- En 2004 est entré à l’Université d’Etat Lomonossov de Moscou (faculté d’histoire, spécialisation - histoire de l’anti... moreEn 2004 est entré à l’Université d’Etat Lomonossov de Moscou (faculté d’histoire, spécialisation - histoire de l’antiquité).
En 2009 a soutenu le mémoire de fin d’études «cum laude» à la faculté d’histoire de l’Université d’Etat de Lomonosov.
2009-2012 étudiant en thèse de doctorat au département de l’histoire d’antiquité à la faculté de l’ histoire de l’ Université d’Etat de Moscou de Lomonosov.
En 2013 a soutenu la thèse (PhD) «La vengeance dans les poèmes d’Homère» à la même faculté.
Depuis 2014 professeur du latin à l’Université de Droit d'Etat de Moscou Kutafin.edit - Vasily Kuzishchinedit
The paper deals with the pledge in the Gortyn Laws of the 5th century BCE. It demonstrates that the pledge in Gortyn had a possessory character, so it assumed the transfer of ownership of the pledge to the pledgee. The subject of the... more
The paper deals with the pledge in the Gortyn Laws of the 5th century BCE. It demonstrates that the pledge in Gortyn had a possessory character, so it assumed the transfer of ownership of the pledge to the pledgee. The subject of the pledge could be both movable and immovable property. There is neither hypothec nor sale on condition of release in Gortyn law. This fact can be explained by the absence of a land cadastre. Resumé L'article est consacré au gage dans les lois gortyniennes du Ve siècle avant J.-C. Nous avons essayé de démontrer que le gage supposait la dépossession, c'est-à-dire qu'il impliquait le transfert de la possession de l'objet mis en gage au créancier. L'objet mis gage pouvait être un bien meuble aussi qu'un bien immeuble. Il n'y a ni vente à condition de rachat, ni hypothèque dans les lois de Gortyne, ce qui s'explique par le manque du registre public des terres.
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В статье рассматривается возникновение метода критики источников в Раннее Новое время. Поскольку возникновение критики грамот было вызвано необходимостью определять юридическую подлинность документов, она испытала сильнейшее влияние... more
В статье рассматривается возникновение метода критики источников в Раннее Новое время. Поскольку возникновение критики грамот было вызвано необходимостью определять юридическую подлинность документов, она испытала сильнейшее влияние права. В статье делается вывод о влиянии норм Corpus Iuris Civilis на дискуссии относительно определения подлинности документов в трактатах юристов и учёных-эрудитов, занимавшихся специально определением подлинности грамот как исторических источников.
Summary
The article focuses on the emergence of the method of historical criticism in the Early Modern Age. Since the emergence of criticism was caused by the need to determine authenticity of documents, it experienced the strongest influence of law. The article concludes about the influence of the Corpus Iuris Civilis norms on the discussions regarding the determination of the authenticity of documents in the treatises of lawyers and scholars, who were specifically engaged in determining the authenticity of letters as historical sources.
Summary
The article focuses on the emergence of the method of historical criticism in the Early Modern Age. Since the emergence of criticism was caused by the need to determine authenticity of documents, it experienced the strongest influence of law. The article concludes about the influence of the Corpus Iuris Civilis norms on the discussions regarding the determination of the authenticity of documents in the treatises of lawyers and scholars, who were specifically engaged in determining the authenticity of letters as historical sources.
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Статья посвящена значениям слов δίκη и θέμις в гомеровском эпосе. В статье критикуется мнение Г. Глотца, Р. Хирцеля и Э. Бенвениста о том, что δίκη в гомеровских поэмах было обозначением межсемейного права, а θέμις – обозначением... more
Статья посвящена значениям слов δίκη и θέμις в гомеровском эпосе. В статье критикуется мнение Г. Глотца, Р. Хирцеля и Э. Бенвениста о том, что δίκη в гомеровских поэмах было обозначением межсемейного права, а θέμις – обозначением внутрисемейных и внутриродовых норм поведения. В гомеровском эпосе мы не можем найти ни одного примера, который бы доказывал, что θέμις относится к семейной или родовой сфере. Эпизод из «Одиссеи» (Od. 9. 114–115), который привлекался Г. Глотцем, Р. Хирцелем и Э. Бенвенистом, не может быть признан доказательством этого.
The article is devoted to the meanings of the words δίκη and θέμις in the Homeric epics. The article criticizes the opinion of G. Glotz, R. Hirzel and E. Benveniste that δίκη in the Homeric poems was a designation of inter-family law, and θέμις – a designation of intra-family norms of behavior. In the Homeric epics we can't find any example that would prove that θέμις refers to a family or tribal area. The episode from the Odyssey (Od. 9. 114-115), which was drawn by G. Glotz, R. Hirzel, and E. Benveniste, cannot be considered as proof of this.
The article is devoted to the meanings of the words δίκη and θέμις in the Homeric epics. The article criticizes the opinion of G. Glotz, R. Hirzel and E. Benveniste that δίκη in the Homeric poems was a designation of inter-family law, and θέμις – a designation of intra-family norms of behavior. In the Homeric epics we can't find any example that would prove that θέμις refers to a family or tribal area. The episode from the Odyssey (Od. 9. 114-115), which was drawn by G. Glotz, R. Hirzel, and E. Benveniste, cannot be considered as proof of this.
Research Interests:
URL-http://history.jes.su Все права защищены Выпуск 9 (107) Том 12-Территория права, многообразие города и проблемы исторической урбанистики. 2021
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Статья посвящена интерпретации текстов, написанных Ли- нейным письмом Б, касающихся государственного хозяйства и хозяйства царя wa-na-ka. В статье делается вывод о том, что мы можем говорить о несовпадении государственного хозяйства и... more
Статья посвящена интерпретации текстов, написанных Ли-
нейным письмом Б, касающихся государственного хозяйства и хозяйства царя wa-na-ka. В статье делается вывод о том, что мы можем говорить о несовпадении государственного хозяйства и хозяйства wa-na-ka в государствах микенской Греции. В частности, об этом может свидетельствовать текст из Пилоса Un 2 с описанием приготовлений к торжественному жертвоприношению.
The article deals with texts in linear B script and investigates the re-
lationships between state household and those of mycenaean king (wa-na-ka). We come to the conclusion that these two types of household were separated from each other. The difference can be clearly understood from the text Un 2 from Pylos in which solemn preparations for a sacrifice are described.
нейным письмом Б, касающихся государственного хозяйства и хозяйства царя wa-na-ka. В статье делается вывод о том, что мы можем говорить о несовпадении государственного хозяйства и хозяйства wa-na-ka в государствах микенской Греции. В частности, об этом может свидетельствовать текст из Пилоса Un 2 с описанием приготовлений к торжественному жертвоприношению.
The article deals with texts in linear B script and investigates the re-
lationships between state household and those of mycenaean king (wa-na-ka). We come to the conclusion that these two types of household were separated from each other. The difference can be clearly understood from the text Un 2 from Pylos in which solemn preparations for a sacrifice are described.
Research Interests:
The aim of this paper is to research and compare the ancient Greek po- etic formulaic expression μέγα ἔπος and Sanskrit vaco mahat ~ mahad vacaḥ which can be derived from one Indo-European poetic formula. The Greek one is found in this... more
The aim of this paper is to research and compare the ancient Greek po-
etic formulaic expression μέγα ἔπος and Sanskrit vaco mahat ~ mahad vacaḥ which can be derived from one Indo-European poetic formula. The Greek one is found in this shape only in a Theognis’ fragment (Theogn. 159–160). Nevertheless, in the Iliad and the Odyssey the formulaic expression μέγα εἰπεῖν is found. The dictionaries translate it
as ‘to speak big, and so provoke divine wrath’. In this paper, Homeric passages and their relation to Theognis’ context are studied. The use of the expression in the Homeric poems and later sources gives an opportunity to assume the following semantic development: ‘to say important things’ > ‘to speak big, and so provoke divine wrath’ (‘an im-
portant utterance’ > ‘an impertinent, arrogant word’).
It is not excluded that μέγα ἔπος represents a primary form not preserved in Homeric poems due to chance and transformed in expression μέγα εἰπεῖν. This suggestion is additionally supported by the Old Indian parallel of Greek μέγα ἔπος, namely vaco mahat ~ mahad vacaḥ. Both words containing in these phrases are cognates and this fact allows to reconstruct the protoform *wekwos meǵh 2 ‘the great word’. The contexts in the Mahabharata and the Ramayana demonstrate that this formulaic expression usually refers to the important information, often in the form of prediction or command. The Homeric context Il. 17. 333–334 is close to those of Sanskrit epics. The further semantic development in Greek tradition is to be secondary.
Despite not the full agreement in form (the counterpart of Greek μέγα is more archaic and less frequent OInd. máhi) and instability in Greek tradition (the words μέγα and ἔπος can be placed distantly in Greek), these formulaic expressions refl ect common conceptions and with a high probability represent remnants of the common PIE poetic heritage.
etic formulaic expression μέγα ἔπος and Sanskrit vaco mahat ~ mahad vacaḥ which can be derived from one Indo-European poetic formula. The Greek one is found in this shape only in a Theognis’ fragment (Theogn. 159–160). Nevertheless, in the Iliad and the Odyssey the formulaic expression μέγα εἰπεῖν is found. The dictionaries translate it
as ‘to speak big, and so provoke divine wrath’. In this paper, Homeric passages and their relation to Theognis’ context are studied. The use of the expression in the Homeric poems and later sources gives an opportunity to assume the following semantic development: ‘to say important things’ > ‘to speak big, and so provoke divine wrath’ (‘an im-
portant utterance’ > ‘an impertinent, arrogant word’).
It is not excluded that μέγα ἔπος represents a primary form not preserved in Homeric poems due to chance and transformed in expression μέγα εἰπεῖν. This suggestion is additionally supported by the Old Indian parallel of Greek μέγα ἔπος, namely vaco mahat ~ mahad vacaḥ. Both words containing in these phrases are cognates and this fact allows to reconstruct the protoform *wekwos meǵh 2 ‘the great word’. The contexts in the Mahabharata and the Ramayana demonstrate that this formulaic expression usually refers to the important information, often in the form of prediction or command. The Homeric context Il. 17. 333–334 is close to those of Sanskrit epics. The further semantic development in Greek tradition is to be secondary.
Despite not the full agreement in form (the counterpart of Greek μέγα is more archaic and less frequent OInd. máhi) and instability in Greek tradition (the words μέγα and ἔπος can be placed distantly in Greek), these formulaic expressions refl ect common conceptions and with a high probability represent remnants of the common PIE poetic heritage.
Research Interests:
Символы царской власти кажутся функционально сходными в различных культурах древнего мира, однако за этой схожестью исследователи зачастую не замечают региональную специфику. Раннегреческий скипетр и хеттский калмус обычно трактуются как... more
Символы царской власти кажутся функционально сходными в различных культурах древнего мира, однако за этой схожестью исследователи зачастую не замечают региональную
специфику. Раннегреческий скипетр и хеттский калмус обычно трактуются как видоизменённые булава или пастушеский посох, однако утверждающие это концепции не являются всесторонне обоснованными. Авторы статьи проводят анализ словоупотреблений данных инсигний для уточнения их функций, в результате чего выявляется метательная функция данных предметов, сближающая их с молнией как символом бога грозы. Анализ данных археологии позволяет признать прототипом этих символов царской власти оружие типа копья.
The symbols of royal power look being similar to each other in the different cultures of the Ancient World, but this resemblance may cover the regional specifics. The most common ideas identify the
Early Greek scepter and the Hittite kalmus with the variants of mace and of shepherd’s crook, but their arguments are not comprehensive. Analyzing the textual attestations of the Ancient Greek
scepter and of the Hittite kalmus to understand their functions, we discover their throwing function, which is the proper feature of the lightning bolt in the hands of the stormgod. The archaeological
data allow us to consider the weapon like spear being the prototype of these royal insignia.
специфику. Раннегреческий скипетр и хеттский калмус обычно трактуются как видоизменённые булава или пастушеский посох, однако утверждающие это концепции не являются всесторонне обоснованными. Авторы статьи проводят анализ словоупотреблений данных инсигний для уточнения их функций, в результате чего выявляется метательная функция данных предметов, сближающая их с молнией как символом бога грозы. Анализ данных археологии позволяет признать прототипом этих символов царской власти оружие типа копья.
The symbols of royal power look being similar to each other in the different cultures of the Ancient World, but this resemblance may cover the regional specifics. The most common ideas identify the
Early Greek scepter and the Hittite kalmus with the variants of mace and of shepherd’s crook, but their arguments are not comprehensive. Analyzing the textual attestations of the Ancient Greek
scepter and of the Hittite kalmus to understand their functions, we discover their throwing function, which is the proper feature of the lightning bolt in the hands of the stormgod. The archaeological
data allow us to consider the weapon like spear being the prototype of these royal insignia.
Research Interests:
The symbols of royal power look like being similar to each other in various cultures of the Ancient World, but this resemblance may hide the regional specifics from the researchers. Early Greek sceptre and Hittite kalmus are considered to... more
The symbols of royal power look like being similar to each other in various cultures of the Ancient World, but this resemblance may hide the regional specifics from the researchers. Early Greek sceptre and Hittite kalmus are considered to be equivalents of mace and of shepherd's crook. However, this theory is not very convincing. Analysing the textual attestations of the Ancient Greek sceptre and Hittite kalmus, we have found out that these objects were considered as close to throwing weapon and therefore associated with a bolt of lightning, the symbol of the storm god. Archaeological evidences make clear that the symbols of power like sceptre have their origin in a weapon similar to spear.
Résumé. Les symboles du pouvoir royal semblent avoir la même fonction dans certaines cultures de l'antiquité. Cette ressemblance déguise souvent ce qui est propre à une telle ou telle région. Le sceptre grec et le sceptre recourbé des hittites (kalmus) semblent avoir leur origine dans le gourdin ou bien le bâton de berger, mais en fait, il n'y a pas de preuves bien solides pour l'affirmer. Dans cet article-là on va analyser l'usage des mots qui déterminent les symboles du pouvoir. En résultat, on voit que ces mots sont liés à l'idée de «lancer» et qu'on peut les rapprocher à la foudre, le symbole du dieu de l'orage. L'archéologie nous permet de conclure que les symboles du pouvoir royal remontent à une arme à l'instar de lance.
Rezumat. Simbolurile puterii regale par asemănătoare în unele culturi vechi. Această asemănare ascunde adesea ceea ce este specific unei regiuni. Sceptrul grec și sceptrul curbat al hitiților (kalmus) pare să-și fi avut originea în buzdugan și în ciomagul ciobanului. Totuși, această teorie nu este convingătoare. Analizând folosirea cuvintelor care determină simbolurile puterii, autorii au descoperit că aceste obiecte erau mai apropiate ca funcționalitate de armele de aruncat și de aceea pot fi asociate cu fulgerul, simbolul zeului furtunii. Descoperirile arheologice demonstrează că simboluri ale puterii precum sceptrul își au originea într-o armă asemănătoare lăncii.
Résumé. Les symboles du pouvoir royal semblent avoir la même fonction dans certaines cultures de l'antiquité. Cette ressemblance déguise souvent ce qui est propre à une telle ou telle région. Le sceptre grec et le sceptre recourbé des hittites (kalmus) semblent avoir leur origine dans le gourdin ou bien le bâton de berger, mais en fait, il n'y a pas de preuves bien solides pour l'affirmer. Dans cet article-là on va analyser l'usage des mots qui déterminent les symboles du pouvoir. En résultat, on voit que ces mots sont liés à l'idée de «lancer» et qu'on peut les rapprocher à la foudre, le symbole du dieu de l'orage. L'archéologie nous permet de conclure que les symboles du pouvoir royal remontent à une arme à l'instar de lance.
Rezumat. Simbolurile puterii regale par asemănătoare în unele culturi vechi. Această asemănare ascunde adesea ceea ce este specific unei regiuni. Sceptrul grec și sceptrul curbat al hitiților (kalmus) pare să-și fi avut originea în buzdugan și în ciomagul ciobanului. Totuși, această teorie nu este convingătoare. Analizând folosirea cuvintelor care determină simbolurile puterii, autorii au descoperit că aceste obiecte erau mai apropiate ca funcționalitate de armele de aruncat și de aceea pot fi asociate cu fulgerul, simbolul zeului furtunii. Descoperirile arheologice demonstrează că simboluri ale puterii precum sceptrul își au originea într-o armă asemănătoare lăncii.
Research Interests:
Gr. ἄφενος and av. āiiapta- are the words from the religious sphere. In both early Greek poetry and the Avesta this is what God gives to a man or what a man asks of God. Both in the early Greek tradition and in Avesta these words are... more
Gr. ἄφενος and av. āiiapta- are the words from the religious sphere. In both early Greek poetry and the Avesta this is what God gives to a man or what a man asks of God. Both in the early Greek tradition and in Avesta these words are positive ethical concepts. Ancient Greek ἄφενος and Avestian āiiapta- are attributes of a higher social class. In Greek poetry ἄφενος is found near ἀρετή, in Avesta āiiapta is used along with aša.
Ἄφενος and āiiapta can be derived from one Indo-European root.
Ἄφενος and āiiapta can be derived from one Indo-European root.
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In Mycenaean Greece the judicial system was most likely similar to the Hittite system, known from the Hittite laws and the Hittite court records. It is possible that in Mycenaean times for killing a person paid compensation, vira to the... more
In Mycenaean Greece the judicial system was most likely similar to the Hittite system, known from the Hittite laws and the Hittite court records. It is possible that in Mycenaean times for killing a person paid compensation, vira to the injured party. One type of punishment could be forced labor. It is very likely that the oath played a big role in the Mycenaean trial. The Myce-naean Greeks had an idea of the divine retribution for crimes.
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The article considers the value of Homeric terms related to retaliation. To refer to the process of retaliation there are several verbs: τίνω/τίνομαι, ἀποτίνω/ἀποτίνομαι, τίνυμαι, ἐξαποτίνω, ἀποτίνυμαι and the noun τίσις. Unlike τίσις,... more
The article considers the value of Homeric terms related to retaliation. To refer to the process of retaliation there are several verbs: τίνω/τίνομαι, ἀποτίνω/ἀποτίνομαι, τίνυμαι, ἐξαποτίνω, ἀποτίνυμαι and the noun τίσις. Unlike τίσις, ποινή in Homer's epic poem refers not to the process, but the result of retaliation. Ποινή may be a murder the offender or the payment of a ransom. It is the concept τιμή that refers to retaliation. It is taking care of τιμή that makes a hero retaliate. Ἄποινα, although formed from ποινή, is not associated with a vengeance in Homer's epic poem. As ὕβρις, meaning the crime against the gods, denotes reason of vengeance. The reason for revenge related to the honor of a hero is λώβη-offense. The aim of eunomia'-εὐνομίη. Vengeance is not evaluated negatively in the epic poem. The work also presents the results of the research methods of retaliation in the world of the Homeric poems. Seven ways of retaliation the abuser are allocated:
1) compositions,
2) exile,
3) conclusion in shackles,
4) blood feud,
5) divine retribution,
6) vengeance on the battlefield for the slain in the battle of the friend or relative,
7) massacre of a person belonging to a lower
social status.
Composition, exile, confinement in shackles, as a form of 'non-blood' revenge, are opposed to the blood feud, which ends with the assassination of the abuser. The revenge of the gods in the Homeric poems is actually a projection of human practices into the world of the gods. The revenge on the battlefield is different from blood feud both due to the actors status (the revenge can be taken for comrades who are not relatives), and to the circumstances it is carried out wherein.
If the composition, exile, confinement in shackles, vendetta, divine retribution, revenge on the battlefield can be considered as forms of vengeance, i.e. retaliation in which actor and subject have roughly equal social status, massacre of a person belonging to a lower social status (often slave) cannot be treated as revenge. The author studies the relationship of courts and private retaliation in Homer society. Court procedure and private retaliation are described through different concepts. In Homer society courts do not interfere with the realm of retaliation.
1) compositions,
2) exile,
3) conclusion in shackles,
4) blood feud,
5) divine retribution,
6) vengeance on the battlefield for the slain in the battle of the friend or relative,
7) massacre of a person belonging to a lower
social status.
Composition, exile, confinement in shackles, as a form of 'non-blood' revenge, are opposed to the blood feud, which ends with the assassination of the abuser. The revenge of the gods in the Homeric poems is actually a projection of human practices into the world of the gods. The revenge on the battlefield is different from blood feud both due to the actors status (the revenge can be taken for comrades who are not relatives), and to the circumstances it is carried out wherein.
If the composition, exile, confinement in shackles, vendetta, divine retribution, revenge on the battlefield can be considered as forms of vengeance, i.e. retaliation in which actor and subject have roughly equal social status, massacre of a person belonging to a lower social status (often slave) cannot be treated as revenge. The author studies the relationship of courts and private retaliation in Homer society. Court procedure and private retaliation are described through different concepts. In Homer society courts do not interfere with the realm of retaliation.
Research Interests:
In Mycenaean Greece the judicial system was most likely similar to the Hittite system, known from the Hittite laws and the Hittite court records. It is possible that in Mycenaean times for killing a person paid compensation to the injured... more
In Mycenaean Greece the judicial system was most likely similar to the
Hittite system, known from the Hittite laws and the Hittite court records. It is possible that in Mycenaean times for killing a person paid compensation to the injured party. One type of punishment could be forced labor. It is very likely that the oath played a big role in the Mycenaean trial. The Mycenaean Greeks had an idea of the divine retribution for crimes.
Hittite system, known from the Hittite laws and the Hittite court records. It is possible that in Mycenaean times for killing a person paid compensation to the injured party. One type of punishment could be forced labor. It is very likely that the oath played a big role in the Mycenaean trial. The Mycenaean Greeks had an idea of the divine retribution for crimes.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The article deals with terms connected to revenge in Homeric poems. The examination puts into attention seven ways of revenge: (1) the penal composition; (2) the exile; (3) the setting of chains; (4) the divine punishment; (6) the revenge... more
The article deals with terms connected to revenge in Homeric poems. The examination puts into attention seven ways of revenge: (1) the penal composition; (2) the exile; (3) the setting of chains; (4) the divine punishment; (6) the revenge of a friend in a battle; and (7) the oppression of an individual belonging to a lower social status. The interactions between the tribunals and revenge of private persons are also studied. The judgement court and the revenge of individuals are described by different terms. In the society contemporary to Homer, the court does not interfere in individual revenge. Résumé. L'article est consacré aux termes liés à la vengeance dans les poèmes d'Homère. L'examen porte sur sept moyens de vengeance: (1) la composition pénale; (2) l'exil; (3) l'imposition des chaînes; (4) la vengeance de sang; (5) le châtiment divin; (6) la vengeance d'un ami au combat; et (7) l'oppression sur un individu d'un statut social plus bas. Les interactions entre les cours de jugement et la vengeance des personnes privées sont aussi examinées. La cour et la vengeance des individus sont décrits par de différents termes. Dans la société contemporaine à Homère la cour n'intervienne pas dans la vengeance des individus. Rezumat. Articolul de faţă este consacrat termenilor legaţi de răzbunare în poemele homerice. Examinarea acestora tratează şapte mijloace de răzbunare: (1) compoziţia penală; (2) exilul; (3) înlănţuirea; (4) răzbunarea sângelui; (5) pedeapsa divină; (6) răzbunarea unui prieten în luptă; și (7) oprimarea unui individ având un statut social inferior. Sunt de asemenea examinate interacţiunile dintre curţile de judecată şi răzbunarea persoanelor private. Curtea şi răzbunarea sunt descrise în termeni diferiţi. În societatea contemporană lui Homer, curtea nu intervine în cazul unei răzbunări individuale.
Research Interests:
The article deals with the reconstruction of court system in Homeric Greece. We came to the conclusion that there were two types of courts in Homeric poems. Firstly, the Mycenaean royal court. Secondly, the community court. After the fall... more
The article deals with the reconstruction of court system in Homeric
Greece. We came to the conclusion that there were two types of courts in
Homeric poems. Firstly, the Mycenaean royal court. Secondly, the
community court. After the fall of the Mycenaean civilization, the
community court survived in Greece, while the royal court was only
mentioned in mythology and poems. The community court worked on
vows of its participants. The judges were supposed to formulate the vows
later pronounced by the parties. The party who refused to pronounce the
vow was considered the loser.
Greece. We came to the conclusion that there were two types of courts in
Homeric poems. Firstly, the Mycenaean royal court. Secondly, the
community court. After the fall of the Mycenaean civilization, the
community court survived in Greece, while the royal court was only
mentioned in mythology and poems. The community court worked on
vows of its participants. The judges were supposed to formulate the vows
later pronounced by the parties. The party who refused to pronounce the
vow was considered the loser.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This article deals with iconographic development of the scenes of Oresteia in the Athenian vase-painting. The depictions of parts of Oresteia range across 5 th century b.c. The earliest depictions are from latest 6 th century b.c. The... more
This article deals with iconographic development of the scenes of Oresteia in the Athenian vase-painting. The depictions of parts of Oresteia range across 5 th century b.c. The earliest depictions are from latest 6 th century b.c. The great period of popularity is the first half of the 5 th century b.c. – before Aeschylus “Oresteia” (458 b.c.). 21 red-figure vases portray the death of Aegisthus. I suggest
that the Aegisthus vases were expressions of the anti-hippias faction in Athens. After the middle of the 5 th century – after Aeschylus “Oresteia” - the few depictions of the Oresteia show Orestes and the Furies or Orestes and Electra at the tomb of Agamemnon. I discuss in this article the links between the vase-painters and Aeschylus “Oresteia”.
that the Aegisthus vases were expressions of the anti-hippias faction in Athens. After the middle of the 5 th century – after Aeschylus “Oresteia” - the few depictions of the Oresteia show Orestes and the Furies or Orestes and Electra at the tomb of Agamemnon. I discuss in this article the links between the vase-painters and Aeschylus “Oresteia”.
Research Interests:
The article focuses on two concepts of a blood feud in world historiography: the evolutionary and the non-evolutionary. The evolutionary concept sees the blood feud as the first stage in the development of tort relations. For the... more
The article focuses on two concepts of a blood feud in world historiography: the evolutionary and the non-evolutionary. The evolutionary concept sees the blood feud as the first stage in the development of tort relations. For the non-evolutionary concept vendetta is just one form of tort relations. The use of evolutionary concepts in relation to the Homeric poems is very difficult for researchers.
Research Interests:
В книге представлены результаты исследований критских законов и надписей из полисов Северной Македонии и Халкидики. Авторы приходят к выводу, что первой формой вещного обеспечения обязательств в Древней Греции был посессорный залог.... more
В книге представлены результаты исследований критских законов и надписей из полисов Северной Македонии и Халкидики. Авторы приходят к выводу, что первой формой вещного обеспечения обязательств в Древней Греции был посессорный залог. Кредитор стремился получить во владение предмет залога. Это связано с тем, что из-за неразвитости архивов в Греции (в отличие от стран Древнего Востока), отсутствия земельного кадастра и реестра обременённых вещей кредитор не был уверен, что должник с помощью мошенничества не передаст заложенную вещь третьему лицу. Возникновение обеспечительной купли-продажи обусловлено появлением знаков обременения собственности (в Афинах — ὅροι). Ипотека появляется позже других вещных способов обеспечения обязательств.
Research Interests:
Книга посвящена сравнению правовых отношений в Древней Греции микенского периода (XVI-XI вв. до н.э.) и в Хеттском царстве (XVII-XII вв. до н.э.). Греки и хетты были соседними индоевропейскими народами, о политических и культурных... more
Книга посвящена сравнению правовых отношений в Древней Греции микенского периода (XVI-XI вв. до н.э.) и в Хеттском царстве (XVII-XII вв. до н.э.). Греки и хетты были соседними индоевропейскими народами, о политических и культурных контактах которых мы имеем указания в исторических источниках. В науке также установлено, что Греция микенской эпохи и Хеттское царство имели схожую организацию экономики. В монографии показано, что общие черты у греков микенской эпохи и хеттов были в судопроизводстве и наказании преступников. Также у греков и хеттов существовала царская инсигния, которая символизировала оружие бога грозы — молнию — и тем самым указывала на то, что царь, подобно богу грозы, мог налагать наказание.
The book is devoted to the legal relations in the Mycenaean Greece (XVI-XI c. BC) and in the Hittite Kingdom (XVII-XII c. BC). The ancient Greeks and the Hittites were neighboring Indo-European peoples. We have some information in litterary sources on political and cultural contacts of the Greeks and the Hittites. The Mycenaean Greece and the Hittite Kingdom also had similar economic organization. The book shows that the common features of the Mycenaean Greeks and Hittites were in the trial and punishment. The Greeks and Hittites also had royal insignia, which symbolized the weapon of the Storm God — thunderbolt, what indicates that the king like the Storm God can impose punishment.
The book is devoted to the legal relations in the Mycenaean Greece (XVI-XI c. BC) and in the Hittite Kingdom (XVII-XII c. BC). The ancient Greeks and the Hittites were neighboring Indo-European peoples. We have some information in litterary sources on political and cultural contacts of the Greeks and the Hittites. The Mycenaean Greece and the Hittite Kingdom also had similar economic organization. The book shows that the common features of the Mycenaean Greeks and Hittites were in the trial and punishment. The Greeks and Hittites also had royal insignia, which symbolized the weapon of the Storm God — thunderbolt, what indicates that the king like the Storm God can impose punishment.
Research Interests:
На какой стадии развития права находились древние греки в архаическую эпоху? В какой степени можно реконструировать данную систему и ее истоки? В данной монографии предпринята попытка описания древнегреческой системы возмездия... more
На какой стадии развития права находились древние греки в архаическую эпоху? В какой степени можно реконструировать данную систему и ее истоки? В данной монографии предпринята попытка описания древнегреческой системы возмездия гомеровского времени на фоне имеющихся микенских данных и предполагаемой праиндоевропейской ситуации. В ней рассмотрена семантика корней индоевропейского праязыка, связанных с возмездием. В книге также представлены результаты исследования текстов, написанных Линейным письмом Б и посвящённых судам и наказанию. В монографии выявлены взаимосвязи между гомеровскими терминами возмездия и реконструирована система наказания в гомеровское время.
Research Interests:
Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 25/1 (August 2019) http://saa.uaic.ro/issues/xxv-1/ CUPRINS – CONTENTS – SOMMAIRE PAPERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE Genealogies in the Ancient World Tartu (Estonia)... more
Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 25/1 (August 2019)
http://saa.uaic.ro/issues/xxv-1/
CUPRINS – CONTENTS – SOMMAIRE
PAPERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
Genealogies in the Ancient World
Tartu (Estonia) 2016
—Sebastian FINK & Vladimir SAZONOV
——Introduction
—Sebastian FINK & Vladimir SAZONOV
——Complex Genealogies in Mesopotamia: From Mesilim to Tukultī-Ninurta I
—Siim MÕTTUS
——On the Lineage of King Telepinu
—Mait KÕIV
——Manipulating Genealogies: Pheidon of Argos and the Stemmas of the Argive, Macedonian, Spartan and Median Kings
—Jakub KUCIAK
——Der Mythos im Dienst der Politik: das Beispiel der euripideischen Tragödie Ion
—Stephan SCHARINGER
——A Genealogy of Pythagoras
—Tarmo KULMAR
——The Origin Myths as a Possible Basis for Genealogy of the Inca Imperial Dynasty in Ancient Peru
ARTICLES
—Radu-Ștefan BALAUR
——Community Structure, Economy and Sharing Strategies in the Chalcolithic Settlement of Hăbășești, Romania
—Casandra BRAȘOVEANU
——Settlement Spatial Distribution from Late Chalcolithic to Early Hallstatt. Case Study: Cracău-Bistrița Depression
—Anna LAZAROU
——Prehistoric Gorgoneia: a Critical Reassessment
—Alexandr LOGINOV & Vladimir SHELESTIN
——La perception du sceptre en Grèce de l’époque d’Homère et de Mycènes à la lumière des parallèles de l’Orient Antique
—Larisa PECHATNOVA
——Die Hypomeiones in Sparta
—Elena NIKITYUK
——Kalokagathia: to a Question on Formation of an Image of the Ideal Person in Antiquity and During Modern Time
—Maxim M. KHOLOD
——On the Representation and Self-representation of the Argead Rulers (before Alexander the Great): the Title Basileus
—Dragana NIKOLIĆ
——Stoneworkers’ Hercules. A Comment on an Upper Moesian Inscription
—José María ZAMORA CALVO
——Remarks on the so-called Plotinus’ Sarcophagus (‘Vatican Museums’, inv. 9504)
—Cornel BALLA
——Some Considerations on the Praefectus ripae legionis primae Ioviae cohortis et secundae Herculiae musculorum Scythicorum et classis in plateypegiis
—Felix-Adrian TENCARIU & Andrei ASĂNDULESEI
——‘Rock Salt Around the Clock’. Ethnoarchaeological Research Concerning Traditional Extraction of Salt for Animal Consumption
http://saa.uaic.ro/issues/xxv-1/
CUPRINS – CONTENTS – SOMMAIRE
PAPERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
Genealogies in the Ancient World
Tartu (Estonia) 2016
—Sebastian FINK & Vladimir SAZONOV
——Introduction
—Sebastian FINK & Vladimir SAZONOV
——Complex Genealogies in Mesopotamia: From Mesilim to Tukultī-Ninurta I
—Siim MÕTTUS
——On the Lineage of King Telepinu
—Mait KÕIV
——Manipulating Genealogies: Pheidon of Argos and the Stemmas of the Argive, Macedonian, Spartan and Median Kings
—Jakub KUCIAK
——Der Mythos im Dienst der Politik: das Beispiel der euripideischen Tragödie Ion
—Stephan SCHARINGER
——A Genealogy of Pythagoras
—Tarmo KULMAR
——The Origin Myths as a Possible Basis for Genealogy of the Inca Imperial Dynasty in Ancient Peru
ARTICLES
—Radu-Ștefan BALAUR
——Community Structure, Economy and Sharing Strategies in the Chalcolithic Settlement of Hăbășești, Romania
—Casandra BRAȘOVEANU
——Settlement Spatial Distribution from Late Chalcolithic to Early Hallstatt. Case Study: Cracău-Bistrița Depression
—Anna LAZAROU
——Prehistoric Gorgoneia: a Critical Reassessment
—Alexandr LOGINOV & Vladimir SHELESTIN
——La perception du sceptre en Grèce de l’époque d’Homère et de Mycènes à la lumière des parallèles de l’Orient Antique
—Larisa PECHATNOVA
——Die Hypomeiones in Sparta
—Elena NIKITYUK
——Kalokagathia: to a Question on Formation of an Image of the Ideal Person in Antiquity and During Modern Time
—Maxim M. KHOLOD
——On the Representation and Self-representation of the Argead Rulers (before Alexander the Great): the Title Basileus
—Dragana NIKOLIĆ
——Stoneworkers’ Hercules. A Comment on an Upper Moesian Inscription
—José María ZAMORA CALVO
——Remarks on the so-called Plotinus’ Sarcophagus (‘Vatican Museums’, inv. 9504)
—Cornel BALLA
——Some Considerations on the Praefectus ripae legionis primae Ioviae cohortis et secundae Herculiae musculorum Scythicorum et classis in plateypegiis
—Felix-Adrian TENCARIU & Andrei ASĂNDULESEI
——‘Rock Salt Around the Clock’. Ethnoarchaeological Research Concerning Traditional Extraction of Salt for Animal Consumption