During the early 1940s, sociologist Talcott Parsons and political scientist Eric Voegelin engaged... more During the early 1940s, sociologist Talcott Parsons and political scientist Eric Voegelin engaged in a vigorous written exchange, touching at length on topics such as the origins of totalitarianism and modern anti-Semitism, the legacy of Max Weber, patterns of secularization set in motion by the Protestant Reformation, the methodology and goals of social science, and more. Their entire extant correspondence (comprising eleven letters from Parsons and fourteen from Voegelin) is published here, for the first time in the original English, along with bibliographical and historical notes. The reader will see not only a pregnant intellectual dialogue, but also hints of a relatively brief but evidently genuine friendship between the two scholars. For a more extensive discussion of the scholarly questions motivating the correspondence and the interpersonal context in which they were raised, please see our article “Critical Naïveté? Religion, Science and Action in the Parsons-Voegelin Correspondence” in the European Journal of Sociology 54, no. 2, pp. 265-293.
This dissertation is a critical study of the philosophy of history that Eric Voegelin articulated... more This dissertation is a critical study of the philosophy of history that Eric Voegelin articulated in the 1950s. Through an examination of The New Science of Politics (1952), Order and History volumes 1-3 (1956-1957), and Science, Politics, and Gnosticism (1959-1960), it establishes Voegelin’s relevance to current interdisciplinary debates about political theology as an alternative to secular thinking, focusing on political theologies inspired by the Christian intellectual tradition. By comparing Voegelin to Carl Schmitt and to recent political theologians of the left, it seeks to show the attraction that political theology holds as a possible approach to normative political theory. By tracing the development of Voegelin’s thought from the 1950s through Order and History volume 4 (1974), it argues nevertheless that political theology is a risky enterprise, and suggests that while academic political theorists should be sensitive to the merits of theological political thought, these merits do not warrant a departure from the secular norms of political liberalism.
Between 1940 and 1944, Talcott Parsons and Eric Voegelin engaged in a vigorous correspondence, d... more Between 1940 and 1944, Talcott Parsons and Eric Voegelin engaged in a vigorous correspondence, discussing the origins of totalitarianism and modern anti-Semitism, the legacy of Max Weber, patterns of secularization set in motion by the Protestant Reformation, the goals of social science, and more. This article introduces and explicates the surprisingly amicable and intellectually rich exchange between two seemingly different thinkers. Though the letters’ hold obvious historical interest, their variegated topics are also closely thematically related, revealing an inner logic that we interpret as a search for “critical naïveté.” This logic, we argue, is relevant to contemporary discussions about the social, political, and scientific legacies of world-transcendent religions.
In this chapter I argue that Eric Voegelin's critique of secular political thought depends on his... more In this chapter I argue that Eric Voegelin's critique of secular political thought depends on his peculiar construal of the problem of representation. In _The New Science of Politics_ (1952), Voegelin argues that political societies (secular or not) are necessarily structured such that there is a reference to ultimate, transcendent meaning in their collective self-understanding. For a community to exist as a political society, it must produce representatives who can act on its behalf--but this can take place only when community members understand their society as a partial instantiation of divine order. Political representation is possible only on the basis of a shared, socially efficacious civil theology. Hanna Pitkin's critique of Voegelin in her classic _The Concept of Representation_ (1967) identifies weaknesses in the terminology of _The New Science of Politics_, I argue, but does not address the core of Voegelin's theory of representation. Voegelin's argument has strong parallels in the Weimar-era writings of Carl Schmitt, and I compare the two thinkers at length, concluding that there are crucial points on which they differ.
This paper examines the political dimensions of the ongoing interdisciplinary debate about the oc... more This paper examines the political dimensions of the ongoing interdisciplinary debate about the occurrence of an "axial age" in human history during the first millennium BCE. It focuses on Karl Jaspers, who first formulated the "axial age" thesis, and Eric Voegelin, who was one of this thesis's earliest sympathetic critics.
This paper reconsiders the correspondence between Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin. Although, as is ... more This paper reconsiders the correspondence between Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin. Although, as is commonly held, Strauss and Voegelin disagree fundamentally about the compatibility of philosophy and revelation, this disagreement masks a striking and seldom-noted similarity in their approach to the practice of philosophy. Through an examination of the two thinkers' writings on Socrates, the paradigmatic philosopher, and Søren Kierkegaard, an exemplary believer in divine revelation, this paper shows that for Voegelin as well as Strauss, philosophy depends foremost upon the Socratic acknowledgement of essential human ignorance. Voegelin's attitude of faith and Strauss's zetetic reserve are two modes of the resolute imitatio Socratis.
Carl Schmitt’s historical significance and contemporary relevance are widely acknowledged. Howeve... more Carl Schmitt’s historical significance and contemporary relevance are widely acknowledged. However, scholars have yet to reach a consensus interpretation of his political theory, partly because of Schmitt’s terse writing and fluid thinking, and partly because of his notorious yet nuanced relationship with National Socialism. This paper identifies one unifying strand in Schmitt’s thought by explicating a cryptic statement in his final book, Political Theology II (1970): “The thematic development of my political theology from 1922 takes a general direction which departs from the ius reformandi [right of reformation] of the sixteenth century, culminates in Hegel and is evident everywhere today, from political theology to political Christology.” An analysis of Schmitt's explicit references to Hegel shows that Schmitt specifically endorses Hegel's thesis that human beings actualize the idea of freedom through a distinctly religious submission to a modern, Germanic state. According to Schmitt, Hegel successfully creates a mythical foundation for state sovereignty (one that Thomas Hobbes's Leviathan was ultimately too rational to provide). By situating this approbation of Hegel in historical context and its place in Schmitt's oeuvre, I argue that Schmitt’s “political Christology” is morally troubling. Our appraisal of Schmitt's political thought must take into account the practical implications of his heterodox, theoretical yet avowedly religious extremism.
In this paper I examine Kant’s argument that human beings are morally obligated to join or establ... more In this paper I examine Kant’s argument that human beings are morally obligated to join or establish a religious “ethical community” as a therapy for “radical evil.” Kant regards this as a duty sui generis, because the human propensity to evil cannot be eradicated. This requirement seems to conflict with the fundamental axiom of Kant’s moral philosophy that “ought” implies “can”—i.e. that we are only morally responsible for what is within our power. Although, on Kant’s account, evil has no cause outside the individual’s free decision to deviate from the moral law, Kant’s religious writings would require us to regard it precisely as though it had a phenomenal cause. I seek to show how this duty sui generis in Kant’s Religion essay can be made compatible with Kant’s ethical writings, arguing that this constitutes an intriguing, pragmatic moment in Kant’s practical philosophy.
Review of Eric Voegelin and the Continental Tradition: Explorations in Modern Political Thought, ... more Review of Eric Voegelin and the Continental Tradition: Explorations in Modern Political Thought, edited by Stephen McGuire and Lee Trepanier (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2011). In Anamnesis 2, no. 2 (December 2013).
Russia's 2014 military interventions in Ukraine have been economically costly, leading many Weste... more Russia's 2014 military interventions in Ukraine have been economically costly, leading many Western journalists and scholars to conclude, hastily, that Vladimir Putin is an irrational actor. In response, this essay explores political and ideological reasons that might account for Putin's decisions. It focuses on the idea of Eurasianism, especially as formulated by the anti-liberal, anti-modern political theorist Aleksandr Dugin. Dugin's high public profile and government connections have led to speculations that Putin is directly influenced by his thought, which draws freely on twentieth-century communist and fascist ideology. Like Dugin, Putin hopes for the reunification of Greater Russia in the form of the Eurasian Union. However, Putin's words as well as his actions suggest that his Eurasianism is political, not ideological; his use of force in Ukraine was the result of pragmatic calculation, not principled anti-Western sentiment.
During the early 1940s, sociologist Talcott Parsons and political scientist Eric Voegelin engaged... more During the early 1940s, sociologist Talcott Parsons and political scientist Eric Voegelin engaged in a vigorous written exchange, touching at length on topics such as the origins of totalitarianism and modern anti-Semitism, the legacy of Max Weber, patterns of secularization set in motion by the Protestant Reformation, the methodology and goals of social science, and more. Their entire extant correspondence (comprising eleven letters from Parsons and fourteen from Voegelin) is published here, for the first time in the original English, along with bibliographical and historical notes. The reader will see not only a pregnant intellectual dialogue, but also hints of a relatively brief but evidently genuine friendship between the two scholars. For a more extensive discussion of the scholarly questions motivating the correspondence and the interpersonal context in which they were raised, please see our article “Critical Naïveté? Religion, Science and Action in the Parsons-Voegelin Correspondence” in the European Journal of Sociology 54, no. 2, pp. 265-293.
This dissertation is a critical study of the philosophy of history that Eric Voegelin articulated... more This dissertation is a critical study of the philosophy of history that Eric Voegelin articulated in the 1950s. Through an examination of The New Science of Politics (1952), Order and History volumes 1-3 (1956-1957), and Science, Politics, and Gnosticism (1959-1960), it establishes Voegelin’s relevance to current interdisciplinary debates about political theology as an alternative to secular thinking, focusing on political theologies inspired by the Christian intellectual tradition. By comparing Voegelin to Carl Schmitt and to recent political theologians of the left, it seeks to show the attraction that political theology holds as a possible approach to normative political theory. By tracing the development of Voegelin’s thought from the 1950s through Order and History volume 4 (1974), it argues nevertheless that political theology is a risky enterprise, and suggests that while academic political theorists should be sensitive to the merits of theological political thought, these merits do not warrant a departure from the secular norms of political liberalism.
Between 1940 and 1944, Talcott Parsons and Eric Voegelin engaged in a vigorous correspondence, d... more Between 1940 and 1944, Talcott Parsons and Eric Voegelin engaged in a vigorous correspondence, discussing the origins of totalitarianism and modern anti-Semitism, the legacy of Max Weber, patterns of secularization set in motion by the Protestant Reformation, the goals of social science, and more. This article introduces and explicates the surprisingly amicable and intellectually rich exchange between two seemingly different thinkers. Though the letters’ hold obvious historical interest, their variegated topics are also closely thematically related, revealing an inner logic that we interpret as a search for “critical naïveté.” This logic, we argue, is relevant to contemporary discussions about the social, political, and scientific legacies of world-transcendent religions.
In this chapter I argue that Eric Voegelin's critique of secular political thought depends on his... more In this chapter I argue that Eric Voegelin's critique of secular political thought depends on his peculiar construal of the problem of representation. In _The New Science of Politics_ (1952), Voegelin argues that political societies (secular or not) are necessarily structured such that there is a reference to ultimate, transcendent meaning in their collective self-understanding. For a community to exist as a political society, it must produce representatives who can act on its behalf--but this can take place only when community members understand their society as a partial instantiation of divine order. Political representation is possible only on the basis of a shared, socially efficacious civil theology. Hanna Pitkin's critique of Voegelin in her classic _The Concept of Representation_ (1967) identifies weaknesses in the terminology of _The New Science of Politics_, I argue, but does not address the core of Voegelin's theory of representation. Voegelin's argument has strong parallels in the Weimar-era writings of Carl Schmitt, and I compare the two thinkers at length, concluding that there are crucial points on which they differ.
This paper examines the political dimensions of the ongoing interdisciplinary debate about the oc... more This paper examines the political dimensions of the ongoing interdisciplinary debate about the occurrence of an "axial age" in human history during the first millennium BCE. It focuses on Karl Jaspers, who first formulated the "axial age" thesis, and Eric Voegelin, who was one of this thesis's earliest sympathetic critics.
This paper reconsiders the correspondence between Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin. Although, as is ... more This paper reconsiders the correspondence between Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin. Although, as is commonly held, Strauss and Voegelin disagree fundamentally about the compatibility of philosophy and revelation, this disagreement masks a striking and seldom-noted similarity in their approach to the practice of philosophy. Through an examination of the two thinkers' writings on Socrates, the paradigmatic philosopher, and Søren Kierkegaard, an exemplary believer in divine revelation, this paper shows that for Voegelin as well as Strauss, philosophy depends foremost upon the Socratic acknowledgement of essential human ignorance. Voegelin's attitude of faith and Strauss's zetetic reserve are two modes of the resolute imitatio Socratis.
Carl Schmitt’s historical significance and contemporary relevance are widely acknowledged. Howeve... more Carl Schmitt’s historical significance and contemporary relevance are widely acknowledged. However, scholars have yet to reach a consensus interpretation of his political theory, partly because of Schmitt’s terse writing and fluid thinking, and partly because of his notorious yet nuanced relationship with National Socialism. This paper identifies one unifying strand in Schmitt’s thought by explicating a cryptic statement in his final book, Political Theology II (1970): “The thematic development of my political theology from 1922 takes a general direction which departs from the ius reformandi [right of reformation] of the sixteenth century, culminates in Hegel and is evident everywhere today, from political theology to political Christology.” An analysis of Schmitt's explicit references to Hegel shows that Schmitt specifically endorses Hegel's thesis that human beings actualize the idea of freedom through a distinctly religious submission to a modern, Germanic state. According to Schmitt, Hegel successfully creates a mythical foundation for state sovereignty (one that Thomas Hobbes's Leviathan was ultimately too rational to provide). By situating this approbation of Hegel in historical context and its place in Schmitt's oeuvre, I argue that Schmitt’s “political Christology” is morally troubling. Our appraisal of Schmitt's political thought must take into account the practical implications of his heterodox, theoretical yet avowedly religious extremism.
In this paper I examine Kant’s argument that human beings are morally obligated to join or establ... more In this paper I examine Kant’s argument that human beings are morally obligated to join or establish a religious “ethical community” as a therapy for “radical evil.” Kant regards this as a duty sui generis, because the human propensity to evil cannot be eradicated. This requirement seems to conflict with the fundamental axiom of Kant’s moral philosophy that “ought” implies “can”—i.e. that we are only morally responsible for what is within our power. Although, on Kant’s account, evil has no cause outside the individual’s free decision to deviate from the moral law, Kant’s religious writings would require us to regard it precisely as though it had a phenomenal cause. I seek to show how this duty sui generis in Kant’s Religion essay can be made compatible with Kant’s ethical writings, arguing that this constitutes an intriguing, pragmatic moment in Kant’s practical philosophy.
Review of Eric Voegelin and the Continental Tradition: Explorations in Modern Political Thought, ... more Review of Eric Voegelin and the Continental Tradition: Explorations in Modern Political Thought, edited by Stephen McGuire and Lee Trepanier (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2011). In Anamnesis 2, no. 2 (December 2013).
Russia's 2014 military interventions in Ukraine have been economically costly, leading many Weste... more Russia's 2014 military interventions in Ukraine have been economically costly, leading many Western journalists and scholars to conclude, hastily, that Vladimir Putin is an irrational actor. In response, this essay explores political and ideological reasons that might account for Putin's decisions. It focuses on the idea of Eurasianism, especially as formulated by the anti-liberal, anti-modern political theorist Aleksandr Dugin. Dugin's high public profile and government connections have led to speculations that Putin is directly influenced by his thought, which draws freely on twentieth-century communist and fascist ideology. Like Dugin, Putin hopes for the reunification of Greater Russia in the form of the Eurasian Union. However, Putin's words as well as his actions suggest that his Eurasianism is political, not ideological; his use of force in Ukraine was the result of pragmatic calculation, not principled anti-Western sentiment.
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