Ruiqing Shen
National University of Singapore, Chinese Studies, Faculty Member
- Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, Division of Humanities, Graduate Studentadd
- Phonetics, Linguistic Typology, Sino-Tibetan Linguistics, Tibeto-Burman Linguistics, Tai-Kadai Linguistics, Chinese linguistics, and 26 morePanchronic Phonology, Acoustic Phonetics, Phonetics and Phonology, Historical Phonology, Tone systems, Old Chinese, Vowel phonetics, Tone Sandhi, Phonological Descriptions, Lexical Tone Perception, Cantonese Linguistics, Tonogenesis, Phonologicalization, Level Tones, Naish Languages, Syllable Structure, Laboratory/Experimental Phonology, Evolutionary Linguistics, Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Evolutionary Phonology, Early China, Chinese archaeology, Shang Dynasty Bronzes and Oracle Bones, Chinese historical linguistics, rGyalrong, and Vietic Languagesedit
The hypothesis that "modern Wu, Min dialects are both derived from Wu dialect of the Southern dynasties or Jiangdong Fangyan" has received wide acceptance since it was proposed by Norman (1983) and Ding (1988). However, the hypothesis is... more
The hypothesis that "modern Wu, Min dialects are both derived from Wu dialect of the Southern dynasties or Jiangdong Fangyan" has received wide acceptance since it was proposed by Norman (1983) and Ding (1988). However, the hypothesis is largely based on evidences of shared retention rather than shared innovation. While the previous evidence can demonstrate that modern Wu, Min dialects are closely related to Wu dialect of the Southern dynasties, they are not sufficient to portray the exact genetic relationship among them. In this paper, we reexamined the hypothesis according to some linguistic innovations attested in Wu dialect of the Southern dynasties, namely the lexical replacement in the pronoun system involving 'he/she', 'Plural for Personal Pronoun', 'That', 'How (heavy)', and 'What'. It is found that while the innovative pronoun forms are attested in modern Wu dialect as well as in the Coastal subgroup of Min dialect (Coastal Min), they are totally absent in the Inland subgroup of Min dialect (Inland Min). Furthermore, the unique forms attested in Inland Min can be traced to a very early stage and cannot be explained by later influence from its linguistic neighbor, namely Gan dialect. Based on the new evidence, we propose a new model on the genetic relationship among modern Wu, Min dialects and Wu dialect of Southern dynasties. While modern Wu and Coastal Min are derived from Wu dialect of the Southern dynasties, Inland Min is rather a sister branch of Wu dialect of the Southern dynasties which has diverged at an earlier stage. Also, the new hypothesis is supported by the following migration patterns in Fujian: 1) The coastal and inland areas of Fujian have developed separately before the Tang dynasty. 2) The inland area of Fujian has developed much earlier than the coastal area (see Bielenstein 1959, Wu 2009 among others).
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This paper discusses the sound change of the word ‘big’ in Chinese. Section 1 focuses on the relevant texts that refl ex the pronunciation of ‘big’ before the Tang dynasty. The following facts have been observed: (1) There is no evidence... more
This paper discusses the sound change of the word ‘big’ in Chinese. Section 1 focuses on the relevant texts that refl ex the pronunciation of ‘big’ before the Tang dynasty. The following facts have been observed:
(1) There is no evidence in rhyming or textual materials to support the association of ‘big’ with the Ge (歌) rhyme before Qin-Han period. (2) The character ‘杕’ for the word ‘ruddle’ was created based on the Huainan dialect in the Han dynasty. (3) In terms of sound glosses, ‘big’ was classifi ed to the Ge (歌) rhyme by Guo Pu and Liu Chang zong. (4) The *a rhyme of ‘big’ in the translation of Dirghagama-sutra is due to its pronunciation in the Northwestern dialect in the the Sixteen Kingdoms period. Section 2 analyzes the three sound types of ‘big’ in Chinese dialects, namely (1) with non-Thai (泰) rhyme, (2) with Thai (泰) rhyme but not Ge (歌) rhyme, and (3) either with Thai (泰) rhyme or Ge (歌) rhyme. Based on the discussion in Sections 1 and 2, Section 3 proposes the relationship between texts and dialects in terms of the pronunciation of ‘big’: (1) The pronunciation of ‘big’ in Min, Hakka, and Yue is likely to be related to the Huainan dialect in the Han dynasty; (2) The pronunciation of ‘big’ in Xiang and Gan is related to the lingua franca before the Tang-Song period; (3) The pronunciation of ‘big’ in Mandarin is related to the lingua franca after the Yuan dynasty. A hypothesis that the Ge (歌) rhyme pronunciation of ‘big’ originated from
pseudo-literary pronunciation has also been proposed. Section 4 concludes with a discussion of related theoretical issues.
(1) There is no evidence in rhyming or textual materials to support the association of ‘big’ with the Ge (歌) rhyme before Qin-Han period. (2) The character ‘杕’ for the word ‘ruddle’ was created based on the Huainan dialect in the Han dynasty. (3) In terms of sound glosses, ‘big’ was classifi ed to the Ge (歌) rhyme by Guo Pu and Liu Chang zong. (4) The *a rhyme of ‘big’ in the translation of Dirghagama-sutra is due to its pronunciation in the Northwestern dialect in the the Sixteen Kingdoms period. Section 2 analyzes the three sound types of ‘big’ in Chinese dialects, namely (1) with non-Thai (泰) rhyme, (2) with Thai (泰) rhyme but not Ge (歌) rhyme, and (3) either with Thai (泰) rhyme or Ge (歌) rhyme. Based on the discussion in Sections 1 and 2, Section 3 proposes the relationship between texts and dialects in terms of the pronunciation of ‘big’: (1) The pronunciation of ‘big’ in Min, Hakka, and Yue is likely to be related to the Huainan dialect in the Han dynasty; (2) The pronunciation of ‘big’ in Xiang and Gan is related to the lingua franca before the Tang-Song period; (3) The pronunciation of ‘big’ in Mandarin is related to the lingua franca after the Yuan dynasty. A hypothesis that the Ge (歌) rhyme pronunciation of ‘big’ originated from
pseudo-literary pronunciation has also been proposed. Section 4 concludes with a discussion of related theoretical issues.
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Both Chuqu Wu and Min have preserved a distinction in Old Chinese between Ge Rhyme group and Zhi Rhyme group (merged as Zhi Yun in Middle Chinese). Furthermore, in both Chuqu Wu and Min, some words of Ge Rhyme group merge into Wei Rhyme... more
Both Chuqu Wu and Min have preserved a distinction in Old Chinese between Ge Rhyme group and Zhi Rhyme group (merged as Zhi Yun in Middle Chinese). Furthermore, in both Chuqu Wu and Min, some words of Ge Rhyme group merge into Wei Rhyme group, a phenomenon named as “Ge Kai San Ru Wei” in this paper. This paper is organized as follows. Firstly, “Ge Kai San Ru Wei” in Chuqu Wu, Coastal Min and Inland Min have been examined in details. It is found that although “Ge Kai San Ru Wei” exist in both, Chuqu Wu and Min differ in terms of Initial consonant. Secondly, the “Ge Kai San Ru Wei” in ancient text has been examined. Both the evidence of rhyming and characters based on dialect pronounciation indicate that this is a phenomenon in Ancient Chu dialect. In conclusion, I propose that the “Ge Kai San Ru Wei” with K type Initials is a shared innovation by modern Wu dialect and Ancient Chu dialect, while the “Ge Kai San Ru Wei” with P type Initials in Min dialect is another unrelated innovation. Therefore, this paper challenges the well-received hypothesis that both Wu and Min are descendents of Ancient Wu in the Southern Dynasties.
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The paper aims to provide a better explanation for denasalization in Southern Min. Firstly, this paper illustrates that the lexical conditions of denasalization is correlated with the lexical conditions of tonal bipartition in Southern... more
The paper aims to provide a better explanation for denasalization in Southern Min. Firstly, this paper illustrates that the lexical conditions of denasalization is correlated with the lexical conditions of tonal bipartition in Southern Min. The correlations can only be explained by a stage when both voiceless vs. voiced nasal consonants exist; in other words, denasalization occurs before the merger of voiceless and voiced nasals. Secondly, this paper proposes that denasalization in Southern Min follows the general pattern of denasalization sound change: it occurs after the appearance of nasalized vowels, and devoicing of the voiced stops. The condition and relative order of some related sound changes have also been worked out. Lastly, this paper concludes with a list of morphemes which can be reconstructed as voiceless sonorants in Proto-Coastal-Min and discusses its relationship with Hakka.
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This chapter discusses interaction between Min and other Sinitic languages, with a focus on genetic inheritance and areal patterns. The first section is a general introduction to the Min group and its internal classification. The second... more
This chapter discusses interaction between Min and other Sinitic languages, with a focus on genetic inheritance and areal patterns. The first section is a general introduction to the Min group and its internal classification. The second section reviews studies on interactions between Min and four other Sinitic groupings, namely, Wu, Hakka, Waxiang, and Gan. It is demonstrated that while all four share certain lexical and/or phonological features with Min, these commonalities are of different kinds. The interaction between Min and Gan involves contactinduced areal patterns. In the other cases, while genetic inheritance is a factor, features shared between Min andWaxiang are most likely due to shared retention, while those shared between Min and Southwestern Wu and between Min and Hakka include some shared innovations as well. The last section discusses implications for the linguistic history of Min and directions for future studies.
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Based on materials collected during recent field trips, this paper presents a detailed description of the variety spoken in Huangkeng Town, Jianyang County, Fujian Province, China. Although the synchronic phonology of Huangkeng is quite... more
Based on materials collected during recent field trips, this paper presents a detailed description of the variety spoken in Huangkeng Town, Jianyang County, Fujian Province, China. Although the synchronic phonology of Huangkeng is quite different from other Northern Min varieties, this study shows that the genetic position of Huangkeng belongs to Northern Min. After a thorough comparison between Huangkeng and Proto-Northern-Min and a careful distinction between innovations and retentions, this study argues that Huangkeng is the earliest descendant of Northern Min, and bears a sister relationship with Proto-Northern-Min (PNM), ancestor of all other known Northern Min
varieties. Then, the reconstruction of Early-Northern-Min (ENM), which is the ancestor of both Huangkeng and PNM, and a comparison between the phonological structure of ENM with that of PNM are presented. After a brief discussion on the nature of Huangkeng vocabulary, this paper concludes with a discussion on how the case study of Huangkeng shed some new lights on the methodological issue in Chinese dialectology.
varieties. Then, the reconstruction of Early-Northern-Min (ENM), which is the ancestor of both Huangkeng and PNM, and a comparison between the phonological structure of ENM with that of PNM are presented. After a brief discussion on the nature of Huangkeng vocabulary, this paper concludes with a discussion on how the case study of Huangkeng shed some new lights on the methodological issue in Chinese dialectology.
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The invention of the Ancient Chinese Writing System (henceforth ACWS) is a significant event in world history. In this paper I put forward a hypothesis on the co-evolution of the Old Chinese language and its writing system (ACWS). I argue... more
The invention of the Ancient Chinese Writing System (henceforth ACWS) is a significant event in world history. In this paper I put forward a hypothesis on the co-evolution of the Old Chinese language and its writing system (ACWS). I argue that the invention of ACWS bears a strong correlation with the linguistic evolution, more specifically, the monosyllabicization, of Old Chinese. In other words, ACWS might never be invented if monosyllabicization had not occurred in Chinese. The paper is organized in the following way. First, we discuss the reason why a subsyllabic writing system was not invented for Old Chinese (section 2). Next, we discuss the nature of the rebus principle in ACWS (section 3), and its correlation with morphological alternations (section 4). Then I argue that monosyllabicization of Old Chinese is a precondition for the rebus principle, which is crucial for the birth of ACWS (section 5). Lastly, I discuss the implication of the hypothesis for the study of Old Chinese (section 6).
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[Abstract] Shaojiang dialects, spoken at Futun River valley and Jin River valley in Fujian, China, have many characteristics that differ from other Chinese dialects. One of the characteristics is the complex tonal pattern. Based on... more
[Abstract] Shaojiang dialects, spoken at Futun River valley and Jin River valley in Fujian, China, have many characteristics that differ from other Chinese dialects. One of the characteristics is the complex tonal pattern.
Based on internal comparison betwee four Shaojiang varieties, and typological pattern of tonal splits from other languages, this paper argues that: (1) The complex tonal pattern of Shaojiang dialects could not be explained by morphological tones or language contact. (2) It could only be expained by historical tonal splits similar to those occur in Kra-Dai and Hmong-Mien languages. Both voiced and voiceless sonorants need to be reconstructed for Early Shaojiang. (3) Shaojiang dialects belong to the Inland subgroup of Min dialects. The two series of sonorants (voiced and voiceless) of Early Shaojiang were inherited from Common Min.
Based on internal comparison betwee four Shaojiang varieties, and typological pattern of tonal splits from other languages, this paper argues that: (1) The complex tonal pattern of Shaojiang dialects could not be explained by morphological tones or language contact. (2) It could only be expained by historical tonal splits similar to those occur in Kra-Dai and Hmong-Mien languages. Both voiced and voiceless sonorants need to be reconstructed for Early Shaojiang. (3) Shaojiang dialects belong to the Inland subgroup of Min dialects. The two series of sonorants (voiced and voiceless) of Early Shaojiang were inherited from Common Min.
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This paper has confirmed five falling contours in the Jianyang variety of Northern Min, {62, 52, 54, 43, 32}, which are typologically identified as High-Falling in Rg U, High-Falling in Rg M, Slight-Falling-H, Slight-Falling-L, and Pure... more
This paper has confirmed five falling contours in the Jianyang variety of Northern Min, {62, 52, 54, 43, 32}, which are typologically identified as High-Falling in Rg U, High-Falling in Rg M, Slight-Falling-H, Slight-Falling-L, and Pure Low Tone. The finding of this extreme case of falling contours has enriched the universal tonal inventory by adding two falling tonotypes: High-Falling in Rg U and Slight-Falling-L.
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Whether Middle Chinese (here forth MC) *j- has more than one origin has been a highly controversial question in the field of Chinese historical phonology. Recently, Baxter-Sagart's new Old Chinese reconstruction (Baxter & Sagart 2014,... more
Whether Middle Chinese (here forth MC) *j- has more than one origin has been a highly controversial question in the field of Chinese historical phonology. Recently, Baxter-Sagart's new Old Chinese reconstruction (Baxter & Sagart 2014, here forth B&S) has brought this question into attention again by proposing two distinct origins for MC *j, one from Old Chinese lateral **l- (alternates with MC *d-) and another from Old Chinese uvular **ɢ- (alternates with MC *k-) respectively.
In this paper, I aim to approach this question based on writing evidences from excavated texts. After examining several minimal pairs between Old Chines **l- and **ɢ- proposed by B&S, I observe that evidences from Old Chinese writing do not support the separation of these two categories. Rather, direct alternations between MC*d- and MC *k- are also found for certain words, usually also involves MC *j-. Putting these evidences together, the writing evidences from excavated texts suggest that there may be only one single origin of MC *j-, and they form a large category together with some words of MC *d-, *k-. However, the issue of reconstruction needs further studies.
In this paper, I aim to approach this question based on writing evidences from excavated texts. After examining several minimal pairs between Old Chines **l- and **ɢ- proposed by B&S, I observe that evidences from Old Chinese writing do not support the separation of these two categories. Rather, direct alternations between MC*d- and MC *k- are also found for certain words, usually also involves MC *j-. Putting these evidences together, the writing evidences from excavated texts suggest that there may be only one single origin of MC *j-, and they form a large category together with some words of MC *d-, *k-. However, the issue of reconstruction needs further studies.
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Děng 等 ‘rank’, ‘division’ is a central concept in Chinese historical phonology. However, the interpretation of rank and the reconstruction of division remain major points of controversy. The former is part of the broader debate on the... more
Děng 等 ‘rank’, ‘division’ is a central concept in Chinese historical phonology. However, the interpretation of rank and the reconstruction of division remain major points of controversy. The former is part of the broader debate on the place of Chinese rime tables in Chinese linguistic history, and the latter is part of the ongoing enterprise of reconstructing Middle Chinese and Old Chinese phonology.
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This paper provides the first acoustic description of the tonal system of Shibei Min, a Northern Min Chinese variety. Shibei Min has an extremely complex tonal system with nine non-stopped tones. Theses nine tones fall into two natural... more
This paper provides the first acoustic description of the tonal system of Shibei Min, a Northern Min Chinese variety. Shibei Min has an extremely complex tonal system with nine non-stopped tones. Theses nine tones fall into two natural classes and could be represented better in the RL model. In previous studies, some tonal contrast was described as voicing contrast of initial consonants. Based on acoustic results, we argue that the main phonetic difference is not voicing, but syllable-level phonation-type contrast in word-initial position, and consonant closure duration in word-medial position.
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The reconstruction of the syllable Chi 翅 has long been a puzzle to students of Chinese historical phonology. The character was used in early Chinese transliterations to transcribe an Indic form with initial *k-, while it was recorded... more
The reconstruction of the syllable Chi 翅 has long been a puzzle to students of Chinese historical phonology. The character was used in early Chinese transliterations to transcribe an Indic form with initial *k-, while it was recorded with initial <S>- in Middle Chinese. In this paper, I have proposed a hypothesis that the graph Chi翅 was initially invented for a word for ‘wing’ with initial *k-. When this word was replaced by another word with initial <S>-, the graph remained the same. Therefore, a mismatch between word and character prevents us from recognizing the early form, which is retained as a literary reading of the graph ji 翨. Furthermore, the early form still exists in modern Chinese dialects such as Northern Guangdong Tu Vernacular 粤北土话 and Northern Wu 北部吴语. The modern forms with initial t- are also derived from a further palatalized form of the etymon for ‘wing’ with initial *k-.
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This paper focuses on the phonetic nature and path of evolution of Cantonese short-long stopped tones. Firstly, the phonetic nature of Cantonese stopped tones is explored in light of recent tonal acoustic studies. Secondly, drawing on... more
This paper focuses on the phonetic nature and path of evolution of Cantonese short-long stopped tones. Firstly, the phonetic nature of Cantonese stopped tones is explored in light of recent tonal acoustic studies. Secondly, drawing on examples from other Southeast Asian languages, an asymmetry of pitch differences is shown to exist in languages with both short and long stopped tones: the ‘short-high VS long-low’ pattern is much more common than the ‘short-low VS long-high’ one. An evolutionary perspective on this synchronic asymmetry is proposed, in light of (i) Ohala's (1981) listener-based perspective on sound change and hypercorrections, and (ii) facts pointing to an evolutionary path from ‘short VS long’ to ‘high VS low’. Finally, the dating of pitch splitting of Cantonese Yin Ru tone is discussed, as well as the issue to what extent the similarity of the stopped tone between Cantonese and Tai languages is due to substratum, recent influence, or parallel evolution.
[Keywords] long and short vowel, stopped tones, tonal evolution, hyper-correction
[Keywords] long and short vowel, stopped tones, tonal evolution, hyper-correction
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This study seeks to describe and analyze the phonetic properties of Shibei variety of Northern Min Chinese, and demonstrate how an acoustic analysis may be done to the tonal system and segmental phonology of a Chinese dialect. The study... more
This study seeks to describe and analyze the phonetic properties of Shibei variety of Northern Min Chinese, and demonstrate how an acoustic analysis may be done to the tonal system and segmental phonology of a Chinese dialect. The study gives a detailed analysis of the complex tonal system in Shibei, with its nine non-stopped tones contrasting in pitch contour, duration and phonation type. An investigation into the segmental phonemes includes measurement of VOT, plotting of vowel charts and discussion on typologically unusual variations and contrasts.
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Poster presented at the 4th International Workshop on Sound Change (WSC-4), the University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, Scotland, 20-22, Apr. 2017.
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This study demonstrates how different phonetic and phonological nature of final glottalization in two Chinese varieties gives rise to different sound change patterns.
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[Abstract] In a survey of 207 tonal languages, none has been reported to have more than two falling tones (Maddieson 1978). In contrary, to have three or four falling tones is quite prevalent for Min dialects of Chinese, and many of them... more
[Abstract] In a survey of 207 tonal languages, none has been reported to have more than two falling tones (Maddieson 1978). In contrary, to have three or four falling tones is quite prevalent for Min dialects of Chinese, and many of them have more falling tones than level tones. The tonal pattern of Min dialects challenges some predictions of maximum number of falling tones. For example, three falling-tone labels are listed in Chao’s (1930) “tone letters”, but only two falling tones are allowed in many phonological theories (e.g. Wang 1967, Yip 1980).
This talk focuses on the most “extreme” case of Jianyang Min, which is reported to possess five falling tones (Norman 1969, 1995, Li 1991, Akitani 2008). Yip (1980: 206) argues that the three slight falling tones in previous description should be reinterpreted as underlying level tones effected by downdrift. Therefore, it does not violate her prediction on the maximum number of falling tones.
The discussion here is divided into three parts. Firstly, acoustic and perceptual data are presented to demonstrate that the slight falling tones are indeed “falling”, at least in Jianyang Min speakers’ perception. Then, further perceptual experiment is conducted to examine how native speakers are capable of distinguishing such large number of falling tones. It is found that the slope of pitch contours, rather than pitch height, is the main perceptual cue for differentiating the falling tones. Finally, it is suggested that future work on tonal typology should take the diversity of perceptual cues into account. From this perspective, the slope-dominant tonal languages, such as Jianyang Min, are fundamentally different from the height-dominant tonal languages, such as Miao dialects with a large number of level tones (Kuang 2013).
This talk focuses on the most “extreme” case of Jianyang Min, which is reported to possess five falling tones (Norman 1969, 1995, Li 1991, Akitani 2008). Yip (1980: 206) argues that the three slight falling tones in previous description should be reinterpreted as underlying level tones effected by downdrift. Therefore, it does not violate her prediction on the maximum number of falling tones.
The discussion here is divided into three parts. Firstly, acoustic and perceptual data are presented to demonstrate that the slight falling tones are indeed “falling”, at least in Jianyang Min speakers’ perception. Then, further perceptual experiment is conducted to examine how native speakers are capable of distinguishing such large number of falling tones. It is found that the slope of pitch contours, rather than pitch height, is the main perceptual cue for differentiating the falling tones. Finally, it is suggested that future work on tonal typology should take the diversity of perceptual cues into account. From this perspective, the slope-dominant tonal languages, such as Jianyang Min, are fundamentally different from the height-dominant tonal languages, such as Miao dialects with a large number of level tones (Kuang 2013).
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Impressionistic and acoustic data are presented for the nine citation tones, and a small part of the disyllabic tone sandhi, of a speaker of the previously undescribed Chinese dialect of Maodian 毛店 from the Wuzhou 婺州 subgroup of Wu 吳. The... more
Impressionistic and acoustic data are presented for the nine citation tones, and a small part of the disyllabic tone sandhi, of a speaker of the previously undescribed Chinese dialect of Maodian 毛店 from the Wuzhou 婺州 subgroup of Wu 吳. The data are used to refine the typology of the apparent right-dominant tone sandhi characteristic of the southern Wu and Min area. It is shown that not all word-final tones are the same as citation tones; and that therefore preservation of word-final tones cannot be criteria for right-dominance.
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【Abstract】 The question why some Middle Chinese *l- words have fricatives initials ([s],[S]or[¬]) in Northwestern Min has been under hot debate for at least 40 years. After a brief review on the previous archievements, we start our... more
【Abstract】 The question why some Middle Chinese *l- words have fricatives initials ([s],[S]or[¬]) in Northwestern Min has been under hot debate for at least 40 years. After a brief review on the previous archievements, we start our investigation based on the tone behavior of MC *l- and its relationship to other sonorant in in different Min subgroups. The most striking finding is, despite *l- has different initials in Eastern Min and Shaojiang Min, the words in Qu tone share the same two-way tone behavior which is parallel to nasals (such as *m-). The tone behavior of voiceless sonorants among Tai languages informs us that Proto Min has another voiceless series of sonorants besides the normal voiced ones. It is the voiceless lateral that turn out to be fricatives among Northerwestern Min. The more complex tone behavior in Northern Min can also be explain by the fact that voiceless lateral is more likely to last longer than the voicless nasals, which is supported by the typological observation. It is argued that the sound changes from voiceless lateral fricatives to sibilants are perceptual ones.
【Keyword】Northwestern Min, tone, voiceless sonorants, lateral fricative, perceptual sound change
【Keyword】Northwestern Min, tone, voiceless sonorants, lateral fricative, perceptual sound change
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This paper describes Shibei Min, a Northern Min Chinese variety with nine contrasting non-stopped tones that are quite different from other Chinese dialects. Shibei Min has an extremely complex tonal system in which phonation type... more
This paper describes Shibei Min, a Northern Min Chinese variety with nine contrasting non-stopped tones that are quite different from other Chinese dialects. Shibei Min has an extremely complex tonal system in which phonation type interacts with pitch contour and length. An auditory description of the nine citation tones is followed by an explanation of the measurement procedure, the acoustic analysis and the results. We demonstrate that duration and phonation type play an important role in distinguishing two low falling tones and two level tones with similar pitch. We argue that so-called ‘voice initials’ are in fact not distinguished by voicing as their phonetic nature differs between word-initial position and word-medial position. The nine tones in Shibei fall into two natural classes and could be represented better in the RL model.
Keywords: Acoustic phonetics, Tonetics, Phonation type, Northern Min, Voiced initials
Keywords: Acoustic phonetics, Tonetics, Phonation type, Northern Min, Voiced initials
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In this paper we briefly review the life and career of Professor Jerry L. Norman and then allow him to tell us in his own words his major views and perspectives on the historical development of Chinese, and his hopes for the ways these... more
In this paper we briefly review the life and career of Professor Jerry L. Norman and then allow him to tell us in his own words his major views and perspectives on the historical development of Chinese, and his hopes for the ways these might be probed and elucidated by future generations of Chinese dialectologists and historical linguists.
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Determining the nature of the four Divisions of the Qièyùn is a fundamental problem in the study of the phonetic history of Chinese. Analyses by Pulleyblank and Baxter make it possible to bring out two major changes from Old Chinese to... more
Determining the nature of the four Divisions of the Qièyùn is a fundamental problem in the study of the phonetic history of Chinese. Analyses by Pulleyblank and Baxter make it possible to bring out two major changes from Old Chinese to Middle Chinese: a two-way split of the vowel system, and later the lenition of medial -r-. The use of models drawn from Mon-Khmer voice type register languages made it possible to reconstruct the phonetic bases of the four divisions. Div. I groups tense rimes, Div. II groups velarized rimes resulting from medial -r-, Div. III groups lax/breathy rimes. As for Div. IV, it represents rimes with the diphthong ie.