Central European Journal of International and Security Studies, 2024
This comparative case study investigates the financing typologies of Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK... more This comparative case study investigates the financing typologies of Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in Turkey. The PKK is a Marxist-Leninist organisation that pursues ethnic separationist policies in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. ISIL is a radical Wahhabi network that aspires to reestablish the Caliphate and restore the 'glory' of Sharia by defeating the 'near' and 'far' enemies. Based on primary/secondary interviews, content analysis of unclassified documents and media coverage on counter PKK/ISIL investigations, this study indicates that both organisations have been highly skilful in exploiting the regional licit and illicit enterprises. Financing methods of the PKK and ISIL were similar in complex regional underground economic infrastructure. However, the PKK has been able to develop much more sophisticated financial infrastructure than ISIL due to a longer life span and existence of specialised cadres in the Middle East and Europe. ISIL has failed to develop advanced financing infrastructure mainly due to a shorter life span, loss of territorial control and the UN-US sponsored international sanctions. Both the Marxists and radical Islamists encouraged illicit trade schemes not only to generate funds but also to avoid taxation by the 'hostile' regimes.
This paper investigates the evolving inter-relationship between the PKK and Kurdish Drug Networks... more This paper investigates the evolving inter-relationship between the PKK and Kurdish Drug Networks (KDNs). To understand the nature of the interaction between these differently motivated organizations, the investigators examined the documented statements of drug investigators, PKK operatives and convicted drug criminals. The PKK-KDN interaction was selected as a case study because it provides important insights into much the broader and highly controversial issue concerning the relationship between criminal and terrorist organizations. The research presented here suggests that the PKK initially developed ad hoc cooperation with various KDNs. From the start, however, such cooperation was asymmetric and involved a high degree of coercion by the PKK. Moreover, the cooperation never scaled up to the point of convergence or amalgamation. On the contrary, after the PKK gained substantial experience in the drug business PKK-KDN relations were increasingly characterized by competition. The P...
This study investigates the underlying reasons for Turkish-Iranian security rapprochement during ... more This study investigates the underlying reasons for Turkish-Iranian security rapprochement during the Erdogan Administration, and attempts to discover whether the ongoing rapprochement indicates Turkey's realignment in the international system. It employs a rigorous qualitative analysis to explore the perceptions of the key decision makers throughout the intergovernmental partnership process with Iran on three major security policies: counterterrorism, nuclear proliferation and energy security. It counterposes the threat perceptions and major arguments of the pro-status quo and revisionist elites. The data has been collected through extensive elite/expert interviews and content analysis of the Turkish and international media. Findings of this research indicate that the Turkish and Iranian governments cooperate in counterterrorism policy because both are mainly concerned with the spillover effect of micronationalist independence movements in the post Iraq War security landscape. T...
This study investigates the underlying reasons for Turkish-Iranian security rapprochement during ... more This study investigates the underlying reasons for Turkish-Iranian security rapprochement during the Erdogan Administration, and attempts to discover whether the ongoing rapprochement indicates Turkey's realignment in the international system. It employs a rigorous qualitative analysis to explore the perceptions of the key decision makers throughout the intergovernmental partnership process with Iran on three major security policies: counterterrorism, nuclear proliferation and energy security. It counterposes the threat perceptions and major arguments of the pro-status quo and revisionist elites. The data has been collected through extensive elite/expert interviews and content analysis of the Turkish and international media. Findings of this research indicate that the Turkish and Iranian governments cooperate in counterterrorism policy because both are mainly concerned with the spillover effect of micronationalist independence movements in the post Iraq War security landscape. The Erdogan Administration supports the Iranian nuclear initiative mainly because the key political actors believe that Iran is not developing nuclear weapons and Iranian nuclear program poses no significant threat to Turkey's national security. In addition the Erdogan Administration forged an energy partnership with Iran not only to meet increasing domestic energy demands but also to promote Turkey's strategic interests through development of trans-regional pipeline networks. The investigations revealed that Turkey's growing security partnership with Iran does not indicate realignment from the West to the Muslim world. Turkey's rapprochement with Iran is driven by practical and rational calculations rather than Islamic identity or aspirations. Even though many key actors in the Justice and Development Party government comes from religious social networks, their statements indicate that the Erdogan Administration does not seek to align itself with the Muslim World at the expense of the existing pro-Western orientation. Instead, Turkey's rapprochement with Iran is an integral part of the Strategic Depth doctrine of Foreign Minister Davutoglu to expand Turkey's interrelations with the East in line with national interests. In so doing, the Erdogan Administration not only addresses the practical security interests but it also attempts to regain the strategic superiority in the Near East.
Traditionally, Turkish security officials were engaged with state-level threats from Iran. Their ... more Traditionally, Turkish security officials were engaged with state-level threats from Iran. Their primary concerns were export of revolutionary ideology, sponsorship of terrorism, proliferation of nuclear weapons and energy blackmail. In the recent years, however, the nature of the threat has changed and diversified. Non-state actors, mainly transnational crime syndicates, have begun to pose a significant threat to both Turkey and Iran. Iranian drug networks (IDNs) have become the primary actors in heroin and methamphetamine trafficking through Turkey. The IDN threat transcends the jurisdictions of the two states and casts a debilitating impact on the Asia-Pacific countries. Despite a plethora of enacted initiatives, high profits sustain large-scale trans-regional methamphetamine trafficking. Retail prices in the Asia-Pacific markets approach hundred-fold profits over the production costs of methamphetamine in Iran. In this context, Turkish law-enforcement agencies report increasing amounts of methamphetamine seizures since 2009. The upsurge in seizure quantities is coupled with an escalation of cases and arrests. This paper investigates dimensions of the methamphetamine threat in Turkey, profiles of the actors, shipment routes, and modus operandi of the trafficking syndicates. It provides insight into a non-traditional non-state threat coming out of Iran. The inferences are based on an analysis of 183 methamphetamine case files and 81 provincial questionnaires of the Department of Anti-Smuggling and Organized Crime (KOM).
The international community has been building a drug-control system for over a century. The UN-le... more The international community has been building a drug-control system for over a century. The UN-led initiatives drafted very detailed conventions, political declarations, and plans of action. International institutions and governments have been allocating vast resources for national, regional, and global counter narcotics initiatives. Law-enforcement agents, judicial officers, diplomats, and demand-reduction experts devote enormous efforts to global drug-control efforts. However, the latest field studies clearly indicate that the global war on drugs has been lost on virtually every front. Drug consumption and drug-related deaths have increased over the past three decades. Every year, many new psychoactive substances appear on the market. Precursor chemicals are not efficiently controlled. The drug supply consistently shifts to areas where law enforcement is weak and corrupt. Drug money has allowed the dark networks to exert an increasing influence on the governments in Latin America, Southwest Asia, Central Asia, Eastern Europe, and West Africa. The drug trade undermines global security by financing terrorism and insurgency. In this context, the United Nations' goal of a " drug-free world " is far from being reached. This paper provides an insight as to why the international efforts to control the drug supply, drug demand, and drug-driven money have failed dramatically.
Opium production in Afghanistan has proliferated since the international military intervention in... more Opium production in Afghanistan has proliferated since the international military intervention in 2001. Despite concerted efforts of the U.S., E.U., Russia, Turkey and the UN, the Afghan narco-economy flourished on an unprecedented scale. The Afghan central government fails to control large segments of the country. As law enforcement agencies are heavily infiltrated, it is almost impossible to run confidential organized crime investigations. Prevalent bribery and selective targeting undermines the legitimacy of the poppy eradication campaign in rural Afghanistan. Interdictions and alternative livelihood programs seem to have no significant positive impact on the overall drug scourge. The incompetent Afghan government and halfhearted international campaigns have made no meaningful progress in tackling the root causes of poppy cultivation, such as poverty, insurgency and corruption. Over the years, lack of effective enforcement created a fertile ground for the eruption of large-scale drug networks in every corner of the country. International organizations continue to give promising statements; however, the record levels of poppy production in 2014 and 2015 clearly demonstrate the dramatic failure of drug control. The collapse of multilateral counter narcotics in Afghanistan has profound global security implications as Afghan heroin kills over 100,000 addicts annually, spreads HIV/ AIDS, finances terror networks, undermines public security and bolsters corruption in many states. This paper discusses the underlining reasons of the failure of international counter narcotics efforts in Afghanistan.
Uyuşturucu günümüzde en önemli uluslararası güvenlik sorunlarından biridir. Dünyada her yıl uyuşt... more Uyuşturucu günümüzde en önemli uluslararası güvenlik sorunlarından biridir. Dünyada her yıl uyuşturucu sebebiyle hayatını kaybedenlerin sayısı terörden ölenlerin sayısından fazladır. Tüm ülkeleri sarsan bu tehdide karşı geçtiğimiz yüzyıllık süreçte bir uluslararası system inşa edilmiştir. 1912 Hague Konvansiyonu ile başlayan süreç 1961 BM Tek sözleşmesi, 1971 Psikotrop Maddeler Sözleşmesi ve 1988 BM Uyuşturucu ve Psikotrop Maddeler sözleşmesi ile devam etmiştir. Uyuşturucuyla mücadele alanında INCB, UNODC, CND, CARICC, SELEC gibi çok sayıda uluslararası organizasyon faaliyet göstermeye başlamıştır. Uyuşturucu sorunu başta ABD ve Rusya olmak üzere ülkelerin dış güvenlik politikasında geniş bir yer tutmaya başlamıştır. Her yıl uyuşturucuyla mücadele konusunda binlerce ikili ve çok taraflı toplantı düzenlenmektedir. Devletler küresel uyuşturucu politikasını çıkarları doğrultusunda şekillendirmek için siyasi ve ekonomik nüfuzlarını kullanmaktadır. Uyuşturucu konusunda kilit bir konumda bulunan Türkiye gerek diplomatik gerekse operasyonel seviyedeki toplantı ve inisiyatiflere aktif bir şekilde katılmaktadır. Uluslararası kuruluşlar ve devletlerin ortak sorun olan uyuşturucu problemine karşı bir yol haritasına ihtiyaç duymaları neticesinde 2009 Yılında BM Uyuşturucu Maddeler Komisyonunda Siyasi Deklararasyon ve Eylem Planı (SDEP) imzalanmıştır. Günümüzde özellikle BM nezdinde yapılan uluslararası toplantılarda SDEP tavsiyelerinin ne kadar yerine getirildiği sürekli olarak tartışılmaktadır. Türkiye ve diğer ülkeler bu tavsiyelere ilişkin neler yapıldığı konusunda Uyuşturucu Maddeler Komisyonu (CND) ve Uluslararası Narkotik Kontrol Kurulu’na (INCB) değişik sualnameler doldurarak göndermektedir. Bu makale Siyasi Deklarasyonun temel konuları olan arzla mücadele, taleple mücadele ve uyuşturucudan elde edilen karaparayla mücadele konusunda mevcut küresel sistemin nasıl çalıştığını ve Türkiye’nin bu sistemde ne rol oynadığını ortaya koymaktadır.
Türkiye yaklaşık 40 yıldır hem yüksek miktarda uyuşturucu ticaretine hem de yoğun terör faaliyetl... more Türkiye yaklaşık 40 yıldır hem yüksek miktarda uyuşturucu ticaretine hem de yoğun terör faaliyetlerine maruz kalmaktadır. Coğrafi ve etnik birliktelik temelde motivasyonları farklı olan terör örgütleri ve organize suç gruplarının etkileşimini kaçınılmaz kılmıştır. Yüksek miktarda kar getiren uyuşturucu ticareti Türkiye, Ortadoğu ve Avrupa’da faaliyet gösteren PKK/KCK, DHKP/C ve TKP-ML gibi terör örgütleri için cazip bir finansal kaynak olmuştur. Bu çalışma bahsi geçen terör örgütlerinin uyuşturucudan nasıl finansman sağladığını somut örnekleri/delilleri ile ortaya koymaktadır. Aynı zamanda her üç terör örgütünün 2000 yılı öncesi ve sonrasında uyuşturucudan sağladığı finansmanda ne tür dönüşümler yaşandığını analiz etmektedir. Yapılan çıkarımlar: i) terör örgütü mensuplarından Türkiye ve yurtdışında gerçekleşen 380 uyuşturucu olayının analizine, ii) örgüt mensubu ve uyuşturucu kaçakçılarının ifadelerine, iii) uzman soruşturmacılarla yapılan mülakatlara, vi) devlet kurumlarının yayınladığı raporların incelenmesine ve v) medya içerik taramasına dayanmaktadır. Yapılan analizler terör örgütlerinin Türkiye ve Avrupa’da uyuşturucu üretimi, kaçakçılığı ve sokak dağıtımı aşamasında bizzat etkin rol oynadığını göstermektedir. Makalenin son bölümünde terörizmin uyuşturucuyla finansmanı konusunda mevcut sistemde görülen aksaklıklar tartışılarak çözüm önerileri sunulmaktadır.
Central European Journal of International and Security Studies, 2024
This comparative case study investigates the financing typologies of Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK... more This comparative case study investigates the financing typologies of Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in Turkey. The PKK is a Marxist-Leninist organisation that pursues ethnic separationist policies in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. ISIL is a radical Wahhabi network that aspires to reestablish the Caliphate and restore the 'glory' of Sharia by defeating the 'near' and 'far' enemies. Based on primary/secondary interviews, content analysis of unclassified documents and media coverage on counter PKK/ISIL investigations, this study indicates that both organisations have been highly skilful in exploiting the regional licit and illicit enterprises. Financing methods of the PKK and ISIL were similar in complex regional underground economic infrastructure. However, the PKK has been able to develop much more sophisticated financial infrastructure than ISIL due to a longer life span and existence of specialised cadres in the Middle East and Europe. ISIL has failed to develop advanced financing infrastructure mainly due to a shorter life span, loss of territorial control and the UN-US sponsored international sanctions. Both the Marxists and radical Islamists encouraged illicit trade schemes not only to generate funds but also to avoid taxation by the 'hostile' regimes.
This paper investigates the evolving inter-relationship between the PKK and Kurdish Drug Networks... more This paper investigates the evolving inter-relationship between the PKK and Kurdish Drug Networks (KDNs). To understand the nature of the interaction between these differently motivated organizations, the investigators examined the documented statements of drug investigators, PKK operatives and convicted drug criminals. The PKK-KDN interaction was selected as a case study because it provides important insights into much the broader and highly controversial issue concerning the relationship between criminal and terrorist organizations. The research presented here suggests that the PKK initially developed ad hoc cooperation with various KDNs. From the start, however, such cooperation was asymmetric and involved a high degree of coercion by the PKK. Moreover, the cooperation never scaled up to the point of convergence or amalgamation. On the contrary, after the PKK gained substantial experience in the drug business PKK-KDN relations were increasingly characterized by competition. The P...
This study investigates the underlying reasons for Turkish-Iranian security rapprochement during ... more This study investigates the underlying reasons for Turkish-Iranian security rapprochement during the Erdogan Administration, and attempts to discover whether the ongoing rapprochement indicates Turkey's realignment in the international system. It employs a rigorous qualitative analysis to explore the perceptions of the key decision makers throughout the intergovernmental partnership process with Iran on three major security policies: counterterrorism, nuclear proliferation and energy security. It counterposes the threat perceptions and major arguments of the pro-status quo and revisionist elites. The data has been collected through extensive elite/expert interviews and content analysis of the Turkish and international media. Findings of this research indicate that the Turkish and Iranian governments cooperate in counterterrorism policy because both are mainly concerned with the spillover effect of micronationalist independence movements in the post Iraq War security landscape. T...
This study investigates the underlying reasons for Turkish-Iranian security rapprochement during ... more This study investigates the underlying reasons for Turkish-Iranian security rapprochement during the Erdogan Administration, and attempts to discover whether the ongoing rapprochement indicates Turkey's realignment in the international system. It employs a rigorous qualitative analysis to explore the perceptions of the key decision makers throughout the intergovernmental partnership process with Iran on three major security policies: counterterrorism, nuclear proliferation and energy security. It counterposes the threat perceptions and major arguments of the pro-status quo and revisionist elites. The data has been collected through extensive elite/expert interviews and content analysis of the Turkish and international media. Findings of this research indicate that the Turkish and Iranian governments cooperate in counterterrorism policy because both are mainly concerned with the spillover effect of micronationalist independence movements in the post Iraq War security landscape. The Erdogan Administration supports the Iranian nuclear initiative mainly because the key political actors believe that Iran is not developing nuclear weapons and Iranian nuclear program poses no significant threat to Turkey's national security. In addition the Erdogan Administration forged an energy partnership with Iran not only to meet increasing domestic energy demands but also to promote Turkey's strategic interests through development of trans-regional pipeline networks. The investigations revealed that Turkey's growing security partnership with Iran does not indicate realignment from the West to the Muslim world. Turkey's rapprochement with Iran is driven by practical and rational calculations rather than Islamic identity or aspirations. Even though many key actors in the Justice and Development Party government comes from religious social networks, their statements indicate that the Erdogan Administration does not seek to align itself with the Muslim World at the expense of the existing pro-Western orientation. Instead, Turkey's rapprochement with Iran is an integral part of the Strategic Depth doctrine of Foreign Minister Davutoglu to expand Turkey's interrelations with the East in line with national interests. In so doing, the Erdogan Administration not only addresses the practical security interests but it also attempts to regain the strategic superiority in the Near East.
Traditionally, Turkish security officials were engaged with state-level threats from Iran. Their ... more Traditionally, Turkish security officials were engaged with state-level threats from Iran. Their primary concerns were export of revolutionary ideology, sponsorship of terrorism, proliferation of nuclear weapons and energy blackmail. In the recent years, however, the nature of the threat has changed and diversified. Non-state actors, mainly transnational crime syndicates, have begun to pose a significant threat to both Turkey and Iran. Iranian drug networks (IDNs) have become the primary actors in heroin and methamphetamine trafficking through Turkey. The IDN threat transcends the jurisdictions of the two states and casts a debilitating impact on the Asia-Pacific countries. Despite a plethora of enacted initiatives, high profits sustain large-scale trans-regional methamphetamine trafficking. Retail prices in the Asia-Pacific markets approach hundred-fold profits over the production costs of methamphetamine in Iran. In this context, Turkish law-enforcement agencies report increasing amounts of methamphetamine seizures since 2009. The upsurge in seizure quantities is coupled with an escalation of cases and arrests. This paper investigates dimensions of the methamphetamine threat in Turkey, profiles of the actors, shipment routes, and modus operandi of the trafficking syndicates. It provides insight into a non-traditional non-state threat coming out of Iran. The inferences are based on an analysis of 183 methamphetamine case files and 81 provincial questionnaires of the Department of Anti-Smuggling and Organized Crime (KOM).
The international community has been building a drug-control system for over a century. The UN-le... more The international community has been building a drug-control system for over a century. The UN-led initiatives drafted very detailed conventions, political declarations, and plans of action. International institutions and governments have been allocating vast resources for national, regional, and global counter narcotics initiatives. Law-enforcement agents, judicial officers, diplomats, and demand-reduction experts devote enormous efforts to global drug-control efforts. However, the latest field studies clearly indicate that the global war on drugs has been lost on virtually every front. Drug consumption and drug-related deaths have increased over the past three decades. Every year, many new psychoactive substances appear on the market. Precursor chemicals are not efficiently controlled. The drug supply consistently shifts to areas where law enforcement is weak and corrupt. Drug money has allowed the dark networks to exert an increasing influence on the governments in Latin America, Southwest Asia, Central Asia, Eastern Europe, and West Africa. The drug trade undermines global security by financing terrorism and insurgency. In this context, the United Nations' goal of a " drug-free world " is far from being reached. This paper provides an insight as to why the international efforts to control the drug supply, drug demand, and drug-driven money have failed dramatically.
Opium production in Afghanistan has proliferated since the international military intervention in... more Opium production in Afghanistan has proliferated since the international military intervention in 2001. Despite concerted efforts of the U.S., E.U., Russia, Turkey and the UN, the Afghan narco-economy flourished on an unprecedented scale. The Afghan central government fails to control large segments of the country. As law enforcement agencies are heavily infiltrated, it is almost impossible to run confidential organized crime investigations. Prevalent bribery and selective targeting undermines the legitimacy of the poppy eradication campaign in rural Afghanistan. Interdictions and alternative livelihood programs seem to have no significant positive impact on the overall drug scourge. The incompetent Afghan government and halfhearted international campaigns have made no meaningful progress in tackling the root causes of poppy cultivation, such as poverty, insurgency and corruption. Over the years, lack of effective enforcement created a fertile ground for the eruption of large-scale drug networks in every corner of the country. International organizations continue to give promising statements; however, the record levels of poppy production in 2014 and 2015 clearly demonstrate the dramatic failure of drug control. The collapse of multilateral counter narcotics in Afghanistan has profound global security implications as Afghan heroin kills over 100,000 addicts annually, spreads HIV/ AIDS, finances terror networks, undermines public security and bolsters corruption in many states. This paper discusses the underlining reasons of the failure of international counter narcotics efforts in Afghanistan.
Uyuşturucu günümüzde en önemli uluslararası güvenlik sorunlarından biridir. Dünyada her yıl uyuşt... more Uyuşturucu günümüzde en önemli uluslararası güvenlik sorunlarından biridir. Dünyada her yıl uyuşturucu sebebiyle hayatını kaybedenlerin sayısı terörden ölenlerin sayısından fazladır. Tüm ülkeleri sarsan bu tehdide karşı geçtiğimiz yüzyıllık süreçte bir uluslararası system inşa edilmiştir. 1912 Hague Konvansiyonu ile başlayan süreç 1961 BM Tek sözleşmesi, 1971 Psikotrop Maddeler Sözleşmesi ve 1988 BM Uyuşturucu ve Psikotrop Maddeler sözleşmesi ile devam etmiştir. Uyuşturucuyla mücadele alanında INCB, UNODC, CND, CARICC, SELEC gibi çok sayıda uluslararası organizasyon faaliyet göstermeye başlamıştır. Uyuşturucu sorunu başta ABD ve Rusya olmak üzere ülkelerin dış güvenlik politikasında geniş bir yer tutmaya başlamıştır. Her yıl uyuşturucuyla mücadele konusunda binlerce ikili ve çok taraflı toplantı düzenlenmektedir. Devletler küresel uyuşturucu politikasını çıkarları doğrultusunda şekillendirmek için siyasi ve ekonomik nüfuzlarını kullanmaktadır. Uyuşturucu konusunda kilit bir konumda bulunan Türkiye gerek diplomatik gerekse operasyonel seviyedeki toplantı ve inisiyatiflere aktif bir şekilde katılmaktadır. Uluslararası kuruluşlar ve devletlerin ortak sorun olan uyuşturucu problemine karşı bir yol haritasına ihtiyaç duymaları neticesinde 2009 Yılında BM Uyuşturucu Maddeler Komisyonunda Siyasi Deklararasyon ve Eylem Planı (SDEP) imzalanmıştır. Günümüzde özellikle BM nezdinde yapılan uluslararası toplantılarda SDEP tavsiyelerinin ne kadar yerine getirildiği sürekli olarak tartışılmaktadır. Türkiye ve diğer ülkeler bu tavsiyelere ilişkin neler yapıldığı konusunda Uyuşturucu Maddeler Komisyonu (CND) ve Uluslararası Narkotik Kontrol Kurulu’na (INCB) değişik sualnameler doldurarak göndermektedir. Bu makale Siyasi Deklarasyonun temel konuları olan arzla mücadele, taleple mücadele ve uyuşturucudan elde edilen karaparayla mücadele konusunda mevcut küresel sistemin nasıl çalıştığını ve Türkiye’nin bu sistemde ne rol oynadığını ortaya koymaktadır.
Türkiye yaklaşık 40 yıldır hem yüksek miktarda uyuşturucu ticaretine hem de yoğun terör faaliyetl... more Türkiye yaklaşık 40 yıldır hem yüksek miktarda uyuşturucu ticaretine hem de yoğun terör faaliyetlerine maruz kalmaktadır. Coğrafi ve etnik birliktelik temelde motivasyonları farklı olan terör örgütleri ve organize suç gruplarının etkileşimini kaçınılmaz kılmıştır. Yüksek miktarda kar getiren uyuşturucu ticareti Türkiye, Ortadoğu ve Avrupa’da faaliyet gösteren PKK/KCK, DHKP/C ve TKP-ML gibi terör örgütleri için cazip bir finansal kaynak olmuştur. Bu çalışma bahsi geçen terör örgütlerinin uyuşturucudan nasıl finansman sağladığını somut örnekleri/delilleri ile ortaya koymaktadır. Aynı zamanda her üç terör örgütünün 2000 yılı öncesi ve sonrasında uyuşturucudan sağladığı finansmanda ne tür dönüşümler yaşandığını analiz etmektedir. Yapılan çıkarımlar: i) terör örgütü mensuplarından Türkiye ve yurtdışında gerçekleşen 380 uyuşturucu olayının analizine, ii) örgüt mensubu ve uyuşturucu kaçakçılarının ifadelerine, iii) uzman soruşturmacılarla yapılan mülakatlara, vi) devlet kurumlarının yayınladığı raporların incelenmesine ve v) medya içerik taramasına dayanmaktadır. Yapılan analizler terör örgütlerinin Türkiye ve Avrupa’da uyuşturucu üretimi, kaçakçılığı ve sokak dağıtımı aşamasında bizzat etkin rol oynadığını göstermektedir. Makalenin son bölümünde terörizmin uyuşturucuyla finansmanı konusunda mevcut sistemde görülen aksaklıklar tartışılarak çözüm önerileri sunulmaktadır.
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