustainable, equitable and reasonable utilisation of basin flows.
Critical epistemologies and methodologies have over time challenged the static and mono-dimension... more Critical epistemologies and methodologies have over time challenged the static and mono-dimensional approaches to fieldwork, allowing researchers to contemplate and conduct their research in spaces of in-betweenness. Despite this important shift, the essentialist idea that both 'the field' and 'home' in a fieldwork setting must be actual places persists. In this article, we challenge the conceptualization and operationalization of 'home' not only as the juxtaposition to 'the field', but also as the embodiment of a place in a specific temporality. We argue that the postulation of 'home' as a constant disregards the non-predetermined and unpredictable nature of fieldwork relationships that are often complicated by implicit and explicit power dynamics, especially in places researchers identify as 'home'. We demonstrate that unequal power relations, especially (1) between the Global North and Global South, (2) between majority and minoritized groups, (3) among genders, and (4) between elites and non-elites, require us to envisage 'the field' and 'home' in relative terms. We propose the reconceptualization of fieldwork place as a hybridized space that conjoins 'the field' and 'home' as 'field-home', particularly at a time when research mobility is restricted by the COVID-19 pandemic. In this way, we extend the literature on issues related to power, positionality and reflexivity in qualitative research, and provide practical insights for those preparing for fieldwork.
Since the Syrian civil war broke out in 2011, the People’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina ... more Since the Syrian civil war broke out in 2011, the People’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, the YPG) has been one of the most notable groups in Syria. The group has become increasingly known especially after playing a significant role in the fight against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and, later on, declaring autonomy in northern Syria in 2014. While various political, economic, and social dimensions of the Rojava struggle and of the YPG have been examined within a wide array of fields, the group and its identity have not been adequately examined through a social-psychological lens thus far. In this study, we seek to fill this gap by examining how YPG supporters represent, understand, and express the identity and behaviour of their own group and their adversaries on social media, particularly on Twitter. In light of social identity theory, we explore YPG supporters’ (1) ingroup representations (both ingroup members and allies), (2) ingroup social norms, (3) outgroup representations, and (4) outgroup social norms. Thus, we not only present the first empirical study in this regard, but also discuss the meanings of identity content and social norms in relation to the processes of mobilization and solidarity among YPG supporters.
Depolitizasyon, neoliberalizmin son 40 yıldaki egemenliğine paralel olarak geçtiğimiz on yıllarda... more Depolitizasyon, neoliberalizmin son 40 yıldaki egemenliğine paralel olarak geçtiğimiz on yıllarda hem akademik hem de politika oluşturan çevrelerde artarak ilgi görmüş bir kavramdır. İlgili literatürde siyaset sonrası bir durum veya politika üretme sürecini siyasetten arındırmak için kullanılan bir yönetim stratejisi olarak tanımlanan kavramı son dönemlerde farklı disiplinlerden çok sayıda siyaset ve sosyal bilimcinin ampirik vakaları incelemek için kullandığı görülmektedir. Türkçe depolitizasyon literatürüne bakıldığında, Türkiye’nin siyasi, ekonomik ve toplumsal meselelerinin de artan şekilde depolitizasyon ışığında incelendiği görülebilir. Türkiye’de yaşanan ekonomik krizler sonrasında ekonomi yönetiminin nasıl siyasetten arındırıldığı veya postmodern ideolojinin bizzat siyaseti nasıl siyasetsizleştirdiği gibi sorulara yanıt arayan çalışmalar özellikle 2000’lerden sonra artmıştır. Literatür taramasına dayalı bir tartışma sunan bu makale, öncüllerinden farklı, fakat öncüllerini tamamlayıcı bir şekilde depolitizasyon kavramının siyasal teorik temellerine de inmekte, kavramın neoliberalizmle ilişkisini açıklamaktadır. Makale ayrıca neoliberalizmin neleri, nasıl ve neden siyasal düzlemden teknik bir düzlem olarak hayal ettiği ekonomik düzleme aktararak siyaseti dışladığını ortaya koymaktadır. Bu süreçlerin dünya genelinde ve Türkiye özelinde kalkınma pratiklerine nasıl yön verdiğini somut örnekler ışığında tartışan makale, böylece depolitizasyonun siyasal ve toplumsal kökenleri açısından daha derin, çeşitleri ve uygulama alanları açısından da daha geniş bir kavram olduğunu da göstermektedir.
Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement, 2021
Despite more than two decades of critical scholarly engagement, “development” is far from sheddin... more Despite more than two decades of critical scholarly engagement, “development” is far from shedding its hierarchical, patriarchal, and colonial underpinnings. In academic research and teaching, power relations are continuously perpetuated – both implicitly and explicitly. Grounding our arguments on post- and decolonial critiques and our own experiences, we contend that how, why, and by whom “development” research is carried out must remain under constant scrutiny. We propose a reflexive and sociopolitically conscious approach of “knowledge co-construction”. Thus, we seek to decouple the myths of objective production of knowledge around “development” and provide (especially) students and early career researchers with a critical gaze.
The Foucauldian concept of power-knowledge has been a useful lens to study the idea, discourse, a... more The Foucauldian concept of power-knowledge has been a useful lens to study the idea, discourse, and practice of development. Since the 1980s, many scholars have employed this critical framework to unearth the overlooked power relations created and altered by the concept of development in general, and development projects in particular. This article contributes to this debate by advancing and enriching this perspective. Analyzing a broad number of official sources supporting Turkey’s Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) and drawing theoretically on the concept of power of Michel Foucault and absences of Boaventura de Sousa Santos, we argue that GAP is part of a state strategy to produce southeastern Turkey by design and the representation of lack. We develop a framework that helps us understand the narratives on the project as a design of absences, a design-power that works as a particular form of power-knowledge. In the terrain of absences, design has become the way to exercise power together with the observation of geography and population. The absences created by the development discourse become a key-feature of design-power. In this sense, GAP is design-power to produce a new region and new subjectivities and works as a particular form of power-knowledge.
The Foucauldian concept of power-knowledge has been a useful lens to study the idea, discourse, a... more The Foucauldian concept of power-knowledge has been a useful lens to study the idea, discourse, and practice of development. Since the 1980s, many scholars have employed this critical framework to unearth the overlooked power relations created and altered by the concept of development in general, and development projects in particular. This article contributes to this debate by advancing and enriching this perspective. Analyzing a broad number of official sources supporting Turkey’s Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) and drawing theoretically on the concept of power of Michel Foucault and absences of Boaventura de Sousa Santos, we argue that GAP is part of a state strategy to produce southeastern Turkey by design and the representation of lack. We develop a framework that helps us understand the narratives on the project as a design of absences, a design-power that works as a particular form of power-knowledge. In the terrain of absences, design has become the way to exercise power together with the observation of geography and population. The absences created by the development discourse become a key-feature of design-power. In this sense, GAP is design-power to produce a new region and new subjectivities and works as a particular form of power-knowledge.
In simplest terms, depoliticization refers to a systemic condition that inscribes the whole of so... more In simplest terms, depoliticization refers to a systemic condition that inscribes the whole of society or to a distinct governing strategy for disguising the political nature of policy process. Understood as a condition, a strategy, or both, the concept has been employed to examine a wide array of policy issues until recently. Especially in development studies, the concept has been increasingly utilized to examine the rationale, mechanisms, and ramifications of development projects that were carried out in different parts of the world. Except a few examples, however, the depoliticizing implications of development schemes in Turkey have not received adequate scholarly attention. This article investigates Turkey’s Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) in the conceptual guidance of depoliticization approach. The article explores how a neoliberal agenda has trivialized political issues such as those concerning distribution, resource use, inequality, inclusion, or conflict in southeastern Turkey. It critically assesses how the dominance of experts, the subscription to the ‘homo oeconomicus’ model, and the developmentalization of security policy have operated as means of depoliticization within the project. In this way, it provides a new perspective regarding how policymakers and project authorities attempt to ‘economize’ or ‘technicize’ the political in project frameworks and sites.
The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is one of the largest regional... more The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is one of the largest regional development projects ever implemented in the Middle East. Launched officially in the 1970s to develop the water and land resources of southeastern Turkey, GAP has over time evolved from a predominantly technical, largely state-led and mainly infrastructural and economic development-oriented project into a primarily social, largely market-friendly and chiefly sustainable and human development-oriented project. Parallel to this evolution, GAP has grown more visible in political and public discourses. The implications of the project, for instance, on the ecology and cultural heritages, on the Kurdish Question, and on water issue among Turkey, Syria and Iraq have become clearer. However, despite growing academic and policy interest on GAP, there has been no attempt to provide a literature review on the project. Even more than 40 years after GAP was begun, a bird’s eye view of researched and under-researched topics in the literature has not been introduced yet. This article seeks to present a qualitative review of GAP-related literature. In this way, it seeks to constitute an initial step to establish a base for more expansive reviews and to provide guidance to interested and involved researchers, practitioners and policymakers.
Hacettepe Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi, 2019
Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (GAP), başlangıçta Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nin su ve toprak kaynaklar... more Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (GAP), başlangıçta Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nin su ve toprak kaynaklarını geliştirmek ve Fırat-Dicle Havzası’nda sulama yapmak ve enerji üretmek için 22 baraj, 19 hidroelektrik santrali ve çeşitli sulama yatırımlarının yapılmasını öngören, zamanla çok sektörlü, sürdürülebilir insani gelişmeye dayalı entegre bir bölgesel kalkınma projesine dönüştürülen kapsamlı bir modernleşme hamlesidir. GAP, kapsamı, boyutu ve dönüştürücü gücü sebebiyle Türkiye’nin iç ve dış dinamiklerini etkilemiş, ülkenin ulusal ve uluslararası politikalarının şekillenmesinde önemli bir rol oynamıştır. Buna rağmen proje hedeflenen sürede tamamlanamamış, projenin bitiş tarihi projenin resmen başlatılmasından bu yana geçen 40 sene içinde sürekli değişikliğe uğramıştır. Son resmî verilere göre proje şemsiyesi altındaki enerji projelerinin %74’ü, sulama projelerinin ise %30.4’ü ancak gerçekleştirilebilmiştir. GAP literatürü incelendiğinde projenin zamanında tamamlan(a)mamasının neredeyse hiç sorunsallaştırılmadığı ve gecikmeye sebep olan faktörlerin neler olduğunun yeterince araştırılmadığı görülmektedir. Bu çalışma, literatürdeki bu eksikliği gidermek ve GAP’ın tamamlanmasını geciktiren faktörleri irdelemek amacıyla yürütülmüştür. Çalışma, 1975–2014 arasındaki Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi tutanaklarının, GAP Bölge Kalkınma İdaresi arşivinin ve ilgili aktörlerle yapılan 64 derinlemesine görüşmenin analizini yaparak GAP’ı geciktiren başlıca 10 faktör olduğunu göstermiş, bu faktörleri detaylı olarak inceleyerek projenin geçmişine, şimdiki durumuna ve gelecekte izleyebileceği yola dair yeni ve daha iyi bir bakış açısı sunmaya çalışmıştır.
Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, Aug 21, 2019
The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is one of the largest developm... more The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is one of the largest development projects ever undertaken in Turkey. Launched in the 1970s, GAP initially aimed primarily at the construction of 22 dams and 19 hydroelectric
power plants on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and of extensive irrigation networks to produce hydroelectric energy and irrigate 1.8 million hectares of land in south-eastern
Turkey. In later decades, the scope of GAP widened considerably as it became a more comprehensive and bold scheme of modernization and transformation. Following this expansion, GAP also aimed at entirely reorganizing the political, social, economic, and cultural landscape of south-eastern Turkey and at transforming the local population therein. Despite these developments, and despite GAP having been intensely examined
in the literature, the raison d’être of the project has not yet been adequately examined from a critical perspective. Questions regarding how the state authorities rationalized
the inception of GAP and which factors motivated them to undertake development activities remain under-discussed. This article seeks to analyse the major rationales of GAP together with their multifaceted implications. In this way, the article aims to present an alternative narrative on the evolution and recent status of GAP, based on empirical data.
Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi, 2018
Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (GAP), Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nin su ve toprak kaynaklarını geliştir... more Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (GAP), Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nin su ve toprak kaynaklarını geliştirmek ve Fırat-Dicle Havzası’nda sulama yapmak ve hidroelektrik enerji üretmek adına 1977’de başlatılmış, 2017’ye uzanan 40 yıllık süreçte çok sektörlü, sürdürülebilir insani kalkınmaya dayalı entegre bir bölgesel kalkınma projesine dönüştürülmüştür. GAP her ne kadar geniş kapsamı, iddialı amaç ve hedefleri, olumlu ve olumsuz etkileri, teknik, siyasi, ekonomik, sosyal, kültürel ve ekolojik boyutlarıyla hem Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi, hem Türkiye, hem de Orta Doğu için hayati öneme sahip olsa da, bu projenin projeyi planlayanlar ve uygulayanlar tarafından hangi şekillerde algılandığı ve sözlü ve yazılı metinlerde hangi boyutlarıyla ele alındığı bugüne kadar kapsamlı ve sistematik olarak tartışılmamıştır. Bu çalışma literatürdeki bu önemli eksiği tamamlamakta ve Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’nde 1975-2014 arasında yapılan tartışmaların, GAP Bölge Kalkınma İdaresi arşivinin ve GAP’ın planlama ve uygulama aşamalarında projeye katkı sağlamış 64 siyasi aktör, karar alıcı ve devlet seçkiniyle yapılan derinlemesine mülakatların ışığında 40. yılında GAP ile ilgili söylemlerin kapsamını belirleyip projenin yıllar içinde hangi noktaya evrildiğinin özgün bir değerlendirmesini sunmaktadır.
The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is arguably the largest region... more The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) is arguably the largest regional development project ever witnessed in Turkey. Begun in the 1970s, GAP initially aimed primarily at the construction of 22 dams and 19 hydroelectric power plants on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and of extensive irrigation networks to produce hydroelectric energy and water 1.8 million hectares of land in southeastern Turkey. Later, the scope of GAP broadened significantly as it became a more ambitious and comprehensive scheme of modernization and transformation. Following this expansion, the multidimensionality of GAP and its multifaceted implications became clearer at both the national and international level. The project grew more visible and influential not only in political and public discourses, but also in the GAP region itself. Despite these developments, however, the question of how the project’s characteristics, vocabulary, rationales, and mechanisms have changed since its inception remains underdiscussed. This article asks what GAP was in the past and what it has more recently become. It examines the gradual transformation of GAP over forty years by specifically taking into account the continuities and ruptures in development discourse, theory, and practice since the 1950s. In this way, the article aims to provide a new perspective regarding the stages through which the project has passed to reach its current form.
The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) was initiated in the 1970s to ... more The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) was initiated in the 1970s to produce energy and irrigate arid lands through constructing dams and hydroelectric power plants on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and extensive irrigation networks in southeastern Turkey. Over time, the project was expanded to achieve a wider range of goals in different fields and radically transform Southeastern Anatolia Region. It is also widely claimed that GAP was initiated to address the root causes of the Kurdish question in Turkey and that security considerations and political calculations were actually the raison d’être of GAP. However, this supposed link between GAP and the Kurdish question was often established in a simplistic manner and the question how these two have been related – or not – remained largely untangled. This article aims to fill this research gap and examine the complex and multi-dimensional nature of the interrelationship between GAP and the Kurdish question based on diverse primary and secondary data sources. Accordingly, the article identifies and discusses major narratives in which GAP was conceived as a political and strategic ‘anti-Kurdish’ plot; remedy for the conflict; and totally technical non-political project and presents an alternative and more accurate perspective on how to interpret this relationship.
Küresel ölçekteki köklü değişim ve dönüşümlere rağmen, güvenlik ve kalkınma hem teorik hem pratik... more Küresel ölçekteki köklü değişim ve dönüşümlere rağmen, güvenlik ve kalkınma hem teorik hem pratik yönleriyle küresel siyaset gündemindeki kritik konumlarını korumuştur. Zamanla her iki alan içerisinde de değişim ve dönüşümler yaşanmış, ortaya çıkan insan güvenliği ve insani kalkınma gibi kavramlarla iki alan birbirini âdeta kapsayacak duruma gelmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, güvenlik-kalkınma ilişkisinin nasıl insan paydasında kesişip bir güvenlik-kalkınma bağı altında kavramsallaştırıldığını genel hatlarıyla ve betimleyici bir şekilde tartışmaktır. Bu kapsamda öncelikle güvenlik ve kalkınmanın örtüşen karakteristik özellikleri, iki alan içerisindeki paradigma değişiklikleri ve iki alanın yakınlaşma süreci açıklanacak, ardından güvenlik-kalkınma ilişkisinin hangi şekillerde kavramsallaştırıldığı bu çabalara yöneltilen eleştirilerle birlikte tartışılacaktır.
Despite radical changes and transformations at global scale in the past decades, security and development have retained their critical positions in global political agenda with their theoretical and practical dimensions. Over time, two areas have also undergone significant changes and transformations and converged to each other, especially after the emergence of human security and human development. The aim of this study is to broadly describe and discuss how “human” has become the common denominator of security and development and in what ways two areas have been conceptualized under security-development nexus. In this regard, common characteristics of security and development, paradigm shifts in both areas, their convergence process, different ways as to how security-development relationship has been conceptualized, and critiques towards such attempts will be discussed.
Güvenlik ve kalkınma kavramları Uluslararası İlişkiler teori ve pratiğinde merkezi bir yer tutmak... more Güvenlik ve kalkınma kavramları Uluslararası İlişkiler teori ve pratiğinde merkezi bir yer tutmaktadır. Güvenlik ve kalkınma alanlarının kendi içlerinde bile tam anlamıyla bir uzlaşma olmamasına rağmen, uluslararası kuruluşlar, düşünce kuruluşları, ve üniversite bazlı araştırmalar arasında güvenlik ve kalkınmanın birbiriyle bağlı olduğuna dair bir mutabakat vardır. Bu gelişen anlayışa Türkiye Cumhuriyeti siyasi ve bürokratik elitinin de kayıtsız kalmadığı ve yakın geçmişte güvenliği kalkınmayla, kalkınmayı da güvenlikle ilişkilendirdiği, bu ilişkiden de olumlu sonuçlar elde etmeyi amaçladığı iddia edilebilir. Bu bağlamda 1980’li yılların başında enerji üretimi ve sulamayı baz alan bir mühendislik projesi olarak Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nde başlatılan Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi’nin (GAP) devlet eliti tarafından bu şekilde ele alındığı, kalkınma ve GAP’ın Kürt sorununu çözmek ve toplumsal barışı sağlamak adına tamamlayıcı bir unsur olarak görüldüğü öne sürülebilir. Bu çalışma, söz konusu güvenlik-kalkınma “bağını” ve güvenlik ve kalkınmanın ortak ve ayrışan işlevlerini incelemekte, ayrıca Türkiye ve GAP özeline inerek bu kavramların GAP çerçevesinde nasıl ele alındığını tartışmaktadır. Çalışma aynı zamanda güvenlik ve kalkınma yaklaşımlarını birleştirme ve iki kavramı bir “bağ” içinde düşünmenin gerekliliğini savunan çağrılara rağmen güvenlik ve kalkınma arasındaki ilişkinin bu denli basit, katı ve tek yönlü olmadığını ve iki kavramı bir bağ çerçevesinde düşünmenin her zaman olumlu sonuçlar veremeyebileceğini vurgulamaktadır. Bu sebeple çalışma, alternatif bir yaklaşım ortaya koymakta ve iki alan arasındaki ilişkiyi bir bağdan ziyade, kimi zaman birbirini destekleyen, kimi zaman da birbirlerine ket vuran fikirlerin, süreçlerin ve uygulamaların karşılıklı etkileşimde olduğu dinamik bir ağ gibi görmenin daha faydalı, kapsayıcı, ve tutarlı olacağının altını çizmektedir.
The concepts of security and development have been central to the theory and practice of internat... more The concepts of security and development have been central to the theory and practice of international affairs. Even though there is little sense of common agreement within both arenas, there is a seeming consensus among international organizations, key think-tanks, and university-based research that security and development are interconnected. Arguably, the political and bureaucratic elite of Turkey has also long assumed that fusing security and development was desirable and would produce positive outcomes. The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Guneydogu Anadolu Projesi, or GAP in its Turkish acronym), the large-scale, multi-sectoral regional development project initiated in early 1980s in Southeastern Anatolia Region of Turkey, sets a good example as to how the elite has conceived development–GAP in particular–as a complementary means to deal with Turkey’s Kurdish question and to maintain peace and security. This study examines this “nexus” between security and development and discusses the common and contrasting functions of these concepts with specific focus on how they were conceived within GAP framework. The study emphasizes that although it has become fashionable to talk about such a “nexus”, the relationship between security and development is far from being simple, static, and one-dimensional, and linking these concepts do not always lead to positive results. Therefore, the study puts forward an alternative approach and emphasizes that conceiving security-development relationship as a dynamic network of interconnections is a more flexible, inclusive, and fruitful approach.
Referendums are used as last-ditch devices to resolve issues in certain contexts. This was the ca... more Referendums are used as last-ditch devices to resolve issues in certain contexts. This was the case in Turkey, as the current Justice and Development Party government decided to hold a constitutional referendum on September 12, 2010 to amend the current Constitution of 1982, ratified by the military junta of 1980-1983. At the end, 58% of the voters voted “Yes”, as opposed to 42% of “No” votes. However, despite its enormous political and social impact, the subject remains under-researched and in need of explanation. This study gives a snapshot and evaluation of the 2010 referendum campaign according to relevant theories of psychology and political science. Accordingly, this study denotes eleven interrelated factors of crucial importance in similar referendums and discusses their representation in the context of referendum, thus, contributes to the literature in terms of explaining both psychological and political factors in the referendums.
In the past decade, there has been a growing research interest in both media and terrorism studie... more In the past decade, there has been a growing research interest in both media and terrorism studies, as the impacts of acts of terror have been felt in almost every corner of the globe through the media. Recent history has provided plenty of examples of the mutually beneficial relationship between terrorist organizations and the media; however, this symbiosis was largely overlooked among both academics and policy-makers. This concise study aims to address both theoretical and practical, particularly policy-making aspect of this issue. In this regard, this study examines how and why the architects of terrorism exploit the media for their operational efficiency, and how and why the media covers acts of terrorism and benefits from huge audiences. Finally, as the policy-making aspect of the issue is as important as its theoretical significance, a set of policy recommendations will be discussed to help the formulation of better media-related counter-terrorism policies.
Handbook on the Governance and Politics of Water Resources, 2024
This chapter sketches a new empirical phenomenon that commentators have named ‘hydrohubs’. These ... more This chapter sketches a new empirical phenomenon that commentators have named ‘hydrohubs’. These are nations, city-states and cities that seek influence and economic or political benefits through branding themselves as centres of excellence and expertise in water policy, management and governance. Aspiring hydrohubs conduct branding and promotion of their water sector internationally and nurture their legitimacy domestically. In addition to sketching out and illustrating hydrohubs as a new empirical phenomenon, we seek to make two conceptual contributions. First, we distinguish the concept of hydrohubs from earlier forms of policy mobility in the water sector. Secondly, we bring nuance to the discussion on nation and city branding by suggesting a typology of hydrohubs based on the scope and outreach of their operations. We illustrate the typology by two vignettes from the Netherlands as a ‘global hydrohub’ and Turkey as a ‘regional hydrohub’ and discuss implications of the rise of hydrohubs for global water governance processes and architecture. Building on the conceptual argument and empirical illustrations, we then position the rise of hydrohubs in contemporary debates on water governance.
A Companion to Modern Turkey's Centennial: Political, Sociological, Economic and Institutional Transformations Since 1923, 2023
In this chapter, I provide a concise overview of hydraulic infrastructure development and, relate... more In this chapter, I provide a concise overview of hydraulic infrastructure development and, relatedly, water resources development in Turkey since 1923. By focusing on the major dam, hydroelectric power plant (HEPP), irrigation, and water transfer projects implemented across Turkey, I discuss the continuities, changes, and challenges in the way the country has conceived of and approached infrastructure, water, and the politics of both throughout its developmental history. In this way, I seek to present a synoptic piece that benefits particularly the students, researchers, and practitioners who are new to, or interested in expanding their knowledge on, the topic. Overall, I argue that Turkey has made significant progress in hydraulic infrastructure development in 100 years, but the time is ripe to abandon the dominant techno-economic perspective on water and adopt a socio-political perspective that captures the complex web of relations between infrastructure, nature, society, politics, and water instead.
Tigris and Euphrates Rivers: Their Environment from Headwaters to Mouth, 2021
The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) was launched as a massive pack... more The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) was launched as a massive package of water and land resources development project in 1977. Over time, the project was redefined as a multisectoral, integrated, and sustainable regional and human development project. This chapter seeks to make a critical appraisal of GAP on the basis of its formal objectives. To this end, the chapter explores GAP-induced changes and challenges specifically in the (i) infrastructural and economic and (ii) sociocultural dimensions of the project. Our main conclusion is that the state’s claim about the project’s success is not supported by the state’s own data.
The Routledge Handbook on Contemporary Turkey, 2021
The twentieth century witnessed a fundamental transformation of the world’s river systems as well... more The twentieth century witnessed a fundamental transformation of the world’s river systems as well as of human–water relationships through the construction of large dams all around the world. Beginning especially after the 1950s, many states, especially the newly independent states in Africa and Asia, initiated ambitious water infrastructure projects not only to ensure water availability for domestic and agricultural purposes, but also to expand their influence, ensure their legitimacy, and strengthen their national identities within and outside their borders. This chapter extends and complements the debate on the complex relationship among dam-, state-, and nation-building, and explores the role of large dams in shaping the politics of state and nation formation in Turkey. The chapter focuses specifically on the dam-building practices carried out under the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP) in southeastern Turkey since the 1970s. In light of the symbolic and discursive constructions of the project at the national level, it discusses the efforts of the Turkish state to frame and present the project as a symbol of modernity, strong statehood, and strong nationhood.
The politics of water in the Euphrates-Tigris Basin has been marked by different periods of coope... more The politics of water in the Euphrates-Tigris Basin has been marked by different periods of cooperation, confrontation, and compromise between Turkey, Syria, and Iraq since the early 1920s. For decades, factors such as, inter alia, global geopolitical contexts (e.g., the
Turkey’s modernization process has been heavily influenced by the strong will and idealistic ambi... more Turkey’s modernization process has been heavily influenced by the strong will and idealistic ambition of the Turkish state to ensure progress and development since the inception of the country in 1923, or even earlier, since the first modernization attempts of the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century. Elevating the whole nation to the level of “contemporary civilizations,” which was perceived as the level and standards of the West, and ensuring integration and homogenization in political, economic, social, and cultural spheres at the national level have been indispensable principles of this process. For this reason, dispersing the population and services throughout the country and reducing the long-standing disparities between inner and coastal as well as eastern and western regions have also been crucial for the state to fulfill its regional policy and modernization goals and objectives. Even though a wide range of modernizing reforms and development policies were implemented and many development plans, programs, and projects were formulated to this end since the 1920s, arguably Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) has been the most ambitious and sensational project in this regard. GAP was initiated in long “underdeveloped” Southeastern Anatolia Region–or GAP region–in the 1970s as a technical project primarily to produce energy and irrigate lands through constructing plenty of dams and hydroelectric power plants on Euphrates and Tigris. In time, however, the focus, scope, and character of GAP have undergone significant changes and the project has evolved into a bolder scheme to reorder and transform the political, social, economic, and cultural landscape of GAP region and reshape the mindset and behaviors of its local population. Even though the advancement of GAP increased the influence of the project on GAP region and led to positive development outcomes such as increase in agricultural production and per capita income over time, it also led to controversy, unintended consequences, and contestation on different fronts. The mismatch of visions, aspirations, and expectations between the architects of GAP and the local population never ceased to exist. The negative environmental and social impacts and drawbacks of the project were also subjected to wide criticism. Despite these, the project was not only constantly redefined, repackaged, and reintroduced as a solution to socio-economic and socio-political problems of GAP region, but also given a “special” or “untouchable” status that prevented the questioning of its rationale, raison d’etre, modus operandi, and similar deeper and often overlooked aspects. Also, GAP was rarely examined in the light of critical development approaches and especially the concept of depoliticization, both of which question the “neutral” and “non-political” nature of development and concentrate on contestation and power relations created or altered by development. Discursive constructions and perceptions of the architects of GAP and their implications were also largely overlooked. The project remained mostly unpacked and many questions as to what it used to be in the past, has recently become, and would look like in the future; why it was initiated; and how it was initiated remained uncontested in the literature. This study fills this important research gap and examines through what kind of discursive and material practices politicians, bureaucrats, experts, intellectuals, and other elite groups of the Turkish state have shaped the design and implementation of GAP. Based on written and spoken texts on GAP such as parliamentary proceedings between 1975 and 2014, archival resources of GAP Regional Development Administration, and 64 semi-structured interviews with the representatives of various governmental and non-governmental institutions, the study examines GAP’s rationale, vocabulary, assumptions, constructions, and mechanisms. In the theoretical guidance of critical development approaches and depoliticization and methodological guidance of post-positivist discourse analysis and qualitative content analysis methods, the study demystifies the project and demonstrates how it could remain rarely problematized and retain its “sanctified” position, which was supposedly “above” and “beyond” politics. Finally, based on the empirical findings, the study introduces and discusses a number of illuminating inferences on the concept of development in general and GAP in particular. The study comprises eight chapters that are subdivided into four parts. The first part, “Introduction,” comprises the introduction chapter followed by the theoretical framework and methodology of the study (Chapter 1, 2, & 3). The second part, “Background and Literature Review,” comprises one chapter (Chapter 4) and provides the history of modernization and development efforts of the Turkish state since the Ottoman period in the 19th century, distinct characteristics of Southeastern Anatolia Region, and a comprehensive and systematic literature review on GAP. The third part, “Empirical Analysis,” comprises three chapters that examine the historical trajectory of GAP and oscillations in its governance since its inception (Chapter 5); what kind of sources gave impetus to the initiation of GAP and how it has been rationalized in more than four decades (Chapter 6); and the sources and forms of depoliticization in the overall GAP framework and how GAP and depoliticization have related to each other (Chapter 7). The fourth part, “Conclusion,” comprises one concluding chapter (Chapter 8) that summarizes the study, identifies the major inferences drawn from the study about development and GAP, explains the implications of the study on GAP and development practice, and points to future research directions that can complement the study and initiate new research avenues in the relevant literature.
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Peer-reviewed articles by Arda Bilgen
power plants on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and of extensive irrigation networks to produce hydroelectric energy and irrigate 1.8 million hectares of land in south-eastern
Turkey. In later decades, the scope of GAP widened considerably as it became a more comprehensive and bold scheme of modernization and transformation. Following this expansion, GAP also aimed at entirely reorganizing the political, social, economic, and cultural landscape of south-eastern Turkey and at transforming the local population therein. Despite these developments, and despite GAP having been intensely examined
in the literature, the raison d’être of the project has not yet been adequately examined from a critical perspective. Questions regarding how the state authorities rationalized
the inception of GAP and which factors motivated them to undertake development activities remain under-discussed. This article seeks to analyse the major rationales of GAP together with their multifaceted implications. In this way, the article aims to present an alternative narrative on the evolution and recent status of GAP, based on empirical data.
Despite radical changes and transformations at global scale in the past decades, security and development have retained their critical positions in global political agenda with their theoretical and practical dimensions. Over time, two areas have also undergone significant changes and transformations and converged to each other, especially after the emergence of human security and human development. The aim of this study is to broadly describe and discuss how “human” has become the common denominator of security and development and in what ways two areas have been conceptualized under security-development nexus. In this regard, common characteristics of security and development, paradigm shifts in both areas, their convergence process, different ways as to how security-development relationship has been conceptualized, and critiques towards such attempts will be discussed.
power plants on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and of extensive irrigation networks to produce hydroelectric energy and irrigate 1.8 million hectares of land in south-eastern
Turkey. In later decades, the scope of GAP widened considerably as it became a more comprehensive and bold scheme of modernization and transformation. Following this expansion, GAP also aimed at entirely reorganizing the political, social, economic, and cultural landscape of south-eastern Turkey and at transforming the local population therein. Despite these developments, and despite GAP having been intensely examined
in the literature, the raison d’être of the project has not yet been adequately examined from a critical perspective. Questions regarding how the state authorities rationalized
the inception of GAP and which factors motivated them to undertake development activities remain under-discussed. This article seeks to analyse the major rationales of GAP together with their multifaceted implications. In this way, the article aims to present an alternative narrative on the evolution and recent status of GAP, based on empirical data.
Despite radical changes and transformations at global scale in the past decades, security and development have retained their critical positions in global political agenda with their theoretical and practical dimensions. Over time, two areas have also undergone significant changes and transformations and converged to each other, especially after the emergence of human security and human development. The aim of this study is to broadly describe and discuss how “human” has become the common denominator of security and development and in what ways two areas have been conceptualized under security-development nexus. In this regard, common characteristics of security and development, paradigm shifts in both areas, their convergence process, different ways as to how security-development relationship has been conceptualized, and critiques towards such attempts will be discussed.