Kirit P. Mehta School of Law

The institution of public intellectualism in the democratic societies has been a great ‘conscience-creator and shaper’. First, Public Intellectualism helps in consolidating the local aspirations and beliefs that guides the society and political society to ‘govern’ constructively. Secondly, it helps to bring changes in the ‘non-accommodative’ attitudes and aspirations of people and establishes an ‘informed-debate’ over the issues of common-concern.
The proposed paper aims to examine Martha Nussbaum’s efforts to overcome the crises of humanity as explicated in her two seminal texts - Cultivating Humanity: A Classical Defense of Reform in Liberal Education (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997) & Not for Profit: Why Democracy Needs the Humanities. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2010). Nussbaum asserts that science and technology can lead a democratic country to economic advancement; but to make it qualitative and comprehensive living, it is imperative to create a decent world culture which is possible by extensive study of humanities.
The last section of the paper attempts to critically evaluate the functioning of ‘public-intellectualism’ in India in recent past. The research method used in the paper is qualitative, normative and historical in nature.

Key Words: Public Intellectual, Higher Education, Humanities, Integrated Learning, Tolerance.

The paper tries to attempt to understand the dynamics of dalit consciousness through the two major literary texts i.e., Godan, written by Munshi Premchand in 1930s, and Joothan, an autobiographical sketch of a dalit-Om Prakash Valmiki in post-economic reforms India. Godan expresses a consciousness of 'exploitation, marginalization, and humiliation' through its protagonists who are majorly upper caste Hindus. Unlike Godan that way, Joothan is an autobiographical sketch of a dalit (SC- Bhangi). Two different accounts, two different experiences of marginality, exploitation and humiliation, tells a lot about the differentiated nature of dalit identity. Godan transcends the caste-based normativity of dalit consciousness, whereas Joothan is an experiential explanation of caste based dalit identity.
Paper tries to foreground the case for a maximalist understanding of dalit identity that transcends caste and is located in experiences.

Keywords: Godan, Joothan, Dalit Politics, Gandhi, Ambedkar, Phule.

For Tagore, the purpose of education is to make the receiver ‘self-conscious’ and to use one’s own ‘creative-power’. These have been two key purposes of education in the reflections of Tagore on education.  Therefore, he emphasises that our education should be in full touch with our complete life, economical, intellectual, aesthetic, social and spiritual. True education should guarantee that our training and knowledge have undisputed and integrated connect with our environment, with our surroundings (our imagination dare not soar beyond its limits!). But, being self-critical he feels that the only thing wrong in our education is that it is not in our absolute control. Here he points out what we keep on discussing in political discourse on ‘education’- as the colonialism-baggage! For Tagore, our education system could ensure that it is free from external material constrains, but is ‘colonized’ from within. This leads that the decision-making is not free and fails to relate to the extensive civilizational path of India. Modern education, if we try to put Tagore’s lens of analysis, lacks the ‘inner quotient’ that guarantees education as a ‘free’ human endeavour to be self-conscious. If our thought process fail to recognize the timeless modernity (not time-bound) in Indian tradition, we would miss to experience the desired fruits of education. Need is to give our education a direction that entails our shared experiences and collective historical wisdom. In the absence of it, our education system would function far war from human consciousness in India. Tagore seems right when he claims this system as a machine-made university.

Keywords: Education, Creativity, Pedagogy, Modernity, Tagore.

Irrespective of the diverse experiences of ‘caste-based discriminations’, caste discrimination is universal in India. It results into social disharmony and conflict, violation of human rights of certain sections of people that approximately make almost 17-18% (Dalits mainly SCs and STs) of the total populace of this nation. If we add the other ‘constitutionally protected social category i.e., Other Backward Classes (OBCs)’, it would be a large chunk of people of India. Dr. Ambedkar mentioned in brief that caste system discriminates and upholds the worldly supremacy of certain caste(s) without reason. In the text ‘The Annihilation of Caste’, Ambedkar agitates against the division of labourers, not against of labour. He criticises ‘birth-based’ social category that one cannot do away with and, during one’s lifetime’, one has to receive the ‘fruits of life’ as per one’s birth in a particular caste. Therefore, he furthers the idea of ‘to do away with the caste’, ‘to annihilate the caste’. Though, Ambedkar was analytically critical of caste-system in India and its unreasonable historical continuance, yet, after reading the text ‘The Annihilation of Caste’, one can not be sure as to ‘how’ he wanted to ‘annihilate’ caste!

Keywords: Ambedkar, Gandhi, Indian Politics, Dalit, Caste.

The title of the book-Joothan itself depicts the gravity of the socioeconomic and cultural rift between the so-called upper-caste Hindus and the lower caste masses of Indian society. The term 'joothan' (in Hindi) literally refers to the 'left over' food. But this meaning of the term does not delineate the implied upper-caste hatred towards the ati-shudras-the untouchables. If we try to illustrate the meaning of joothan with a dalit perspective we'll find that it represents the pity and generosity on the part of the upper-caste giver. The lower caste receiver of the joothan (the left-over) should feel obliged for that food left uneaten by so-called upper-caste Hindus. If this food is left uneaten by more than one person, in a public feast etc., it is lumped together in a big container and given to shudras and ati-shudras to eat. And in doing so, the upper-caste giver feel outraged if the lower-caste receiver does not communicate his gratitude for the gift. Sometimes, this Joothan is thrown at a place where these low-caste receivers have to fight with stray dogs to get it. The present article also attempts to investigate the thematic dimensions of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's seminal essay The Annihilation of Caste and try to analyze critically the contemporary political and social discourse of dalit protest in India. To what extent the socio-political thought of Ambedkar carries itself in the different caste / anti-caste movements in India and also represents the cultural consciousness as depicted in Joothan, remains the focal point of this modest research endeavor. What differences that have occurred in the contemporary caste movement that Dr. Ambedkar could not have envisaged in this seminal essay would also be the focus of analysis and explanation of Joothan. This paper also problematizes the reasons that formulate the need to read the two texts, i.e., The Annihilation of Caste and Joothan as the cultural texts and to be interpreted in the modern context of caste consciousness in India in 21 st century.
Keywords: Dalit politics, Caste, The Annihilation of Caste, Ambedkar, Om Prakash Valmiki.

Jotiba Phule remains one of the few powerful and influential voices that shaped the Dalit discourses in India. Still, Phule remains a marginalized voice in terms of the intellectual and academic treatment his writings or works could receive so far. In Jotiba Phule's writings, mainly in Ghulamgiri (Slavery) and Shetkaryacha Asud (Cultivator's Whipcord), Dharma (religion) and Jati (caste) have been central. He has been a staunch protester against the Brahmanism and Varnavyavastha. But it is not all about his opposition to Hindu religion. He opposed almost all the major social institutions with the Hindu fold of religion. Though he rarely uses the term Hindu or Hindu religion in his writings. He used Brahminism as one of the binaries that perpetuated all that is irrational and inhuman in nature. In Phule's writings, Brahminical system is depicted as bipolar, Brahmins at the one end and Shudratishudra on the other. Therefore, caste or varna system for Phule is a relationship of power and dominance and has to be attacked at all levels. Phule called this pseudo-religion and rejected it. In the mentioned research paper, researcher tries to reflect over two major aspects while analysing Jotiba Phule's writings and commentaries on the issue of the interrelationship between tradition and caste in late Nineteenth century in Maharashtra, its social implications and the inferences that could be drawn from Phule's reflections over the marginality and subjugation that can be suggestive of resolving the modern contexts of social conflict and what are the gaps between the modern context of dalit discourses and Phule's reflections on the issue of caste. Like Ambedkar, but much before Ambedkar, Jotiba Phule reflects over the link between the continuation of caste-based oppressive tradition and the role of education as panacea in bringing changes in discriminatory social system. In the last part of the paper attempt is made to examine Phule's treatment to caste / class-based discrimination and how education is suggested as an empowering mechanism to do away with caste-class victimhood.

There should be an ‘impact-analysis’ of the policies related to agriculture sector. Until the government persistently do the impact analysis of its policies, there hardly remains a hope for the small and medium land holding farmers to live a dignified life. No idea of inclusive government can be achieved until government help farmers to sustain agriculture, rather than waiving off their loans. Without investing in agriculture we can not think of ameliorating the living conditions of a majority of farmers in India, and hence, surely would miss to provide the ‘conditions’ to a majority of Indian populace to live a dignified life, a promise made by Indian democratic and constitutional ethos! If more than one third of Indian population is held up to live a life of destitution, can we justify the working of our economic model? Time to discuss ‘agriculture’, unlearn many traditional ways and innovate thinking to make Indian economy ‘agriculture-inclusive’ and Indian democracy delivering to the lowest common denominator.