Papers by Frank Ursin
Florian Steger, Frank Ursin: Animals in Asclepian Medicine. Myth, Cult, and Miracle Healings, In: Julia Kindt (Hg.): Animals in Ancient Greek Religion. London, New York 2021, 239–259., 2021
In Greco-Roman medicine, animals had a distinct significance in the curing of illness. Asclepian ... more In Greco-Roman medicine, animals had a distinct significance in the curing of illness. Asclepian medicine is a famous example of this. There are 28 different animals affiliated with Asclepius. The principal animal is the snake, which is symbolic of Asclepius and points to the fact that human and animal were closely related in ancient Greek religion. This is because they were attributed with the capacity to cure diseases, as, for example, is evident in the accounts of miracle healings in inscriptions at Epidaurus. In this chapter, the snake and some lesser-known animals will be studied in relation to Asclepian medicine.
We shall consider three areas in which animals relate to medicine: first, the central cultural–historical tradition of animals as it traces its origin to the myth of Asclepius; second, the fact that the cult of Asclepius features the same animals as we find in myth; and, third, the role that these animals play in temple healing.4 The objective of the chapter is to show the triangular relations among the divine, animal, and human spheres as they are rendered symbolically in Asclepian medicine.
This chapter constitutes a systematic presentation and analysis of the sources attesting to the importance of animals in the myth, cult, and healing associated with Asclepius. Because the source material for Asclepius and medicine is rich and complex, inscriptions, coins, and archaeological evidence are analysed alongside literary texts. The period considered spans from classical Greece to the Roman Empire.
Frank Ursin, Giovanni Rubeis, Florian Steger: The pathophysiology and therapy of erectile dysfunction in a newly discovered treatise by Wolfgang Reichart (1486–circa 1547). In: Urology 139 (2020), 22–26. doi:10.1016/j.urology.2019.11.079
BACKGROUND A newly-found treatise by Wolfgang Reichart (1486−circa 1547), town physician of Ulm, ... more BACKGROUND A newly-found treatise by Wolfgang Reichart (1486−circa 1547), town physician of Ulm, challenges the contemporary view that bewitchment as a cause of impotence defies any natural explanation. OBJECTIVE To understand the pathophysiological concept and therapy of erectile dysfunction in Reichart's treatise by examination of his sources and previous concepts. METHODS Source analysis of Reichart's treatise by comparison of the pathophysiological concepts and therapy of erectile dysfunction with original texts of the Corpus Hippocraticum (5th−3rd century BC) and Constantinus Africanus (11th century). RESULTS By using rational thinking and medical knowledge mainly drawn from antiquity, especially Constantinus Africanus, Reichart shows that a supposed supernatural cause for impotence can be explained by reason and natural means. Reichart's treatise changes the view of bewitchment as cause of impotence. He makes eclectical use of previous concepts to explain his patient's condition. From the Middle Ages on, bewitchment was accepted as a cause for erectile dysfunction. Usually, physicians of that time accepted this etiology and advised a treatment based on theological concepts. Reichart challenges this view by emphasizing reason and medical knowledge as crucial for treating the patient, rejecting supernatural treatment approaches. CONCLUSIONS In the 16th century, a type of rational thinking and medical knowledge emerges, which puts supernatural explanations into question and aims at treating patients with natural means. The analysis of Reichart's treatise is a much-needed contribution to understanding the historic development of pathophysiological concepts of and therapeutic measures for impotence, which is yet underresearched.
Frank Ursin, Maximilian Schochow, Florian Steger: Heinrich Steinhöwel (1410/11–1479) as a town physician and pharmacist in the free imperial city of Ulm. In: Sudhoffs Archiv 104 (2020), 152–173., 2020
Heinrich Steinhöwel (1410/11-1479) was a successful author and translator in the period of the ea... more Heinrich Steinhöwel (1410/11-1479) was a successful author and translator in the period of the early Humanism. Although occupied with multiple duties as a town physician of the free imperial city of Ulm for over 20 years, there are hardly any traces of medicine in his works, as the medical historian Karl Sudhoff (1853-1938) already noted. So far, little is known about Steinhöwel's medical practice. The objective of the article is to ascertain Steinhöwel's duties as a town physician and to identify his multiple roles in the medical system of his time: the beginnings as a practicing physician, the office of a town physician, and as a pharmacist. In order to find regulations for the medical system of Ulm as well as employment contracts of Steinhöwel and contemporaneous town physicians for comparative purposes, extensive archive investigation was conducted in southwestern Germany, especially in the municipal archives of Ulm. New results are the specific content of Steinhöwel's contracts as an early-modern town physician, chronological issues in respect to his withdrawal from this office, the ownership of a pharmacy, and his double-role as a pharmacist and supervisor of pharmacies.
Frank Ursin, Cristian Timmermann, Florian Steger: Ethical implications of Alzheimer’s disease prediction in asymptomatic individuals through artificial intelligence. In: Diagnostics 11 (2021), 440. doi:10.3390/diagnostics11030440
Claudia Borelli*, Frank Ursin*, Florian Steger: The rise of Chemical Peeling in 19th century European Dermatology: Emergence of agents, formulations, and treatments. In: Journal of the European Academy of Dermatology and Venereology 34 (2020), 1890–1899. doi:10.1111/jdv.16307 , 2020
Background Considering the increasing number of chemical peeling applications, also the interest ... more Background Considering the increasing number of chemical peeling applications, also the interest in the history of
chemical peelings and agents, has grown in dermatology. Research ascribes the first use of phenol as a chemical peeling
agent to William Tilbury Fox (1836–1879) in 1871. Furthermore, Ferdinand von Hebra (1847–1902) is said to describe
the properties of various peeling agents in 1874, and Paul Gerson Unna (1850–1929) adds resorcinol and trichloroacetic
acid in 1882.
Objective To identify the first mentions of chemical peeling applications and agents in 19th-century dermatology.
Methods Nineteenth-century dermatologists were identified by an examination of literature of the last 30 years on the
history of chemical peeling. Systematic examination of the medical textbooks of Hebra, Fox and Unna was conducted. It
was proved whether the mentioned agents were used for chemical peeling applications.
Results The skin peeling property of phenol was already discovered by its first describer, the chemist Friedlieb Ferdinand
Runge (1795–1867) in 1834. The Viennese dermatologist Hebra described phenol as a chemical peeling agent in
1860. Hebra and his associate Moriz Kaposi (1837–1902) stated that ‘Lotio carbolica’ was already used in London. Fox
used phenol mostly as a disinfectant and not for chemical peelings since 1869. Unna described the chemical peeling
property of salicylic acid in 1882 and gave the most comprehensive account of chemical peels of the 19th century in
1899. Unna also introduced the Gutta-percha plaster with salicylic acid and phenol. Around 1900, Unna was famous for
his peeling paste with resorcinol in Germany.
Conclusions A new chronology of the introduction of chemical peeling in dermatology can be drawn from the results.
The German-speaking dermatology pioneered the treatment of skin diseases with chemical peelings as well as for
aesthetical purposes 21 years earlier than hitherto known.
Moritz E. Wigand, Frank Ursin: Research on COVID-19 and mental health: data mining reveals blind spots. In: Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica 143 (2020), 275–276. , 2020
Giovanni Rubeis, Frank Ursin, Florian Steger: Impotence and the natural explanation of bewitchment: Wolfgang Reichart’s medical case report on the loss of “potentia coeundi”. In: Early Science and Medicine 25 (2020), 273–295. doi:10.1163/15733823-00253P04 , 2020
Wolfgang Reichart (1486-c. 1547) was a humanist and a town physician of Ulm. His work consists of... more Wolfgang Reichart (1486-c. 1547) was a humanist and a town physician of Ulm. His work consists of a largely unpublished collection of nearly 600 texts. So far, it has been claimed that this compilation only consists of letters and poems. However, we have found a medical treatise, wherein Reichart discusses a case of impotence, its patho-physiology and therapy. One of the crucial aspects in this text is the relationship it describes between witchcraft and medicine. The patient claims that his condition is the result of bewitchment. Reichart accepts witchcraft as a possible aetiological explanation , but claims that since the processes triggered by witchcraft are still natural, the patient can be cured by natural means. Thus, Reichart's approach is an important contribution to the history of medicine and to the history of science of the early modern period. We provide the first edition, translation, and commentary of the text.
Frank Ursin, Giovanni Rubeis, Florian Steger: Impotenz und Hexenglauben. Ein medizinischer Traktat des Ulmer Stadtarztes Wolfgang Reichart (1486–1547). In: Der Urologe A (2020)., 2020
Background. The belief in witchcraft influencedmedical thinking and action in the
16th century. I... more Background. The belief in witchcraft influencedmedical thinking and action in the
16th century. In a hitherto unknown treatise on impotence, the Ulmian town physician
Wolfgang Reichart (1486–1547) has rationally explained it by using medical concepts.
Materials and methods. The treatise was transcribed, translated, and analyzed in terms of its sources, structure, and content. The results were compared with the concept of Johann Weyer (1515–1588).
Results. Reichart explains his patient’s impotence as an acquired disease involving
demons. Since demons act only naturally on the human body, the disease is naturally
curable. The basis of the therapy is a medieval pathophysiological concept that combined ancient elements.
Conclusions. Reichart’s therapy differs from that of contemporary physicians because he treats the patient himself and does not send him to a theologian. Unlike Weyer, he offers a detailed pathophysiological concept in order to explain impotence medically.
Journal of Cosmetic Dermatology, 2019
Background
In Roman medicine, face packs, plasters, unguents, and peelings were part of the thera... more Background
In Roman medicine, face packs, plasters, unguents, and peelings were part of the therapy of dermatological diseases, but also served cosmetic purposes. Ancient medical textbooks inform us about the ingredients for these applications. Beyond medical literature, other genres contain information about dermatological applications. The Roman poet Ovid (43 BC–17 AD) wrote a didactic poem recording five recipes for topical applications for female faces (Medicamina faciei femineae). Researchers debate the relation of Ovid's poem to Roman medicine: Does the poem contain therapeutical or cosmetical information, or is it mere belles lettres?
Aims
The objective of the paper is to conduct a medico‐historical classification of Ovid's poem by determining whether the ingredients of Ovid's recipes were thought to be effective by the authors of Roman medical textbooks.
Methods
First, translation and identification of the ingredients were carried out. Second, comparison of the ingredients' functions regarding the therapy of dermatological diseases in two important Roman medical textbooks was realized. For this purpose, several commentaries on the text of Ovid were used and a keyword search in Roman medical textbooks was performed.
Results
Ovid's five recipes contain 23 ingredients. All ingredients can be found in medical textbooks. We find that 14 of these ingredients serve cosmetic purposes, 17 serve the therapy of dermatological diseases, and 13 serve both.
Conclusion
Ovid's recipes contain drugs that were considered effective by the authors of Roman medical textbooks. These drugs were recommended both for therapeutic and cosmetic purposes by the same authors. Therefore, Ovid's didactic poem is not mere belles lettres, but contains serious medical and cosmetical information. As far as we know, it is the first Roman text that contains dermatological recipes.
Clinical and Experimental Rheumatology, 2019
Objectives: In Antiquity, colchicine was used as a poison and as a remedy for Podagra. Research s... more Objectives: In Antiquity, colchicine was used as a poison and as a remedy for Podagra. Research so far has revealed that the physician Alexander of Tralles was the first who used it in the 6th century AD. Alexander recommended a plant he called "Hermodaktylon", which takes off the pain in the feet immediately. "Hermodaktylon" is identified with Colchicum autumnale L., which contains colchicine in his bulbs and seeds. We will present new data that varieties of Colchicum were used for medical treatment of Podagra far earlier than hitherto known by research.
Methods: We performed a systematic full text search in Greek and Latin original sources of Antiquity for "Hermodaktylon"/"Hermodactylus" and for the synonyms "Ephemeron"/"Ephemerum", "Kolchikon"/"Colchicum", and "Bolbos (agrios)"/"bulbus (agrestis)". We analysed our findings with philological and historico-critical methods.
Results: There are 48 text passages in original sources. Lucian of Samosata (2nd century AD) was the first who mentioned a plant he called "bolbos" as a remedy for Podagra. The Byzantine physician Jacobus Psychrestes (5th century AD) developed two recipes. Aëtius of Amida (6th century AD) transmitted two recipes. One case with an overdose of colchicine was discovered which resulted in the death of a patient in Byzantine times.
Conclusions: New specific recipes containing Colchicum were discovered. Jacobus Psychrestes and Aëtius used Colchicum systematically for the therapy of Podagra earlier than the 6th century AD. However, the therapeutic use of Colchicum was already known in the 2nd century AD.
Background Recipes for peelings date back to medical texts of old Egypt. The oldest medical papyr... more Background Recipes for peelings date back to medical texts of old Egypt. The oldest medical papyri contain recipes
for ‘improving beauty of the skin’ and ‘removing wrinkles’ by use of agents such as salt and soda. The Egyptian Queen
Cleopatra (69–30 BC) is said to have taken bathes in donkey’s milk to improve the beauty of her skin. However, little is
known about other agents and peeling applications in later Greek medical textbooks.
Objective We will discover new agents and describe ancient peeling applications. First, we will have to identify ancient
Greek medical terms for the modern terms ‘peeling’ and ‘chemical peeling’. Second, on the basis of the identified terms,
we will perform a systematic full-text search for agents in original sources. Third, we will categorize the results into three
peeling applications: (i) cleansing, (ii) aesthetical improvement of the skin and (iii) therapy of dermatological diseases.
Methods We performed a full systematic keyword search with the identified Greek terms in databases of ancient Greek
texts. Our keywords for peeling and chemical peeling are ‘smexis’ and ‘trıpsis’. Our keywords for agents of peeling and
chemical peeling are ‘smegmata’, ‘rhymmata’, ‘kathartika’ and ‘trımmata’.
Results Diocles (4th century BC) was the first one who mentioned ‘smexis’ and ‘trıpsis’ as parts of daily cleansing
routine. Criton (2nd century AD) wrote about peeling applications, but any reference to the agents is lost. Antyllus
(2nd century AD) composed three lists of peeling applications including their agents.
Conclusion Greek medical textbooks of Graeco-Roman antiquity report several peeling applications such as cleansing,
brightening, darkening, softening and aesthetical improvement of the skin by use of peeling and chemical peeling,
as well as therapy of dermatological diseases. There are 27 ancient agents for what is contemporarily called peeling and
chemical peeling. We discovered more specific agents than hitherto known to research.
INTRODUCTION:
Gallstones are rarely mentioned in the medical texts of antiquity. The physician, A... more INTRODUCTION:
Gallstones are rarely mentioned in the medical texts of antiquity. The physician, Alexander of Tralles mentions-for the first time-stones in the gallbladder as a possible cause for obstructive jaundice. This designation is found in his textbook on medicine under the heading "obstruction of the liver". Based on that observation, we describe the ancient history of hepatic obstruction and investigate the connection with the rare reference of gallstones in the medical texts of antiquity.
METHODS:
First, we evaluated the medico-historical literature on bile-stones and liver obstruction in antiquity, which has been published since 1900. The identified ancient sources we have analyzed for the purposes of etiology, diagnostics and therapy. Second, we searched for additional ancient sources with a combined keyword search in Greek and Latin text databases to check the completeness of the mentions of gallstones and liver obstructions known from the research literature.
RESULTS:
There are two mentions of stones in the liver and gallbladder: Aristotle probably describes stones in the liver of slaughtered sacrificial animals and the late-antique physician, Alexander of Tralles, in the gallbladder of humans. The mechanical obstruction of the bile ducts as a cause of jaundice has been known since Diocles of Karystos (4th century BC). For the first time, Galen of Pergamon describes the disease pattern of a liver obstruction (2nd century AC). This was due to the coagulation of the yellow bile, one of the four humors of ancient humoral pathology.
CONCLUSION:
Although gallstones were rarely mentioned, the clinical presentation of gallstone disease was known to ancient authors of medical texts and was referred to as liver obstruction.
Based on texts by the Roman imperial era satirist Lucian (ca. 120–180) it
will be examined whethe... more Based on texts by the Roman imperial era satirist Lucian (ca. 120–180) it
will be examined whether the modern concepts of diseases of affluence, civilization or symptom diseases are applicable to Classical Antiquity. While the concept of diseases of civilization does not appear to be valid, a positive result is that at least Lucian knows a consistent group of diseases of affluence, of which he percieved as symptomatic of
his time. Similar results can be gained for the Roman satirist Juvenal (67–after 138) and Galen of Pergamon (129–ca. 216). The outline of the problem makes clear that the ancient discourse about diseases of affluence opens as a new research field, because previous research focused only selectively on some diseases such as podagra (gout).
If there was a cultural trauma of the imperial Greeks, then it consisted in giving up their strug... more If there was a cultural trauma of the imperial Greeks, then it consisted in giving up their struggle for freedom, which up to then had been an integral part of their identity. As a consequence of this Plutarch recommends other politics of memory: the Greeks should omit the reference points of the struggle for freedom in the political space and recall peaceful cultural techniques that have been practiced by the Greeks after traumatic experiences.
In: Becker, Eve-Marie / Dochhorn, Jan / Holt, Else Kragelund (Hgg.): Trauma and Traumatization in Individual and Collective Dimensions. Insights from Biblical Studies and Beyond, Studia Aarhusiana Neotestamentica (SANt) 2, Göttingen 2014, 289-307.
Am Topos des Kunsträubers kann gezeigt werden, wie sich Religion und Herrschaft bei Pausanias ver... more Am Topos des Kunsträubers kann gezeigt werden, wie sich Religion und Herrschaft bei Pausanias verbinden: gute Herrscher sind 'eusebes' und vermeiden oder restitutieren Kunstraub, schlechte Herrscher sind 'asebes' und haben den Griechen in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart nicht nur Statuen geraubt. Doch zuvor wird Pausanias' Geschichtsbild, seine historischen Zäsuren und die zeitgenössische Defizienzerfahrung gemessen am Maßstab der Vergangenheit behandelt, da seine Diagnose zeitgenössischer Asebeia (Paus. 8,2,5. 10,3) nur vor dem Hintergrund seiner Vergangenheitsdeutung verständlich wird.
Book Reviews by Frank Ursin
In: H-Soz-u-Kult, 26.03.2012
Conference Presentations by Frank Ursin
For the "Historikertag" @ Göttingen 2014.
Talks by Frank Ursin
Aelius Aristides differenziert die Präsentation seiner zeitgenössischen Defizienzerfahrung in der... more Aelius Aristides differenziert die Präsentation seiner zeitgenössischen Defizienzerfahrung in der Rom-Rede (or. 26), dem Panathenaikos (or. 1) und dem Eleusinios (or. 22). Durch einen Vergleich wird der intentionale Charakter funktionalisierter Defizienzerfahrung deutlich: je nach Kontext und Adressat variiert Aristides die Intensität der Defizienzerfahrung, invertiert sie gar in der Rom-Rede. Diese Umkehrung ist jedoch äußerst subtil und vollzieht sich komplex, da seine wirkliche Haltung nicht seinen Worten entspricht.
Uploads
Papers by Frank Ursin
We shall consider three areas in which animals relate to medicine: first, the central cultural–historical tradition of animals as it traces its origin to the myth of Asclepius; second, the fact that the cult of Asclepius features the same animals as we find in myth; and, third, the role that these animals play in temple healing.4 The objective of the chapter is to show the triangular relations among the divine, animal, and human spheres as they are rendered symbolically in Asclepian medicine.
This chapter constitutes a systematic presentation and analysis of the sources attesting to the importance of animals in the myth, cult, and healing associated with Asclepius. Because the source material for Asclepius and medicine is rich and complex, inscriptions, coins, and archaeological evidence are analysed alongside literary texts. The period considered spans from classical Greece to the Roman Empire.
chemical peelings and agents, has grown in dermatology. Research ascribes the first use of phenol as a chemical peeling
agent to William Tilbury Fox (1836–1879) in 1871. Furthermore, Ferdinand von Hebra (1847–1902) is said to describe
the properties of various peeling agents in 1874, and Paul Gerson Unna (1850–1929) adds resorcinol and trichloroacetic
acid in 1882.
Objective To identify the first mentions of chemical peeling applications and agents in 19th-century dermatology.
Methods Nineteenth-century dermatologists were identified by an examination of literature of the last 30 years on the
history of chemical peeling. Systematic examination of the medical textbooks of Hebra, Fox and Unna was conducted. It
was proved whether the mentioned agents were used for chemical peeling applications.
Results The skin peeling property of phenol was already discovered by its first describer, the chemist Friedlieb Ferdinand
Runge (1795–1867) in 1834. The Viennese dermatologist Hebra described phenol as a chemical peeling agent in
1860. Hebra and his associate Moriz Kaposi (1837–1902) stated that ‘Lotio carbolica’ was already used in London. Fox
used phenol mostly as a disinfectant and not for chemical peelings since 1869. Unna described the chemical peeling
property of salicylic acid in 1882 and gave the most comprehensive account of chemical peels of the 19th century in
1899. Unna also introduced the Gutta-percha plaster with salicylic acid and phenol. Around 1900, Unna was famous for
his peeling paste with resorcinol in Germany.
Conclusions A new chronology of the introduction of chemical peeling in dermatology can be drawn from the results.
The German-speaking dermatology pioneered the treatment of skin diseases with chemical peelings as well as for
aesthetical purposes 21 years earlier than hitherto known.
16th century. In a hitherto unknown treatise on impotence, the Ulmian town physician
Wolfgang Reichart (1486–1547) has rationally explained it by using medical concepts.
Materials and methods. The treatise was transcribed, translated, and analyzed in terms of its sources, structure, and content. The results were compared with the concept of Johann Weyer (1515–1588).
Results. Reichart explains his patient’s impotence as an acquired disease involving
demons. Since demons act only naturally on the human body, the disease is naturally
curable. The basis of the therapy is a medieval pathophysiological concept that combined ancient elements.
Conclusions. Reichart’s therapy differs from that of contemporary physicians because he treats the patient himself and does not send him to a theologian. Unlike Weyer, he offers a detailed pathophysiological concept in order to explain impotence medically.
In Roman medicine, face packs, plasters, unguents, and peelings were part of the therapy of dermatological diseases, but also served cosmetic purposes. Ancient medical textbooks inform us about the ingredients for these applications. Beyond medical literature, other genres contain information about dermatological applications. The Roman poet Ovid (43 BC–17 AD) wrote a didactic poem recording five recipes for topical applications for female faces (Medicamina faciei femineae). Researchers debate the relation of Ovid's poem to Roman medicine: Does the poem contain therapeutical or cosmetical information, or is it mere belles lettres?
Aims
The objective of the paper is to conduct a medico‐historical classification of Ovid's poem by determining whether the ingredients of Ovid's recipes were thought to be effective by the authors of Roman medical textbooks.
Methods
First, translation and identification of the ingredients were carried out. Second, comparison of the ingredients' functions regarding the therapy of dermatological diseases in two important Roman medical textbooks was realized. For this purpose, several commentaries on the text of Ovid were used and a keyword search in Roman medical textbooks was performed.
Results
Ovid's five recipes contain 23 ingredients. All ingredients can be found in medical textbooks. We find that 14 of these ingredients serve cosmetic purposes, 17 serve the therapy of dermatological diseases, and 13 serve both.
Conclusion
Ovid's recipes contain drugs that were considered effective by the authors of Roman medical textbooks. These drugs were recommended both for therapeutic and cosmetic purposes by the same authors. Therefore, Ovid's didactic poem is not mere belles lettres, but contains serious medical and cosmetical information. As far as we know, it is the first Roman text that contains dermatological recipes.
Methods: We performed a systematic full text search in Greek and Latin original sources of Antiquity for "Hermodaktylon"/"Hermodactylus" and for the synonyms "Ephemeron"/"Ephemerum", "Kolchikon"/"Colchicum", and "Bolbos (agrios)"/"bulbus (agrestis)". We analysed our findings with philological and historico-critical methods.
Results: There are 48 text passages in original sources. Lucian of Samosata (2nd century AD) was the first who mentioned a plant he called "bolbos" as a remedy for Podagra. The Byzantine physician Jacobus Psychrestes (5th century AD) developed two recipes. Aëtius of Amida (6th century AD) transmitted two recipes. One case with an overdose of colchicine was discovered which resulted in the death of a patient in Byzantine times.
Conclusions: New specific recipes containing Colchicum were discovered. Jacobus Psychrestes and Aëtius used Colchicum systematically for the therapy of Podagra earlier than the 6th century AD. However, the therapeutic use of Colchicum was already known in the 2nd century AD.
for ‘improving beauty of the skin’ and ‘removing wrinkles’ by use of agents such as salt and soda. The Egyptian Queen
Cleopatra (69–30 BC) is said to have taken bathes in donkey’s milk to improve the beauty of her skin. However, little is
known about other agents and peeling applications in later Greek medical textbooks.
Objective We will discover new agents and describe ancient peeling applications. First, we will have to identify ancient
Greek medical terms for the modern terms ‘peeling’ and ‘chemical peeling’. Second, on the basis of the identified terms,
we will perform a systematic full-text search for agents in original sources. Third, we will categorize the results into three
peeling applications: (i) cleansing, (ii) aesthetical improvement of the skin and (iii) therapy of dermatological diseases.
Methods We performed a full systematic keyword search with the identified Greek terms in databases of ancient Greek
texts. Our keywords for peeling and chemical peeling are ‘smexis’ and ‘trıpsis’. Our keywords for agents of peeling and
chemical peeling are ‘smegmata’, ‘rhymmata’, ‘kathartika’ and ‘trımmata’.
Results Diocles (4th century BC) was the first one who mentioned ‘smexis’ and ‘trıpsis’ as parts of daily cleansing
routine. Criton (2nd century AD) wrote about peeling applications, but any reference to the agents is lost. Antyllus
(2nd century AD) composed three lists of peeling applications including their agents.
Conclusion Greek medical textbooks of Graeco-Roman antiquity report several peeling applications such as cleansing,
brightening, darkening, softening and aesthetical improvement of the skin by use of peeling and chemical peeling,
as well as therapy of dermatological diseases. There are 27 ancient agents for what is contemporarily called peeling and
chemical peeling. We discovered more specific agents than hitherto known to research.
Gallstones are rarely mentioned in the medical texts of antiquity. The physician, Alexander of Tralles mentions-for the first time-stones in the gallbladder as a possible cause for obstructive jaundice. This designation is found in his textbook on medicine under the heading "obstruction of the liver". Based on that observation, we describe the ancient history of hepatic obstruction and investigate the connection with the rare reference of gallstones in the medical texts of antiquity.
METHODS:
First, we evaluated the medico-historical literature on bile-stones and liver obstruction in antiquity, which has been published since 1900. The identified ancient sources we have analyzed for the purposes of etiology, diagnostics and therapy. Second, we searched for additional ancient sources with a combined keyword search in Greek and Latin text databases to check the completeness of the mentions of gallstones and liver obstructions known from the research literature.
RESULTS:
There are two mentions of stones in the liver and gallbladder: Aristotle probably describes stones in the liver of slaughtered sacrificial animals and the late-antique physician, Alexander of Tralles, in the gallbladder of humans. The mechanical obstruction of the bile ducts as a cause of jaundice has been known since Diocles of Karystos (4th century BC). For the first time, Galen of Pergamon describes the disease pattern of a liver obstruction (2nd century AC). This was due to the coagulation of the yellow bile, one of the four humors of ancient humoral pathology.
CONCLUSION:
Although gallstones were rarely mentioned, the clinical presentation of gallstone disease was known to ancient authors of medical texts and was referred to as liver obstruction.
will be examined whether the modern concepts of diseases of affluence, civilization or symptom diseases are applicable to Classical Antiquity. While the concept of diseases of civilization does not appear to be valid, a positive result is that at least Lucian knows a consistent group of diseases of affluence, of which he percieved as symptomatic of
his time. Similar results can be gained for the Roman satirist Juvenal (67–after 138) and Galen of Pergamon (129–ca. 216). The outline of the problem makes clear that the ancient discourse about diseases of affluence opens as a new research field, because previous research focused only selectively on some diseases such as podagra (gout).
In: Becker, Eve-Marie / Dochhorn, Jan / Holt, Else Kragelund (Hgg.): Trauma and Traumatization in Individual and Collective Dimensions. Insights from Biblical Studies and Beyond, Studia Aarhusiana Neotestamentica (SANt) 2, Göttingen 2014, 289-307.
Book Reviews by Frank Ursin
Conference Presentations by Frank Ursin
Talks by Frank Ursin
We shall consider three areas in which animals relate to medicine: first, the central cultural–historical tradition of animals as it traces its origin to the myth of Asclepius; second, the fact that the cult of Asclepius features the same animals as we find in myth; and, third, the role that these animals play in temple healing.4 The objective of the chapter is to show the triangular relations among the divine, animal, and human spheres as they are rendered symbolically in Asclepian medicine.
This chapter constitutes a systematic presentation and analysis of the sources attesting to the importance of animals in the myth, cult, and healing associated with Asclepius. Because the source material for Asclepius and medicine is rich and complex, inscriptions, coins, and archaeological evidence are analysed alongside literary texts. The period considered spans from classical Greece to the Roman Empire.
chemical peelings and agents, has grown in dermatology. Research ascribes the first use of phenol as a chemical peeling
agent to William Tilbury Fox (1836–1879) in 1871. Furthermore, Ferdinand von Hebra (1847–1902) is said to describe
the properties of various peeling agents in 1874, and Paul Gerson Unna (1850–1929) adds resorcinol and trichloroacetic
acid in 1882.
Objective To identify the first mentions of chemical peeling applications and agents in 19th-century dermatology.
Methods Nineteenth-century dermatologists were identified by an examination of literature of the last 30 years on the
history of chemical peeling. Systematic examination of the medical textbooks of Hebra, Fox and Unna was conducted. It
was proved whether the mentioned agents were used for chemical peeling applications.
Results The skin peeling property of phenol was already discovered by its first describer, the chemist Friedlieb Ferdinand
Runge (1795–1867) in 1834. The Viennese dermatologist Hebra described phenol as a chemical peeling agent in
1860. Hebra and his associate Moriz Kaposi (1837–1902) stated that ‘Lotio carbolica’ was already used in London. Fox
used phenol mostly as a disinfectant and not for chemical peelings since 1869. Unna described the chemical peeling
property of salicylic acid in 1882 and gave the most comprehensive account of chemical peels of the 19th century in
1899. Unna also introduced the Gutta-percha plaster with salicylic acid and phenol. Around 1900, Unna was famous for
his peeling paste with resorcinol in Germany.
Conclusions A new chronology of the introduction of chemical peeling in dermatology can be drawn from the results.
The German-speaking dermatology pioneered the treatment of skin diseases with chemical peelings as well as for
aesthetical purposes 21 years earlier than hitherto known.
16th century. In a hitherto unknown treatise on impotence, the Ulmian town physician
Wolfgang Reichart (1486–1547) has rationally explained it by using medical concepts.
Materials and methods. The treatise was transcribed, translated, and analyzed in terms of its sources, structure, and content. The results were compared with the concept of Johann Weyer (1515–1588).
Results. Reichart explains his patient’s impotence as an acquired disease involving
demons. Since demons act only naturally on the human body, the disease is naturally
curable. The basis of the therapy is a medieval pathophysiological concept that combined ancient elements.
Conclusions. Reichart’s therapy differs from that of contemporary physicians because he treats the patient himself and does not send him to a theologian. Unlike Weyer, he offers a detailed pathophysiological concept in order to explain impotence medically.
In Roman medicine, face packs, plasters, unguents, and peelings were part of the therapy of dermatological diseases, but also served cosmetic purposes. Ancient medical textbooks inform us about the ingredients for these applications. Beyond medical literature, other genres contain information about dermatological applications. The Roman poet Ovid (43 BC–17 AD) wrote a didactic poem recording five recipes for topical applications for female faces (Medicamina faciei femineae). Researchers debate the relation of Ovid's poem to Roman medicine: Does the poem contain therapeutical or cosmetical information, or is it mere belles lettres?
Aims
The objective of the paper is to conduct a medico‐historical classification of Ovid's poem by determining whether the ingredients of Ovid's recipes were thought to be effective by the authors of Roman medical textbooks.
Methods
First, translation and identification of the ingredients were carried out. Second, comparison of the ingredients' functions regarding the therapy of dermatological diseases in two important Roman medical textbooks was realized. For this purpose, several commentaries on the text of Ovid were used and a keyword search in Roman medical textbooks was performed.
Results
Ovid's five recipes contain 23 ingredients. All ingredients can be found in medical textbooks. We find that 14 of these ingredients serve cosmetic purposes, 17 serve the therapy of dermatological diseases, and 13 serve both.
Conclusion
Ovid's recipes contain drugs that were considered effective by the authors of Roman medical textbooks. These drugs were recommended both for therapeutic and cosmetic purposes by the same authors. Therefore, Ovid's didactic poem is not mere belles lettres, but contains serious medical and cosmetical information. As far as we know, it is the first Roman text that contains dermatological recipes.
Methods: We performed a systematic full text search in Greek and Latin original sources of Antiquity for "Hermodaktylon"/"Hermodactylus" and for the synonyms "Ephemeron"/"Ephemerum", "Kolchikon"/"Colchicum", and "Bolbos (agrios)"/"bulbus (agrestis)". We analysed our findings with philological and historico-critical methods.
Results: There are 48 text passages in original sources. Lucian of Samosata (2nd century AD) was the first who mentioned a plant he called "bolbos" as a remedy for Podagra. The Byzantine physician Jacobus Psychrestes (5th century AD) developed two recipes. Aëtius of Amida (6th century AD) transmitted two recipes. One case with an overdose of colchicine was discovered which resulted in the death of a patient in Byzantine times.
Conclusions: New specific recipes containing Colchicum were discovered. Jacobus Psychrestes and Aëtius used Colchicum systematically for the therapy of Podagra earlier than the 6th century AD. However, the therapeutic use of Colchicum was already known in the 2nd century AD.
for ‘improving beauty of the skin’ and ‘removing wrinkles’ by use of agents such as salt and soda. The Egyptian Queen
Cleopatra (69–30 BC) is said to have taken bathes in donkey’s milk to improve the beauty of her skin. However, little is
known about other agents and peeling applications in later Greek medical textbooks.
Objective We will discover new agents and describe ancient peeling applications. First, we will have to identify ancient
Greek medical terms for the modern terms ‘peeling’ and ‘chemical peeling’. Second, on the basis of the identified terms,
we will perform a systematic full-text search for agents in original sources. Third, we will categorize the results into three
peeling applications: (i) cleansing, (ii) aesthetical improvement of the skin and (iii) therapy of dermatological diseases.
Methods We performed a full systematic keyword search with the identified Greek terms in databases of ancient Greek
texts. Our keywords for peeling and chemical peeling are ‘smexis’ and ‘trıpsis’. Our keywords for agents of peeling and
chemical peeling are ‘smegmata’, ‘rhymmata’, ‘kathartika’ and ‘trımmata’.
Results Diocles (4th century BC) was the first one who mentioned ‘smexis’ and ‘trıpsis’ as parts of daily cleansing
routine. Criton (2nd century AD) wrote about peeling applications, but any reference to the agents is lost. Antyllus
(2nd century AD) composed three lists of peeling applications including their agents.
Conclusion Greek medical textbooks of Graeco-Roman antiquity report several peeling applications such as cleansing,
brightening, darkening, softening and aesthetical improvement of the skin by use of peeling and chemical peeling,
as well as therapy of dermatological diseases. There are 27 ancient agents for what is contemporarily called peeling and
chemical peeling. We discovered more specific agents than hitherto known to research.
Gallstones are rarely mentioned in the medical texts of antiquity. The physician, Alexander of Tralles mentions-for the first time-stones in the gallbladder as a possible cause for obstructive jaundice. This designation is found in his textbook on medicine under the heading "obstruction of the liver". Based on that observation, we describe the ancient history of hepatic obstruction and investigate the connection with the rare reference of gallstones in the medical texts of antiquity.
METHODS:
First, we evaluated the medico-historical literature on bile-stones and liver obstruction in antiquity, which has been published since 1900. The identified ancient sources we have analyzed for the purposes of etiology, diagnostics and therapy. Second, we searched for additional ancient sources with a combined keyword search in Greek and Latin text databases to check the completeness of the mentions of gallstones and liver obstructions known from the research literature.
RESULTS:
There are two mentions of stones in the liver and gallbladder: Aristotle probably describes stones in the liver of slaughtered sacrificial animals and the late-antique physician, Alexander of Tralles, in the gallbladder of humans. The mechanical obstruction of the bile ducts as a cause of jaundice has been known since Diocles of Karystos (4th century BC). For the first time, Galen of Pergamon describes the disease pattern of a liver obstruction (2nd century AC). This was due to the coagulation of the yellow bile, one of the four humors of ancient humoral pathology.
CONCLUSION:
Although gallstones were rarely mentioned, the clinical presentation of gallstone disease was known to ancient authors of medical texts and was referred to as liver obstruction.
will be examined whether the modern concepts of diseases of affluence, civilization or symptom diseases are applicable to Classical Antiquity. While the concept of diseases of civilization does not appear to be valid, a positive result is that at least Lucian knows a consistent group of diseases of affluence, of which he percieved as symptomatic of
his time. Similar results can be gained for the Roman satirist Juvenal (67–after 138) and Galen of Pergamon (129–ca. 216). The outline of the problem makes clear that the ancient discourse about diseases of affluence opens as a new research field, because previous research focused only selectively on some diseases such as podagra (gout).
In: Becker, Eve-Marie / Dochhorn, Jan / Holt, Else Kragelund (Hgg.): Trauma and Traumatization in Individual and Collective Dimensions. Insights from Biblical Studies and Beyond, Studia Aarhusiana Neotestamentica (SANt) 2, Göttingen 2014, 289-307.