Books by Niels Nagelhus Schia
Palgrave Macmillan - Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies, 2018
This book examines a new type of state formation evoked by the rise of transnational rule, what S... more This book examines a new type of state formation evoked by the rise of transnational rule, what Schia calls franchised states. Turning the UN into a field site and drawing on an anthropological fieldwork of the UN organization, he demonstrates how peacebuilding activities turned Liberia into an object of governing, whereby the UN, in seeking to build the state, also became the state. The sovereign state of Liberia here emerges as a franchise rather than a self-contained entity. Two implications follow: First, that international peacebuilding turns post-conflict countries into clients of the international community. Second, that “sovereignty” is no longer exclusively associated with the state: it is organized in and through specific practices of governing where a state actor is only one among a range of actors. With these findings, the book moves beyond previous work on peacebuilding by focusing on the unbundling of sovereignty. It contributes to the literature on the changing forms of sovereignty by showing the specific ways in which sovereignty is organized, packaged and enacted, often by actors working under international auspices.
Publications by Niels Nagelhus Schia
Routledge Companion to Global Cyber-Security Strategy, 2021
Digitalization is exposing developing countries to a growing number of risks as well as opportuni... more Digitalization is exposing developing countries to a growing number of risks as well as opportunities associated with connecting to the Internet. Myanmar stands out as a critical case of both the pitfalls and the benefits Internet connection can bring. Amidst a political transition from military rule to a functioning democracy Myanmar is adding ICT to key areas like banking and e-government. Having been one of the least connected countries in the world only a few years ago the country is now connecting to the Internet at an unprecedented pace, with few institutions in place to ensure the transition goes smoothly. The rapid expansion of Internet connectivity is connecting ever more people to an international world of business, discourse, and entertainment, but also crime, subterfuge, and discord. A crucial aspect for development in the years to come will be the harnessing of the benefits, as well as mitigating the downsides that inherently follow in the wake of Internet access (Schia, 2018). In this chapter, we examine the risks and potential benefits of Myanmar’s embracement of digital technologies.
Journal of Cyber Policy, 2020
How are states responding to the threat of using digital technologies to subvert demo... more How are states responding to the threat of using digital technologies to subvert democratic processes? Protecting political and democratic processes from interference via digital technologies is a new and complicated security threat. In recent years the issue has been most prominent in terms of election security, yet the widespread usage of digital technologies allows for the subversion of democratic processes in multifaceted ways.From disrupting the political discourse with false information to inflaming and stoking political divisions digital technologies allows for a variety of ways for malicious actors to target democracies.This article compares different state experiences with interference in sovereign and contested political decisions. More specifically the article compares the Norwegian approach and experience in managing these challenges with those of Finland and the UK. Mapping both how the problem is understood, and the role of previous experiences in shaping public policy.
The Role of the UN Security Council in cybersecurity: International peace and security in the digital age., 2020
At the 75th anniversary of the United Nations, the UN Security Council is faced with difficult qu... more At the 75th anniversary of the United Nations, the UN Security Council is faced with difficult questions about its efficacy, relevance and legitimacy. The leading powers and the permanent members (P5) of the Security Council – China, France, Russia, the UK and the USA – are drawn into a heavy contest over the world order. Power lines are (to be) drawn in an increasingly digital, interconnected and multi-stakeholder society. So far, despite the language from heads of states, global media houses and from leaders of international organizations including NATO and the UN, none of the P5 countries have brought cyber to the UNSC. Other countries – for instance, Lithuania and the Netherlands – have considered introducing cybersecurity issues in the Council, but no action has followed. One of the most recent members-elect, Estonia, has pledged to take the issue up.
To stay relevant and act up on its responsibility for international peace and security, the Security Council will have to establish itself vis-à-vis cyber issues. The goal of this chapter is to examine why and how. To what extent do questions pertaining to digital threats and cybersecurity fall within the mandate of the Council and what could it address given the politically tense times among the P5.
This continues from part 1, focusing on international responses to China’s use of the concept of ... more This continues from part 1, focusing on international responses to China’s use of the concept of cyber sovereignty.
Cyber sovereignty is a distinct concept from the more familiar term cybersecurity, which concerns... more Cyber sovereignty is a distinct concept from the more familiar term cybersecurity, which concerns protecting the infrastructure and processes connected to the Internet. Cyber sovereignty, on the other hand, is concerned with the information and content the Internet provides. China’s cyber sovereignty concept is based on two key principles: The first is that unwanted influence in a country’s “information space” should be banned. In effect, this would allow countries to prevent their citizens from being exposed to ideas and opinions deemed harmful by the regime. The other key principle is to move the governance of the Internet from the current bodies, which includes in them academics and companies, to an international forum such as the UN. This move would also entail a transfer of power from companies and individuals to states alone.
Third World Quarterly , 2018
How does digitalisation lead to new kinds of global connections
and disconnections in the Global ... more How does digitalisation lead to new kinds of global connections
and disconnections in the Global South? And what are the pitfalls
that accompany this development? Much of the policy literature
on digitalisation and development has focused on the importance
of connecting developing countries to digital networks. Good
connection to digital networks may have a fundamental impact on
societies, changing not only how individuals and businesses navigate,
operate and seek opportunities, but also as regards relations between
government and the citizenry. However, the rapid pace of this
development implies that digital technologies are being put to use
before good, functional regulatory mechanisms have been developed
and installed. The resultant shortcomings – in state mechanisms,
institutions, coordination mechanisms, private mechanisms, general
awareness, public knowledge and skills – open the door to new
kinds of vulnerabilities. Herein lie dangers, but also opportunities for
donor/recipient country exchange. Instead of adding to the already
substantial literature on the potential dividends, this article examines
a less studied issue: the new societal vulnerabilities emerging from
digitalisation in developing countries. While there is wide agreement
about the need to bridge the gap between the connected and the
disconnected, the pitfalls are many.
Palaces of Hope: The Anthropology of Global Organizations
This chapter provides an ethnograpic account of the UN Security Council. The analysis is inspired... more This chapter provides an ethnograpic account of the UN Security Council. The analysis is inspired by Marc Galanter’s argument about the advantages of the “repeat players.” (1974. “Why the ‘Haves’ Come Out Ahead”). Whereas the permanent member states resemble the “repeat players,” the elected member states play a similar role to the ones
Galanter calls “the one-shotters.” Building on this, I combine aspects of expertise as sources of power and levels of formality as entry-points to my account of how the Security Council works. I continue by describing how the permanent members of the UN’s Security Council know the rules
of the game better than the elected member states, how they have shaped the rules and local codes and know how to phrase the questions and play the probabilities. Based on this, I argue that the five permanent members are able to effectively take control of situations and dominate the Security Council without making use of their veto power.
Based on empirical examples from the peace-building process in Liberia, this chapter shows how Un... more Based on empirical examples from the peace-building process in Liberia, this chapter shows how United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions concerning the security of women and children in post-conflict countries often presuppose existing and well-functioning state institutions. Post-conflict countries, however, usually have poorly functioning state institutions. This implies that there is a mismatch between intentions in resolutions and the reality on the ground.
Small State Status Seeking: Norway's Quest for International Standing, 2014
This chapter explores small powers in multilateral settings. The empirical focus is on the UN as ... more This chapter explores small powers in multilateral settings. The empirical focus is on the UN as an important arena for Norway and Norwegian diplomats to seek recognition from others. Based on the empirical material we present a more general argument about status seeking behavior by small states, what kind of forms these status games may take in multilateral setting and how Norwegian foreign policy is geared towards multilateralism. In the first part of the chapter we explore the extent of status seeking as an integral part of a diplomatic skill-set, but also various forms diplomacy may take in different settings. We proceed with an overview of Norwegian foreign policy and multilateralism followed by a description of the Norwegian way of seeking status from major powers. Finally, we present the argument on multilateralism as the Norwegian default model for status seeking and the pursuit of national interests also in non-multilateral settings.
PoLAR (Political and Legal Anthropology Review), Jul 2013
How do small states behave once they have a seat at the table? In this article, I describe how on... more How do small states behave once they have a seat at the table? In this article, I describe how one small state—Norway—operated when it was a member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 2001–02. From my anthropological fieldwork in this period, I present a number of arguments. The first one is that, substantively, Norwegian diplomats at the Council were caught in a bind between representing national interests, on the one hand, and being “team players” vis-a-vis the permanent members, on the other. I also argue that institutionally organizational designs shape political decisions in significant and often unexpected ways. Finally, in terms of theory and method, even in highly formalized diplomatic settings, such as the UNSC, informal processes are central to understanding how states operate, as well as how the Council functions.
[International organizations, diplomacy, the United
Nations Security Council, informal processes, anthropology of policy]
Peacebuilding actors have been heavily criticized for being postcolonial, orientalist and mired i... more Peacebuilding actors have been heavily criticized for being postcolonial, orientalist and mired in a Western rationality, causing a gap between needs on the ground and the means provided, and resulting in poor delivery. From recent fieldwork in Liberia, Haiti and South Sudan we argue that while there is merit to much of this critique, there is also a will to analyse and understand the local political economy and how international actors become a part of it, but that peacebuilding tends to fall victim to conflicting power structures within the UN and between international actors, as well as to the lack of application of acquired knowledge and cumbersome processes.
In International Peacekeeping
In the present essay we seek to investigate the tension which lies between addressing specific is... more In the present essay we seek to investigate the tension which lies between addressing specific issues per se and seeing them within their broader context. In this case, much of the problem may lie in the fact that SGBV is not addressed in the broader context of (re)building rule of law institutions as a whole. There is, we argue, an inherent danger in supply-driven humanitarian and development aid, which results in the funding of a number of short-term projects which resonate with donors at the expense of long-term infrastructure projects.
Reports by Niels Nagelhus Schia
This report focuses on the integration of gender perspectives in military and peacekeeping operat... more This report focuses on the integration of gender perspectives in military and peacekeeping operations. It examines operative issues from the viewpoints of men and women to identify differences in needs and priorities, as well as in abilities and potential to contribute to the success of the mission, as identified in UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000). Gender in this report refers to the social attributes and opportunities associated with being male or female, and the relations between women and men, girls and boys. As to the integration of gender perspectives in military operations, we examine issues from the point of view of men as well as women in order to identify differences in needs and priorities, as well as in abilities and potential to contribute to mission success.
The comparative study examines UN operations in Haiti (MINUSTAH), Liberia (UNMIL) and the DR Congo (MONUSCO) in addition to the Norwegian contribution to the NATO operation in Afghanistan. Although more research is needed, the findings provide documentation on progress and gaps on the implementation aspect of Resolution 1325 regarding the incorporation of gender perspectives at field level. In particular, the project has looked into the terms of mandate and training aimed at implementing and operationalizing these tasks and reaching the entire population. Moreover, as there is nothing to indicate that in the near future a more equal number of women and man will be used and deployed to international operations, it is important that the male soldiers and military staff have an awareness of their surroundings in terms of gender perspectives. This means that, for instance, in their daily activities like patrolling and reporting in UN missions they should be aware of the situation for both women and men, and that they liaise with a community representative who can give gendered details of various security concerns.
NUPI Security in Practice No. 9, Nov 2012
This final and comparative report summarizes the findings from the three field reports that have ... more This final and comparative report summarizes the findings from the three field reports that have constituted the project Contextualizing peacebuilding activities to local circumstances. This project was conducted as a comparative study of UN local-level peacebuilding in three countries – Haiti, Liberia and South Sudan.
In order to establish the basis for a comparative analysis, the first part of the report provides... more In order to establish the basis for a comparative analysis, the first part of the report provides a brief introduction to the history of the wholeof-government approach. Amongst others, the report features short discussions of the approaches followed by Canada, the Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The second part of the report examines Norway’s whole-of-government approach within the Norwegian foreign and defence policy contexts. The report then explains the Norwegian approach as it applies to Afghanistan in general, and to the Norwegian Provincial Reconstruction Team in particular. The third part is a comparative analysis of the Norwegian approach, where the strengths and weaknesses of the Norwegian model is considered by contrasting it against some of the other country experiences introduced in part one.
op-eds by Niels Nagelhus Schia
Norge har meldt seg på i kampen om en plass i Sikkerhetsrådet for perioden 2021-2022, og norsk pr... more Norge har meldt seg på i kampen om en plass i Sikkerhetsrådet for perioden 2021-2022, og norsk presse har begynt å interessere seg for valgkampen. Vi kan lese at den koster penger, innebærer hestehandler, stemmebytter og hemmelig avstemning. I grunnen minner den mye om andre politiske valgkamper. Men kampen om en plass i Sikkerhetsrådet må kanskje planlegges enda lengre tid i forveien og innebærer enda mer bruk av tid og penger, spørsmålet da er om en plass gir valuta for pengene. Bør Norge være med på dette?
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Books by Niels Nagelhus Schia
Publications by Niels Nagelhus Schia
To stay relevant and act up on its responsibility for international peace and security, the Security Council will have to establish itself vis-à-vis cyber issues. The goal of this chapter is to examine why and how. To what extent do questions pertaining to digital threats and cybersecurity fall within the mandate of the Council and what could it address given the politically tense times among the P5.
and disconnections in the Global South? And what are the pitfalls
that accompany this development? Much of the policy literature
on digitalisation and development has focused on the importance
of connecting developing countries to digital networks. Good
connection to digital networks may have a fundamental impact on
societies, changing not only how individuals and businesses navigate,
operate and seek opportunities, but also as regards relations between
government and the citizenry. However, the rapid pace of this
development implies that digital technologies are being put to use
before good, functional regulatory mechanisms have been developed
and installed. The resultant shortcomings – in state mechanisms,
institutions, coordination mechanisms, private mechanisms, general
awareness, public knowledge and skills – open the door to new
kinds of vulnerabilities. Herein lie dangers, but also opportunities for
donor/recipient country exchange. Instead of adding to the already
substantial literature on the potential dividends, this article examines
a less studied issue: the new societal vulnerabilities emerging from
digitalisation in developing countries. While there is wide agreement
about the need to bridge the gap between the connected and the
disconnected, the pitfalls are many.
Galanter calls “the one-shotters.” Building on this, I combine aspects of expertise as sources of power and levels of formality as entry-points to my account of how the Security Council works. I continue by describing how the permanent members of the UN’s Security Council know the rules
of the game better than the elected member states, how they have shaped the rules and local codes and know how to phrase the questions and play the probabilities. Based on this, I argue that the five permanent members are able to effectively take control of situations and dominate the Security Council without making use of their veto power.
[International organizations, diplomacy, the United
Nations Security Council, informal processes, anthropology of policy]
Reports by Niels Nagelhus Schia
The comparative study examines UN operations in Haiti (MINUSTAH), Liberia (UNMIL) and the DR Congo (MONUSCO) in addition to the Norwegian contribution to the NATO operation in Afghanistan. Although more research is needed, the findings provide documentation on progress and gaps on the implementation aspect of Resolution 1325 regarding the incorporation of gender perspectives at field level. In particular, the project has looked into the terms of mandate and training aimed at implementing and operationalizing these tasks and reaching the entire population. Moreover, as there is nothing to indicate that in the near future a more equal number of women and man will be used and deployed to international operations, it is important that the male soldiers and military staff have an awareness of their surroundings in terms of gender perspectives. This means that, for instance, in their daily activities like patrolling and reporting in UN missions they should be aware of the situation for both women and men, and that they liaise with a community representative who can give gendered details of various security concerns.
op-eds by Niels Nagelhus Schia
To stay relevant and act up on its responsibility for international peace and security, the Security Council will have to establish itself vis-à-vis cyber issues. The goal of this chapter is to examine why and how. To what extent do questions pertaining to digital threats and cybersecurity fall within the mandate of the Council and what could it address given the politically tense times among the P5.
and disconnections in the Global South? And what are the pitfalls
that accompany this development? Much of the policy literature
on digitalisation and development has focused on the importance
of connecting developing countries to digital networks. Good
connection to digital networks may have a fundamental impact on
societies, changing not only how individuals and businesses navigate,
operate and seek opportunities, but also as regards relations between
government and the citizenry. However, the rapid pace of this
development implies that digital technologies are being put to use
before good, functional regulatory mechanisms have been developed
and installed. The resultant shortcomings – in state mechanisms,
institutions, coordination mechanisms, private mechanisms, general
awareness, public knowledge and skills – open the door to new
kinds of vulnerabilities. Herein lie dangers, but also opportunities for
donor/recipient country exchange. Instead of adding to the already
substantial literature on the potential dividends, this article examines
a less studied issue: the new societal vulnerabilities emerging from
digitalisation in developing countries. While there is wide agreement
about the need to bridge the gap between the connected and the
disconnected, the pitfalls are many.
Galanter calls “the one-shotters.” Building on this, I combine aspects of expertise as sources of power and levels of formality as entry-points to my account of how the Security Council works. I continue by describing how the permanent members of the UN’s Security Council know the rules
of the game better than the elected member states, how they have shaped the rules and local codes and know how to phrase the questions and play the probabilities. Based on this, I argue that the five permanent members are able to effectively take control of situations and dominate the Security Council without making use of their veto power.
[International organizations, diplomacy, the United
Nations Security Council, informal processes, anthropology of policy]
The comparative study examines UN operations in Haiti (MINUSTAH), Liberia (UNMIL) and the DR Congo (MONUSCO) in addition to the Norwegian contribution to the NATO operation in Afghanistan. Although more research is needed, the findings provide documentation on progress and gaps on the implementation aspect of Resolution 1325 regarding the incorporation of gender perspectives at field level. In particular, the project has looked into the terms of mandate and training aimed at implementing and operationalizing these tasks and reaching the entire population. Moreover, as there is nothing to indicate that in the near future a more equal number of women and man will be used and deployed to international operations, it is important that the male soldiers and military staff have an awareness of their surroundings in terms of gender perspectives. This means that, for instance, in their daily activities like patrolling and reporting in UN missions they should be aware of the situation for both women and men, and that they liaise with a community representative who can give gendered details of various security concerns.
Hvor riktige er våre bilder av dagens Afrika?
Hvilke afrikanske land opplever vekst?
Hvilke faktorer kan forklare veksten i Afrika?
Hvilke utfordringer står Afrika overfor?
Link to the arrangement: http://www.nupi.no/en/Events/2016/Launch-of-the-World-Bank-Development-Report-2016
Exchange and discussion of experiences between academics and practitioners from I/NGOs, think tanks, the World Bank, UN peacekeeping operations, the wider UN system, and others on integrating local perceptions into peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts, including protection of civilians
Discussion and identification of good and/or innovative practices and lessons learned including: challenges and pitfalls in capturing and integrating local perceptions in conflict affected contexts and UN operations; and adapting traditional methodologies to fragile and conflict affected contexts
Review existing practice among peacekeeping operations and other actors and explore which techniques and approaches can be undertaken internally by UN peacekeepers and which would be better outsourced to external partners
Generating input for operational guidance for field based personnel in UN peacekeeping operations on capturing and integrating local perceptions.
"
needs to do more to systematically collect, share and analyze local perceptions, and to ensure that they are heeded when monitoring progress towards key benchmarks, informing decision-making on the ground and at the UN Security Council and
UN Secretariat/HQ. This brief also provides some recommendations for policymakers and the international community on how this can be done. Understanding what people think, at all levels of society, is instrumental to the process of aiding any society towards peace and prosperity. This has recently
been recognized and acknowledged by the UN, the World Bank and other central actors. However, findings presented in this brief show that: (i) Capturing and understanding local perceptions on the ground has been done to a great extent, but usually through
a piecemeal approach or in an ad hoc manner, resulting in limited sharing of knowledge and experiences between peacekeeping operations as well as between components within missions.2 (ii) Systematic survey tools and methodologies can be difficult to master and integrate fully. (iii) Differing scientific methodologies, ethical considerations and the need for outside consultants represent challenges that need to be taken into consideration if the aim is to capture and understand local perceptions more systematically. Finally, this policy brief notes how the
activities and increased focus on the part of policymakers have sparked a debate on how UN peacekeeping may go about capturing and understanding local perceptions in a more systematic manner.