Tigray’s ethnic nationality is the minority identity in the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutiona... more Tigray’s ethnic nationality is the minority identity in the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four political parties under the leadership of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For decades, the ruling party has governed by pitting the Oromo and Amhara against one another. Accordingly, the Oromo-Amhara solidarity is the greatest threat to the Ethiopian government. Within the framework of the Copenhagen school, we analyzed the securitization of the two majority identities. This essay is split into two sections. The first examines why and how the Oromo and Amhara identities have been securitized by the dominant force of TPLF within the governing EPRDF coalition. The second section examines the implications and consequences of this securitization. I argue that the securitization, while a natural choice in many respects, has perhaps been detrimental to the overall security of the Ethiopia's Tigray-dominated government that perceives the Oromo and Amhara as a serious threat to Ethiopia's leadership.
Climate change has emerged as a major global issue that affects all nations and has become a phen... more Climate change has emerged as a major global issue that affects all nations and has become a phenomena requiring global governance in the modern globalized world. Though the African contribution to the increase Greenhouse Gas (GHG) is very small, climate change is a concern of African countries. This paper is aimed to analyze the African position and challenges in the governance of climate change. Nonetheless, there are opportunities created for adaptation and mitigation, the implementation of these measures is constrained by lack of financial, institutional and human capacities. Accordingly, the Africans position in the international system and lack of the capacities required for meaningful engagement leads to a challenge to participate effectively in global climate change negotiations. Despite numerous internal difficulties facing the African countries in climate governance and negotiations, this paper argues that African countries have shown an improvement in response, and willingness to cooperate and participate compared to previous times. Especially, in recent years, African states have managed to negotiate more effectively, both individually and as a group. Introduction The issue of environment truly emerged onto the international political agenda at the 1972 UN-run Stockholm conference; however, it was only in the latter decades of the twentieth century that environmental problems came to be recognized as more than local or even regional. Though environment in general and climate change, in particular, is a global problem that requires global solutions, its impacts require the active involvement of multiple national and local-level stakeholders in shaping and implementing the solutions. Accordingly, global climate governance, or the purposeful mechanisms and measures aimed at steering social systems towards preventing, mitigating, or adapting to the risks posed by climate change (IPCC, 2014), has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different academic, political and economic domains. Climate change governance takes into account principles of accountability, management and institutional strengthening which are applied when tackling the various challenges posted by climate change. It also includes a wide range of steering mechanisms ranging from informal cooperation between different institutions and actors to hierarchical forms of regulation. Therefore, climate change governance can be described as a wide variety of
International labor migration is an integral part of the modern globalized world. However, the ph... more International labor migration is an integral part of the modern globalized world. However, the phenomenon has its roots in some earlier periods in human history. This paper discusses the relatively new phenomenon of female migration in Africa. In the past, African women migrants were only spouses or dependent family members. But as modernity swept most African societies, with rising unemployment rates, there is evidence everywhere in Africa that women labor migration is a growing phenomenon that deserves to be understood in the context of human security research. This work explores these issues further, focusing on the experience of Ethiopian women labor migrants to Sudan. The migration of Ethiopian people to Sudan is historical; nevertheless, labor migration mainly started since the discovery and subsequent exploration of oil in the Sudan. While the paper is concerned with the human security aspect of the migrant workers, we need to be certain that the migration process will provide with a decent wage, good working conditions, the necessary social security coverage, and labor protection as a whole. However, migration to Sudan is not always safe and female migrants become subject to violence at the hands of brokers, employers and migration officials. For this matter, the paper argued that identifying the vulnerable stages and major problem facing female migrant workers at various stages of migration is a prerequisite to combat the problem and secure the lives of the migrant workers. The major problems female migrants face include extra degrees of gender-based violence, underpayment, various forms of abuse like verbal, physical and sexual and other forms of torture which include beating and slaps. This peculiar situation could be attributed to the fact that most of these women are irregular migrants and fall under the category of unskilled and/or illiterate migrants.
Water politics has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different aca... more Water politics has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different academic, political and economic domains in the globalized world. Thus, water geopolitics has sought to understand and analyze how water politics is imagined spatially. Though the Nile River runs through ten African countries, the main conflict over its waters is between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Since Egypt depends on the Nile for its entire water supply, securing the downstream parts of the river has always been one of Egypt’s national priorities. The dispute between the two states, Egypt and Ethiopia, is rooted in the legacy of British imperialism in North, Northeast and Central Africa during the 20th century. As Cascão (2009) discussed a declaration from 1929 by London granted the bulk of the water of this area of the Nile to Egypt and Sudan.
However, it has been less than a decade whereby Ethiopia’s bargaining power has become much greater than normally acknowledged. To be sure, it is shored up by Ethiopia’s geographic advantage as upstream riparian and provider of 85% of the Nile flows. Moreover, it is not until the last two years, where the discourse of water geopolitics moved away from being dominated by ideas like national security and power. Therefore, the paper focuses on the role of power and hegemony in particular, as a complement to the wide range of issues covered in negotiations. By doing so, the article analyzes the Egypt’s position as the hegemonic power in the horn of Africa contested by Ethiopia. In order to simplify my argument and analysis, I focused on Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt to explicate the extent of water crisis in the North Eastern part of Africa. To accomplish these tasks, a critical geopolitical approach, practical discourse, has been used to analyze the geopolitical implications of speeches of politicians and leaders. Application of critical hydro-politics is thus useful for interpretation of the power plays that grease or block the cogs of the decision-making machinery. Since practical geopolitics describes the actual practice of geopolitical strategy (i.e. foreign policy), the paper look into the country’s foreign policy in relation to the changing power relations in the Nile Basin, especially from the onset of the GERD project which witnesses tension among the three countries. Principally, the study attempts to analyze the geopolitical implications of the newly Egyptian president, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi on regional water politics and speculated on whether it has reinforced or undermined the regional power of Egypt.
Water has a pervasive role in society and religion. From the
past to the present, hunter gathere... more Water has a pervasive role in society and religion. From the past to the present, hunter gatherer societies, tribes, states, and civilizations, nomads, pastoralists and agriculturalists are all intrinsically attached with water in which they lived.
Climate change has emerged as a major global issue that affects all nations and has become a phen... more Climate change has emerged as a major global issue that affects all nations and has become a phenomena requiring global governance in the modern globalized world. Though the African contribution to the increase Greenhouse Gas (GHG) is very small, climate change is a concern of African countries. This paper is aimed to analyze the African position and challenges in the governance of climate change. Nonetheless, there are opportunities created for adaptation and mitigation, the implementation of these measures is constrained by lack of financial, institutional and human capacities. Accordingly, the Africans position in the international system and lack of the capacities required for meaningful engagement leads to a challenge to participate effectively in global climate change negotiations. Despite numerous internal difficulties facing the African countries in climate governance and negotiations, this paper argues that African countries have shown an improvement in response, and willin...
Water politics has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different aca... more Water politics has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different academic, political and economic domains in the globalized world. Thus, water geopolitics has sought to understand and analyze how water politics is imagined spatially. Though the Nile River runs through ten African countries, the main conflict over its waters is between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Since Egypt depends on the Nile for its entire water supply, securing the downstream parts of the river has always been one of Egypt’s national priorities. The dispute between the two states, Egypt and Ethiopia, is rooted in the legacy of British imperialism in North, Northeast and Central Africa during the 20th century. As Cascão (2009) discussed a declaration from 1929 by London granted the bulk of the water of this area of the Nile to Egypt and Sudan. However, it has been less than a decade whereby Ethiopia’s bargaining power has become much greater than normally acknowledged. To be sure, it i...
African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal, 2015
ABSTRACT International labor migration is one of the most salient features of the modern globaliz... more ABSTRACT International labor migration is one of the most salient features of the modern globalized world. However, the phenomenon has its roots in some earlier periods in human history. Africa is traditionally a sending continent of all types of migrations, voluntary or forced. This study examines the above-mentioned issues through the mounting phenomenon of migration of single independent women in search for better economic, social, or political conditions across the boundaries of their home countries. In the past, African women migrants were only spouses or dependent family members. But as modernity swept most African societies, with rising unemployment rates, there is evidence everywhere in Africa that women labor migration is a growing phenomenon that deserves to be understood in the context of current gender-related research. This work explores these issues further, focusing on the experience of Ethiopian women labor migrants to Kuwait, within Gulf Cooperation Council, an area with a shared socio-economic background. In addition to numerous difficulties already facing labor migrants, Ethiopian women suffered greater degrees of gender-based violence, underpayment, and trafficking, to mention only few aspects of human rights violations. This situation could be attributed to the fact that most of these women fall under the category of unskilled and/or illiterate migrants, as irregular migrants who are employed within the private sector, outside the purview any legal or labor regulatory authorities.
International labor migration is an integral part of the modern globalized world. However, the ph... more International labor migration is an integral part of the modern globalized world. However, the phenomenon has its roots in some earlier periods in human history. This paper discusses the relatively new phenomenon of female migration in Africa. In the past, African women migrants were only spouses or dependent family members. But as modernity swept most African societies, with rising unemployment rates, there is evidence everywhere in Africa that women labor migration is a growing phenomenon that deserves to be understood in the context of human security research. This work explores these issues further, focusing on the experience of Ethiopian women labor migrants to Sudan. The migration of Ethiopian people to Sudan is historical; nevertheless, labor migration mainly started since the discovery and subsequent exploration of oil in the Sudan. While the paper is concerned with the human security aspect of the migrant workers, we need to be certain that the migration process will provid...
Tigray’s ethnic nationality is the minority identity in the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutiona... more Tigray’s ethnic nationality is the minority identity in the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four political parties under the leadership of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For decades, the ruling party has governed by pitting the Oromo and Amhara against one another. Accordingly, the Oromo-Amhara solidarity is the greatest threat to the Ethiopian government. Within the framework of the Copenhagen school, we analyzed the securitization of the two majority identities. This essay is split into two sections. The first examines why and how the Oromo and Amhara identities have been securitized by the dominant force of TPLF within the governing EPRDF coalition. The second section examines the implications and consequences of this securitization. I argue that the securitization, while a natural choice in many respects, has perhaps been detrimental to the overall security of the Ethiopia's Tigray-dominated government that perce...
The experiment was conducted to evaluate the effect of supplementing different levels of molasses... more The experiment was conducted to evaluate the effect of supplementing different levels of molasses and concentrates mix with a basal diet of cultivated pasture hay on intake, body weight and carcass quality of Afar sheep. Twenty four yearling Afar sheep, grouped in to four groups of six animals each in a randomized complete block design. The experiment consisted of four months feeding trial each group will receive the experimental feeds. Treatments were mixed concentrate + 20% inclusion molasses (T1), mixed concentrate + 15% inclusion molasses (T2), mixed concentrate + 10% inclusion molasses (T3) and 0% inclusion (T4). In this experiment with mean initial weight of 15.9±0.39 kg (mean ± SD), 16.2 ±0.41 kg, 16.3±0.42k.g and 16.1kg±0.42 respectively, were used in each treatment group. The experiment was consisted of 90 days of feeding trial followed by carcass evaluation. The concentrate mix were 2:1 (wheat bran and cotton seed cake) The CP content of the panicum antidotale hay, concent...
Tigray’s ethnic nationality is the minority identity in the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutiona... more Tigray’s ethnic nationality is the minority identity in the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four political parties under the leadership of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For decades, the ruling party has governed by pitting the Oromo and Amhara against one another. Accordingly, the Oromo-Amhara solidarity is the greatest threat to the Ethiopian government. Within the framework of the Copenhagen school, we analyzed the securitization of the two majority identities. This essay is split into two sections. The first examines why and how the Oromo and Amhara identities have been securitized by the dominant force of TPLF within the governing EPRDF coalition. The second section examines the implications and consequences of this securitization. I argue that the securitization, while a natural choice in many respects, has perhaps been detrimental to the overall security of the Ethiopia's Tigray-dominated government that perceives the Oromo and Amhara as a serious threat to Ethiopia's leadership.
Climate change has emerged as a major global issue that affects all nations and has become a phen... more Climate change has emerged as a major global issue that affects all nations and has become a phenomena requiring global governance in the modern globalized world. Though the African contribution to the increase Greenhouse Gas (GHG) is very small, climate change is a concern of African countries. This paper is aimed to analyze the African position and challenges in the governance of climate change. Nonetheless, there are opportunities created for adaptation and mitigation, the implementation of these measures is constrained by lack of financial, institutional and human capacities. Accordingly, the Africans position in the international system and lack of the capacities required for meaningful engagement leads to a challenge to participate effectively in global climate change negotiations. Despite numerous internal difficulties facing the African countries in climate governance and negotiations, this paper argues that African countries have shown an improvement in response, and willingness to cooperate and participate compared to previous times. Especially, in recent years, African states have managed to negotiate more effectively, both individually and as a group. Introduction The issue of environment truly emerged onto the international political agenda at the 1972 UN-run Stockholm conference; however, it was only in the latter decades of the twentieth century that environmental problems came to be recognized as more than local or even regional. Though environment in general and climate change, in particular, is a global problem that requires global solutions, its impacts require the active involvement of multiple national and local-level stakeholders in shaping and implementing the solutions. Accordingly, global climate governance, or the purposeful mechanisms and measures aimed at steering social systems towards preventing, mitigating, or adapting to the risks posed by climate change (IPCC, 2014), has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different academic, political and economic domains. Climate change governance takes into account principles of accountability, management and institutional strengthening which are applied when tackling the various challenges posted by climate change. It also includes a wide range of steering mechanisms ranging from informal cooperation between different institutions and actors to hierarchical forms of regulation. Therefore, climate change governance can be described as a wide variety of
International labor migration is an integral part of the modern globalized world. However, the ph... more International labor migration is an integral part of the modern globalized world. However, the phenomenon has its roots in some earlier periods in human history. This paper discusses the relatively new phenomenon of female migration in Africa. In the past, African women migrants were only spouses or dependent family members. But as modernity swept most African societies, with rising unemployment rates, there is evidence everywhere in Africa that women labor migration is a growing phenomenon that deserves to be understood in the context of human security research. This work explores these issues further, focusing on the experience of Ethiopian women labor migrants to Sudan. The migration of Ethiopian people to Sudan is historical; nevertheless, labor migration mainly started since the discovery and subsequent exploration of oil in the Sudan. While the paper is concerned with the human security aspect of the migrant workers, we need to be certain that the migration process will provide with a decent wage, good working conditions, the necessary social security coverage, and labor protection as a whole. However, migration to Sudan is not always safe and female migrants become subject to violence at the hands of brokers, employers and migration officials. For this matter, the paper argued that identifying the vulnerable stages and major problem facing female migrant workers at various stages of migration is a prerequisite to combat the problem and secure the lives of the migrant workers. The major problems female migrants face include extra degrees of gender-based violence, underpayment, various forms of abuse like verbal, physical and sexual and other forms of torture which include beating and slaps. This peculiar situation could be attributed to the fact that most of these women are irregular migrants and fall under the category of unskilled and/or illiterate migrants.
Water politics has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different aca... more Water politics has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different academic, political and economic domains in the globalized world. Thus, water geopolitics has sought to understand and analyze how water politics is imagined spatially. Though the Nile River runs through ten African countries, the main conflict over its waters is between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Since Egypt depends on the Nile for its entire water supply, securing the downstream parts of the river has always been one of Egypt’s national priorities. The dispute between the two states, Egypt and Ethiopia, is rooted in the legacy of British imperialism in North, Northeast and Central Africa during the 20th century. As Cascão (2009) discussed a declaration from 1929 by London granted the bulk of the water of this area of the Nile to Egypt and Sudan.
However, it has been less than a decade whereby Ethiopia’s bargaining power has become much greater than normally acknowledged. To be sure, it is shored up by Ethiopia’s geographic advantage as upstream riparian and provider of 85% of the Nile flows. Moreover, it is not until the last two years, where the discourse of water geopolitics moved away from being dominated by ideas like national security and power. Therefore, the paper focuses on the role of power and hegemony in particular, as a complement to the wide range of issues covered in negotiations. By doing so, the article analyzes the Egypt’s position as the hegemonic power in the horn of Africa contested by Ethiopia. In order to simplify my argument and analysis, I focused on Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt to explicate the extent of water crisis in the North Eastern part of Africa. To accomplish these tasks, a critical geopolitical approach, practical discourse, has been used to analyze the geopolitical implications of speeches of politicians and leaders. Application of critical hydro-politics is thus useful for interpretation of the power plays that grease or block the cogs of the decision-making machinery. Since practical geopolitics describes the actual practice of geopolitical strategy (i.e. foreign policy), the paper look into the country’s foreign policy in relation to the changing power relations in the Nile Basin, especially from the onset of the GERD project which witnesses tension among the three countries. Principally, the study attempts to analyze the geopolitical implications of the newly Egyptian president, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi on regional water politics and speculated on whether it has reinforced or undermined the regional power of Egypt.
Water has a pervasive role in society and religion. From the
past to the present, hunter gathere... more Water has a pervasive role in society and religion. From the past to the present, hunter gatherer societies, tribes, states, and civilizations, nomads, pastoralists and agriculturalists are all intrinsically attached with water in which they lived.
Climate change has emerged as a major global issue that affects all nations and has become a phen... more Climate change has emerged as a major global issue that affects all nations and has become a phenomena requiring global governance in the modern globalized world. Though the African contribution to the increase Greenhouse Gas (GHG) is very small, climate change is a concern of African countries. This paper is aimed to analyze the African position and challenges in the governance of climate change. Nonetheless, there are opportunities created for adaptation and mitigation, the implementation of these measures is constrained by lack of financial, institutional and human capacities. Accordingly, the Africans position in the international system and lack of the capacities required for meaningful engagement leads to a challenge to participate effectively in global climate change negotiations. Despite numerous internal difficulties facing the African countries in climate governance and negotiations, this paper argues that African countries have shown an improvement in response, and willin...
Water politics has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different aca... more Water politics has come to be one of the central themes of debate and concern among different academic, political and economic domains in the globalized world. Thus, water geopolitics has sought to understand and analyze how water politics is imagined spatially. Though the Nile River runs through ten African countries, the main conflict over its waters is between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Since Egypt depends on the Nile for its entire water supply, securing the downstream parts of the river has always been one of Egypt’s national priorities. The dispute between the two states, Egypt and Ethiopia, is rooted in the legacy of British imperialism in North, Northeast and Central Africa during the 20th century. As Cascão (2009) discussed a declaration from 1929 by London granted the bulk of the water of this area of the Nile to Egypt and Sudan. However, it has been less than a decade whereby Ethiopia’s bargaining power has become much greater than normally acknowledged. To be sure, it i...
African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal, 2015
ABSTRACT International labor migration is one of the most salient features of the modern globaliz... more ABSTRACT International labor migration is one of the most salient features of the modern globalized world. However, the phenomenon has its roots in some earlier periods in human history. Africa is traditionally a sending continent of all types of migrations, voluntary or forced. This study examines the above-mentioned issues through the mounting phenomenon of migration of single independent women in search for better economic, social, or political conditions across the boundaries of their home countries. In the past, African women migrants were only spouses or dependent family members. But as modernity swept most African societies, with rising unemployment rates, there is evidence everywhere in Africa that women labor migration is a growing phenomenon that deserves to be understood in the context of current gender-related research. This work explores these issues further, focusing on the experience of Ethiopian women labor migrants to Kuwait, within Gulf Cooperation Council, an area with a shared socio-economic background. In addition to numerous difficulties already facing labor migrants, Ethiopian women suffered greater degrees of gender-based violence, underpayment, and trafficking, to mention only few aspects of human rights violations. This situation could be attributed to the fact that most of these women fall under the category of unskilled and/or illiterate migrants, as irregular migrants who are employed within the private sector, outside the purview any legal or labor regulatory authorities.
International labor migration is an integral part of the modern globalized world. However, the ph... more International labor migration is an integral part of the modern globalized world. However, the phenomenon has its roots in some earlier periods in human history. This paper discusses the relatively new phenomenon of female migration in Africa. In the past, African women migrants were only spouses or dependent family members. But as modernity swept most African societies, with rising unemployment rates, there is evidence everywhere in Africa that women labor migration is a growing phenomenon that deserves to be understood in the context of human security research. This work explores these issues further, focusing on the experience of Ethiopian women labor migrants to Sudan. The migration of Ethiopian people to Sudan is historical; nevertheless, labor migration mainly started since the discovery and subsequent exploration of oil in the Sudan. While the paper is concerned with the human security aspect of the migrant workers, we need to be certain that the migration process will provid...
Tigray’s ethnic nationality is the minority identity in the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutiona... more Tigray’s ethnic nationality is the minority identity in the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four political parties under the leadership of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For decades, the ruling party has governed by pitting the Oromo and Amhara against one another. Accordingly, the Oromo-Amhara solidarity is the greatest threat to the Ethiopian government. Within the framework of the Copenhagen school, we analyzed the securitization of the two majority identities. This essay is split into two sections. The first examines why and how the Oromo and Amhara identities have been securitized by the dominant force of TPLF within the governing EPRDF coalition. The second section examines the implications and consequences of this securitization. I argue that the securitization, while a natural choice in many respects, has perhaps been detrimental to the overall security of the Ethiopia's Tigray-dominated government that perce...
The experiment was conducted to evaluate the effect of supplementing different levels of molasses... more The experiment was conducted to evaluate the effect of supplementing different levels of molasses and concentrates mix with a basal diet of cultivated pasture hay on intake, body weight and carcass quality of Afar sheep. Twenty four yearling Afar sheep, grouped in to four groups of six animals each in a randomized complete block design. The experiment consisted of four months feeding trial each group will receive the experimental feeds. Treatments were mixed concentrate + 20% inclusion molasses (T1), mixed concentrate + 15% inclusion molasses (T2), mixed concentrate + 10% inclusion molasses (T3) and 0% inclusion (T4). In this experiment with mean initial weight of 15.9±0.39 kg (mean ± SD), 16.2 ±0.41 kg, 16.3±0.42k.g and 16.1kg±0.42 respectively, were used in each treatment group. The experiment was consisted of 90 days of feeding trial followed by carcass evaluation. The concentrate mix were 2:1 (wheat bran and cotton seed cake) The CP content of the panicum antidotale hay, concent...
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Articles by Anwar Hassen
Accordingly, the Oromo-Amhara solidarity is the greatest threat to the Ethiopian government. Within the framework of the Copenhagen school, we analyzed the securitization of the two majority identities. This essay is split into two sections. The first examines why and how the Oromo
and Amhara identities have been securitized by the dominant force of TPLF within the governing EPRDF coalition. The second section examines the implications and consequences of this securitization. I argue that the securitization, while a natural choice in many respects, has perhaps been detrimental to the overall security of the Ethiopia's
Tigray-dominated government that perceives the Oromo and Amhara as a serious threat to Ethiopia's leadership.
However, it has been less than a decade whereby Ethiopia’s bargaining power has become much greater than normally acknowledged. To be sure, it is shored up by Ethiopia’s geographic advantage as upstream riparian and provider of 85% of the Nile flows. Moreover, it is not until the last two years, where the discourse of water geopolitics moved away from being dominated by ideas like national security and power. Therefore, the paper focuses on the role of power and hegemony in particular, as a complement to the wide range of issues covered in negotiations. By doing so, the article analyzes the Egypt’s position as the hegemonic power in the horn of Africa contested by Ethiopia. In order to simplify my argument and analysis, I focused on Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt to explicate the extent of water crisis in the North Eastern part of Africa. To accomplish these tasks, a critical geopolitical approach, practical discourse, has been used to analyze the geopolitical implications of speeches of politicians and leaders. Application of critical hydro-politics is thus useful for interpretation of the power plays that grease or block the cogs of the decision-making machinery. Since practical geopolitics describes the actual practice of geopolitical strategy (i.e. foreign policy), the paper look into the country’s foreign policy in relation to the changing power relations in the Nile Basin, especially from the onset of the GERD project which witnesses tension among the three countries. Principally, the study attempts to analyze the geopolitical implications of the newly Egyptian president, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi on regional water politics and speculated on whether it has reinforced or undermined the regional power of Egypt.
past to the present, hunter gatherer societies, tribes, states,
and civilizations, nomads, pastoralists and agriculturalists are
all intrinsically attached with water in which they lived.
Papers by Anwar Hassen
Accordingly, the Oromo-Amhara solidarity is the greatest threat to the Ethiopian government. Within the framework of the Copenhagen school, we analyzed the securitization of the two majority identities. This essay is split into two sections. The first examines why and how the Oromo
and Amhara identities have been securitized by the dominant force of TPLF within the governing EPRDF coalition. The second section examines the implications and consequences of this securitization. I argue that the securitization, while a natural choice in many respects, has perhaps been detrimental to the overall security of the Ethiopia's
Tigray-dominated government that perceives the Oromo and Amhara as a serious threat to Ethiopia's leadership.
However, it has been less than a decade whereby Ethiopia’s bargaining power has become much greater than normally acknowledged. To be sure, it is shored up by Ethiopia’s geographic advantage as upstream riparian and provider of 85% of the Nile flows. Moreover, it is not until the last two years, where the discourse of water geopolitics moved away from being dominated by ideas like national security and power. Therefore, the paper focuses on the role of power and hegemony in particular, as a complement to the wide range of issues covered in negotiations. By doing so, the article analyzes the Egypt’s position as the hegemonic power in the horn of Africa contested by Ethiopia. In order to simplify my argument and analysis, I focused on Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt to explicate the extent of water crisis in the North Eastern part of Africa. To accomplish these tasks, a critical geopolitical approach, practical discourse, has been used to analyze the geopolitical implications of speeches of politicians and leaders. Application of critical hydro-politics is thus useful for interpretation of the power plays that grease or block the cogs of the decision-making machinery. Since practical geopolitics describes the actual practice of geopolitical strategy (i.e. foreign policy), the paper look into the country’s foreign policy in relation to the changing power relations in the Nile Basin, especially from the onset of the GERD project which witnesses tension among the three countries. Principally, the study attempts to analyze the geopolitical implications of the newly Egyptian president, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi on regional water politics and speculated on whether it has reinforced or undermined the regional power of Egypt.
past to the present, hunter gatherer societies, tribes, states,
and civilizations, nomads, pastoralists and agriculturalists are
all intrinsically attached with water in which they lived.