Based at the Austrian Institute of Archaeology, working on the Marie-Curie project "Musical Identities, Knowledge, and Exchange in the Archaic Greek Mediterranean". Wider interests in musical cultures and musical instruments, Greek archaeology, and Sparta. Supervisors: Stefan Hagel
Dear all,
We are pleased to announce the programme and registration for the 11th MOISA meeting ‘... more Dear all,
We are pleased to announce the programme and registration for the 11th MOISA meeting ‘Music and Materiality’ hosted by the University of Reading in association with the University of Bologna.
For more information, including funding, travel to the venue and recommended accommodation, please see the following link: https://moisa2018.wordpress.com/
This paper presents on going research, and is a work in progress. It was presented at the Spartan... more This paper presents on going research, and is a work in progress. It was presented at the Spartan Austerity panel at the Celtic Conference in Classics, 21.7.2017, Montreal.
"My argument is that the lead votives, as tempting as it is, should not be seen as symbols for an austere sixth century Spartan culture, but as evidence for wider Spartan individuality. This is not a new argument in itself, but the reasons for thinking so, I think, are, and are supported by the interpretation of the initial findings of material analysis conducted at the University of Reading with lead figurines from the Ure Museum of Greek Archaeology. The material evidence suggests a widespread and frequent creation of figurines, an environment where individual commissions and ‘special orders’ separated the individual from the masses. I also suggest that the lead used to make the lead votives came not just from Laurion, but also East Lakonia, and perhaps other locations too."
Poster presented at the 9th MOISA International Conference, “Music and the animal world in Hellen... more Poster presented at the 9th MOISA International Conference, “Music and the animal world in Hellenic and Roman antiquity”, Εθνικού και Καποδιστριακού Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών et L’École Française d’Athènes, Athens. 11-15th July 2016.
‘Skilled Labour and Professionalism in Ancient Greece and Rome’
University of Nottingham, June 29... more ‘Skilled Labour and Professionalism in Ancient Greece and Rome’ University of Nottingham, June 29-30th 2016
This paper seeks to highlight the boundaries of professional musicians in Classical Athens through the study of auletrides, and by doing so, will explore some of the more specific elements that allow an ancient performer to be called a ‘professional’.
There has been a certain confusion concerning professional female musicians in the Classical world. One of the earliest articles (Kemp, ‘Professional Musician in Ancient Greece,’ 1966) devoted little space to auletrides. Yet while Harmon (2005) ironed out some of the confusion concerning auletrides, and Bundrick (2005) provided a brilliant discussion of female musicians, neither discussed auletrides within the wider context of professional musicking.
Auletrides are mentioned in many forms of literature: Aristophanes refers to their non-musical performances (Wasps, 1326-87); Plato emphasises the baseness of their musical performances (Prot. 347 b9-d5); and Isocrates brings into question the music schools of the auletrides (Antid. 287). One of the most illuminating passages, however, is Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 50.2, which highlights the strict regulation of the pricing of auletides, psaltriai and kitharistriai. Despite the undoubted evidence that auletrides also performed sexual acts, and were in many cases compared to the lowest of street-prostitutes (Platon fr. 209 from Pollux 4.56), they are often depicted in ways that emphasis the musical performance of their employment (Theophrastus, Characters, 19.10; fig.1).
Despite this, auletrides were not grouped with the professional theatre musicians and agonistic musicians who were derided by Aristophanes, Plato, Aristotle and others, for their techne: Aristotle Politics 1341a (tous agonas tous technikous… technikon organon). As such, auletrides do not seem to be considered as part of the professional classes during the Classical period. This has meant that there is a problem of definition between the ancient and modern sources as to what actually counts as a ‘professional musician’ in the ancient Greek world.
Reading University's Departments of Archaeology and Classics have wide-ranging material teaching ... more Reading University's Departments of Archaeology and Classics have wide-ranging material teaching collections, ranging from Greek and Roman ceramics to early prehistoric lithic tools. Students have access to this material in practical classes, but out-of-class access is very limited due to the fragility of selected artefacts. This student-led project will develop a prototype virtual teaching collection that can be accessed openly. This poster documents our work so far.
In nearly every representation of Zeus it is easy to see his divine, monarchical supremacy. In ma... more In nearly every representation of Zeus it is easy to see his divine, monarchical supremacy. In many representations of mortal archaic authority a mimesis of Zeus’ supremacy is easily comprehended, as well as a desire to represent one’s authority as coming from Zeus in some way; the highest form of legitimisation it seems. By looking at Homer, Hesiod, Eumulus, Pindar and Baccylides, and a selection of visual media, I suggest that perhaps it is not just Zeus’ supremacy that justifies mortal ‘god-given’ authority, as traditional views suggest (Burkert, 1985, 125- 131). I draw specific examples from Agamemnon’s sceptre (Homer, Iliad, 2. 98 & 100- 108), and Hieron I of Syracuse (Pindar, Olympian 1 & 6; Pythian 1, 2, & 3: Bacchylides, Ode 3, 4, & 5), possible archaeological evidence (Berard, 1970), and the visual media surrounding his founding of Aetna (Doughtery, 1993, 83-102); whilst noting the sources' own agendas. I argue that the parallels in these representations, and others, suggest the importance of ‘gifted authority’ in legitimising archaic leadership (and hence problems with leadership being individually seized).I hope to offer a new way in which to assess concepts of ‘sole-rule’ in Archaic Greece at a time when others (Mitchell, 2013) are showing the importance of reassessing traditional understandings of Greek leadership.
Further passages of particular importance are Eumelus, Epic Frag., 6, where Zeus is represented as gaining power by lot (αὐτοὶ δὲ διακληροῦνται περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς· καὶ λαγχάνει Ζεὺς μὲν τὴν ἐν οὐρανῶι δυναστείαν) and Bacchylides, Ode 3, 10-13, where Hieron’s leadership is represented as a geras from Zeus (ἆ τρισευδαίμ[ων ἀνήρ, ὃ παρὰ Ζηνὸς λαχὼν πλείσταρχον Ἑλλάνων γέρας). The central object of the paper is the importance of the Zeus-given sceptre throughout these times and places.
Presented at the UWICAH 2014 Postgraduate Conference: 15.11.14
While recent discussions of music archaeology have emphasised the importance of context for the s... more While recent discussions of music archaeology have emphasised the importance of context for the study of the art and archaeology of ancient music, there has not been much theoretical engagement with the objects themselves. This paper takes recent arguments concerning two objects identified as strobiloi to propose an object-based framework for the study of ancient art and archaeology in relation to ancient music. Contexts are not infallible. Being mindful of composition, comparisons, and concepts (the three core elements of the proposed framework), I argue that there is, as yet, no certain artistic or archaeological evidence for interpreting objects identified as strobiloi as musical devices, and that the Asteas Phrynis vase cannot be used as a reliable source for organological detail.
On the 20th to 22nd July 2018 the 11th MOISA International Conference was held at the University ... more On the 20th to 22nd July 2018 the 11th MOISA International Conference was held at the University of Reading, organised by Ian Rutherford, Donatella Restani and James Lloyd. Nineteen papers were presented, all engaging with the theme of ‘Music and Materiality’. This report explores the areas where future research on music and materiality might prove fruitful, as evidenced by the rich and varied set of topics and methodologies presented during the conference.
This report provides a conspectus of the nine papers presented at ‘The Graduate Workshop in Ancie... more This report provides a conspectus of the nine papers presented at ‘The Graduate Workshop in Ancient Greek and Roman Music’, held at the University of Oxford in June 2018. The workshop was organised with the intent of showcasing the innovative work of postgraduates in the field of ancient Greek and Roman music. Based around the themes of theory and practice, drama, and ritual, the papers reflect current areas of focus within the field and suggest promising avenues for further enquiry.
An increasing number of cultural heritage 3D models are being made public via the 3D-party platfo... more An increasing number of cultural heritage 3D models are being made public via the 3D-party platform, ‘Sketchfab’. This is a hugely popular way to share cultural heritage with a wide audience. The British Museum’s model of the Granite head of Amenemhat III has been viewed online 61,500 times and downloaded 3,000 times (as of writing). This paper will explore Ancient History Encyclopedia’s project to include 3D models on their website, and how doing so helps contextualize an object, creating a deeper learning experience for the reader of our content and the viewer of a model.
Iconography as a Source of Music History, Royal Musical Association Study Day, 2019
Modern analysis of ancient Greek music has benefited greatly from iconographical studies (e.g. Bu... more Modern analysis of ancient Greek music has benefited greatly from iconographical studies (e.g. Bundrick, 2005), but with few exceptions these studies have focused on understanding the images of Attic and South Italian figural pottery (c.6-4th BCE). Despite this, developments in the study of regional Archaic Greek pottery have shown the influence of local traditions in creating iconographic schema within a wider pan-Hellenic visual vocabulary (Smith, 2010), but both fields have developed largely independently from studies on ancient networks, with the way that music travelled being relatively underexplored (Barker, 2018 & Franklin, 2015).
This paper bridges these areas of study by providing a comparative analysis of the iconography of regional black-figure pottery productions, from the female choruses in Clazomenian pottery and the religious processions in Boeotian, to representations of musicians in Euboean, Laconian, Corinthian, East Greek and more. By viewing these iconographies as part of a pan-Hellenic tradition, but also in reference to local attitudes to object and image, regional Greek black-figure pottery shows us a subtly variegated palette of musical styles, customs, and influences that reflect the specific socio-geopolitical circumstances of their place of manufacture.
Having explored and mapped these regional differences, the paper then raises a methodological question. We know that regional pottery productions were popular items of trade, and because of this are useful sources for the reconstruction of ancient socio-economic networks – to what extent might these vases also serve to delineate routes of musical exchange, where previously we have relied on literary sources?
By exploring the iconography of regional Greek black-figure pottery, we can better understand the variegated nature of ancient Greek music, the shared features which unified it, and the local traditions which differentiated it.
Selected Bibliography
Barker, A. (2018). Migrating Musical Myths. Greek and Roman Musical Studies, 6(1), 1-13. Bundrick, S. D. (2005). Music and Image in Classical Athens. Cambridge University Press. Franklin, J. (2015). Kinyras: the divine lyre. Center for Hellenic Studies, Harvard University. Lloyd, J. (2020 – under review). Composition, Comparison, and Concept: an object-based framework for the study of ancient music. Greek and Roman Musical Studies, 8.2. Smith, T. J. (2010). Komast Dancers in Archaic Greek Art. Oxford University Press.
ICS Postgraduate WIP
Senate House, 9th Decemeber 2016
Music was a key part of Spartan identity; ... more ICS Postgraduate WIP Senate House, 9th Decemeber 2016
Music was a key part of Spartan identity; a sound that their enemies learnt to fear (Thuc. 5.69.2- 5.70 & Plut. Inst.Lac. 16). Music was not just a tool to be utilised in war, however. Archaic Sparta fostered a welcoming environment for musicians. Terpander was the first to organise mousikoi agones in Sparta for example (Ps.Plut., De Musica, 1134c). The issue with such literary accounts is, to what extent are they part of the Spartan mirage?
This paper seeks to explore the material evidence in order gain a different perspective from the literary sources, so much of which was written by authors who had their own agendas when discussing Sparta (Herrmann-Otto, 1998, for Aristotle & Powell, 1994, for Plato). In doing so, I am aware nonetheless that I am replacing one particular methodological difficulty for a whole set of others.
The main material I will assess in this paper is a collection of thirty Laconian black figure vases, all of which depict some form of instrumental musicking. These vases show three clearly differentiated types of performance, showing how music was key to the socially divided Spartan community, and as such, how it could be used to help enforce such social divisions as ‘them’ and ‘us’. In order to draw further meaning from these vases, they will be studied in relation to other Spartan material culture, such as the lead figurines. Additionally, it is important to assess how these vases differ to Athenian scenes of music (a more thoroughly contextualised body of material), and what these differences might suggest about the wider differences between the two states in the Archaic period.
This resource is part of an on-going project to create and interactive and easy to update resourc... more This resource is part of an on-going project to create and interactive and easy to update resource of all UK museums and other institutions that house 'classical collections', or, more broadly 'Mediterranean and Roman archaeology'.
The resource is aimed at those planning to visit such collections (schools, researchers, tourists), as well as museum professionals, in order to create an accessible network of current projects and expertise.
On 6 June, an afternoon of mini-talks, structured discussion, and networking on collaboration bet... more On 6 June, an afternoon of mini-talks, structured discussion, and networking on collaboration between schools, universities, and heritage organisations took place at the University of Reading. The afternoon was the conclusion of a History PGCE enrichement project, led by PhD students, and generously funded by the SWW DTP.
By gathering a broad range of sources (literary, epigraphic, archaeological, iconographic, and or... more By gathering a broad range of sources (literary, epigraphic, archaeological, iconographic, and organological), this study provides the first extended critique of what we know about Spartan music. The chronological focus of the thesis is the sixth to fourth centuries BCE, showing how previously overlooked evidence reveals that the musical culture of Sparta remained in a fluid state of change, reflection, and development, both during and after its fabled heyday in the seventh and sixth centuries BCE.
I suggest that the unique elements of Spartan music (primarily its conservative and homeostatic nature) are either not overly unique or not entirely believable. That being said, aspects of Spartan musical performance do indeed appear to be distinctly local, such as the hereditary role of military aulos-players, but this obscures the point that music is a reflection of the culture in which it is created, and that as a tool to foster social cohesion and moral and political understanding, music played much the same role in Sparta as it did in other states. What is unique about Spartan music is the extent to which it was believed to be different.
A number of specific contributions to our understanding of ancient music and Spartan society are made: the Sparta auloi fragments belong to at least two different pairs of pipes; Simonides, rather than a poet tied to regent Pausanias, made a substantial contribution to Spartan politeia and paideia more broadly; Laconian material culture points to a vibrant performative environment. I also highlight the success of Sparta’s progressive Roman musical culture from the 1st C. BCE - 3rd C. CE, and its tensions with deliberate archaising ‘traditions’. In sum, this thesis argues that Spartan music needs to be re-conceived. Like the Spartan government, despite pleas for its stability and unchanging nature, Spartan engagement with music was constantly being reconsidered and reinvented, at home and abroad.
Dear all,
We are pleased to announce the programme and registration for the 11th MOISA meeting ‘... more Dear all,
We are pleased to announce the programme and registration for the 11th MOISA meeting ‘Music and Materiality’ hosted by the University of Reading in association with the University of Bologna.
For more information, including funding, travel to the venue and recommended accommodation, please see the following link: https://moisa2018.wordpress.com/
This paper presents on going research, and is a work in progress. It was presented at the Spartan... more This paper presents on going research, and is a work in progress. It was presented at the Spartan Austerity panel at the Celtic Conference in Classics, 21.7.2017, Montreal.
"My argument is that the lead votives, as tempting as it is, should not be seen as symbols for an austere sixth century Spartan culture, but as evidence for wider Spartan individuality. This is not a new argument in itself, but the reasons for thinking so, I think, are, and are supported by the interpretation of the initial findings of material analysis conducted at the University of Reading with lead figurines from the Ure Museum of Greek Archaeology. The material evidence suggests a widespread and frequent creation of figurines, an environment where individual commissions and ‘special orders’ separated the individual from the masses. I also suggest that the lead used to make the lead votives came not just from Laurion, but also East Lakonia, and perhaps other locations too."
Poster presented at the 9th MOISA International Conference, “Music and the animal world in Hellen... more Poster presented at the 9th MOISA International Conference, “Music and the animal world in Hellenic and Roman antiquity”, Εθνικού και Καποδιστριακού Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών et L’École Française d’Athènes, Athens. 11-15th July 2016.
‘Skilled Labour and Professionalism in Ancient Greece and Rome’
University of Nottingham, June 29... more ‘Skilled Labour and Professionalism in Ancient Greece and Rome’ University of Nottingham, June 29-30th 2016
This paper seeks to highlight the boundaries of professional musicians in Classical Athens through the study of auletrides, and by doing so, will explore some of the more specific elements that allow an ancient performer to be called a ‘professional’.
There has been a certain confusion concerning professional female musicians in the Classical world. One of the earliest articles (Kemp, ‘Professional Musician in Ancient Greece,’ 1966) devoted little space to auletrides. Yet while Harmon (2005) ironed out some of the confusion concerning auletrides, and Bundrick (2005) provided a brilliant discussion of female musicians, neither discussed auletrides within the wider context of professional musicking.
Auletrides are mentioned in many forms of literature: Aristophanes refers to their non-musical performances (Wasps, 1326-87); Plato emphasises the baseness of their musical performances (Prot. 347 b9-d5); and Isocrates brings into question the music schools of the auletrides (Antid. 287). One of the most illuminating passages, however, is Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 50.2, which highlights the strict regulation of the pricing of auletides, psaltriai and kitharistriai. Despite the undoubted evidence that auletrides also performed sexual acts, and were in many cases compared to the lowest of street-prostitutes (Platon fr. 209 from Pollux 4.56), they are often depicted in ways that emphasis the musical performance of their employment (Theophrastus, Characters, 19.10; fig.1).
Despite this, auletrides were not grouped with the professional theatre musicians and agonistic musicians who were derided by Aristophanes, Plato, Aristotle and others, for their techne: Aristotle Politics 1341a (tous agonas tous technikous… technikon organon). As such, auletrides do not seem to be considered as part of the professional classes during the Classical period. This has meant that there is a problem of definition between the ancient and modern sources as to what actually counts as a ‘professional musician’ in the ancient Greek world.
Reading University's Departments of Archaeology and Classics have wide-ranging material teaching ... more Reading University's Departments of Archaeology and Classics have wide-ranging material teaching collections, ranging from Greek and Roman ceramics to early prehistoric lithic tools. Students have access to this material in practical classes, but out-of-class access is very limited due to the fragility of selected artefacts. This student-led project will develop a prototype virtual teaching collection that can be accessed openly. This poster documents our work so far.
In nearly every representation of Zeus it is easy to see his divine, monarchical supremacy. In ma... more In nearly every representation of Zeus it is easy to see his divine, monarchical supremacy. In many representations of mortal archaic authority a mimesis of Zeus’ supremacy is easily comprehended, as well as a desire to represent one’s authority as coming from Zeus in some way; the highest form of legitimisation it seems. By looking at Homer, Hesiod, Eumulus, Pindar and Baccylides, and a selection of visual media, I suggest that perhaps it is not just Zeus’ supremacy that justifies mortal ‘god-given’ authority, as traditional views suggest (Burkert, 1985, 125- 131). I draw specific examples from Agamemnon’s sceptre (Homer, Iliad, 2. 98 & 100- 108), and Hieron I of Syracuse (Pindar, Olympian 1 & 6; Pythian 1, 2, & 3: Bacchylides, Ode 3, 4, & 5), possible archaeological evidence (Berard, 1970), and the visual media surrounding his founding of Aetna (Doughtery, 1993, 83-102); whilst noting the sources' own agendas. I argue that the parallels in these representations, and others, suggest the importance of ‘gifted authority’ in legitimising archaic leadership (and hence problems with leadership being individually seized).I hope to offer a new way in which to assess concepts of ‘sole-rule’ in Archaic Greece at a time when others (Mitchell, 2013) are showing the importance of reassessing traditional understandings of Greek leadership.
Further passages of particular importance are Eumelus, Epic Frag., 6, where Zeus is represented as gaining power by lot (αὐτοὶ δὲ διακληροῦνται περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς· καὶ λαγχάνει Ζεὺς μὲν τὴν ἐν οὐρανῶι δυναστείαν) and Bacchylides, Ode 3, 10-13, where Hieron’s leadership is represented as a geras from Zeus (ἆ τρισευδαίμ[ων ἀνήρ, ὃ παρὰ Ζηνὸς λαχὼν πλείσταρχον Ἑλλάνων γέρας). The central object of the paper is the importance of the Zeus-given sceptre throughout these times and places.
Presented at the UWICAH 2014 Postgraduate Conference: 15.11.14
While recent discussions of music archaeology have emphasised the importance of context for the s... more While recent discussions of music archaeology have emphasised the importance of context for the study of the art and archaeology of ancient music, there has not been much theoretical engagement with the objects themselves. This paper takes recent arguments concerning two objects identified as strobiloi to propose an object-based framework for the study of ancient art and archaeology in relation to ancient music. Contexts are not infallible. Being mindful of composition, comparisons, and concepts (the three core elements of the proposed framework), I argue that there is, as yet, no certain artistic or archaeological evidence for interpreting objects identified as strobiloi as musical devices, and that the Asteas Phrynis vase cannot be used as a reliable source for organological detail.
On the 20th to 22nd July 2018 the 11th MOISA International Conference was held at the University ... more On the 20th to 22nd July 2018 the 11th MOISA International Conference was held at the University of Reading, organised by Ian Rutherford, Donatella Restani and James Lloyd. Nineteen papers were presented, all engaging with the theme of ‘Music and Materiality’. This report explores the areas where future research on music and materiality might prove fruitful, as evidenced by the rich and varied set of topics and methodologies presented during the conference.
This report provides a conspectus of the nine papers presented at ‘The Graduate Workshop in Ancie... more This report provides a conspectus of the nine papers presented at ‘The Graduate Workshop in Ancient Greek and Roman Music’, held at the University of Oxford in June 2018. The workshop was organised with the intent of showcasing the innovative work of postgraduates in the field of ancient Greek and Roman music. Based around the themes of theory and practice, drama, and ritual, the papers reflect current areas of focus within the field and suggest promising avenues for further enquiry.
An increasing number of cultural heritage 3D models are being made public via the 3D-party platfo... more An increasing number of cultural heritage 3D models are being made public via the 3D-party platform, ‘Sketchfab’. This is a hugely popular way to share cultural heritage with a wide audience. The British Museum’s model of the Granite head of Amenemhat III has been viewed online 61,500 times and downloaded 3,000 times (as of writing). This paper will explore Ancient History Encyclopedia’s project to include 3D models on their website, and how doing so helps contextualize an object, creating a deeper learning experience for the reader of our content and the viewer of a model.
Iconography as a Source of Music History, Royal Musical Association Study Day, 2019
Modern analysis of ancient Greek music has benefited greatly from iconographical studies (e.g. Bu... more Modern analysis of ancient Greek music has benefited greatly from iconographical studies (e.g. Bundrick, 2005), but with few exceptions these studies have focused on understanding the images of Attic and South Italian figural pottery (c.6-4th BCE). Despite this, developments in the study of regional Archaic Greek pottery have shown the influence of local traditions in creating iconographic schema within a wider pan-Hellenic visual vocabulary (Smith, 2010), but both fields have developed largely independently from studies on ancient networks, with the way that music travelled being relatively underexplored (Barker, 2018 & Franklin, 2015).
This paper bridges these areas of study by providing a comparative analysis of the iconography of regional black-figure pottery productions, from the female choruses in Clazomenian pottery and the religious processions in Boeotian, to representations of musicians in Euboean, Laconian, Corinthian, East Greek and more. By viewing these iconographies as part of a pan-Hellenic tradition, but also in reference to local attitudes to object and image, regional Greek black-figure pottery shows us a subtly variegated palette of musical styles, customs, and influences that reflect the specific socio-geopolitical circumstances of their place of manufacture.
Having explored and mapped these regional differences, the paper then raises a methodological question. We know that regional pottery productions were popular items of trade, and because of this are useful sources for the reconstruction of ancient socio-economic networks – to what extent might these vases also serve to delineate routes of musical exchange, where previously we have relied on literary sources?
By exploring the iconography of regional Greek black-figure pottery, we can better understand the variegated nature of ancient Greek music, the shared features which unified it, and the local traditions which differentiated it.
Selected Bibliography
Barker, A. (2018). Migrating Musical Myths. Greek and Roman Musical Studies, 6(1), 1-13. Bundrick, S. D. (2005). Music and Image in Classical Athens. Cambridge University Press. Franklin, J. (2015). Kinyras: the divine lyre. Center for Hellenic Studies, Harvard University. Lloyd, J. (2020 – under review). Composition, Comparison, and Concept: an object-based framework for the study of ancient music. Greek and Roman Musical Studies, 8.2. Smith, T. J. (2010). Komast Dancers in Archaic Greek Art. Oxford University Press.
ICS Postgraduate WIP
Senate House, 9th Decemeber 2016
Music was a key part of Spartan identity; ... more ICS Postgraduate WIP Senate House, 9th Decemeber 2016
Music was a key part of Spartan identity; a sound that their enemies learnt to fear (Thuc. 5.69.2- 5.70 & Plut. Inst.Lac. 16). Music was not just a tool to be utilised in war, however. Archaic Sparta fostered a welcoming environment for musicians. Terpander was the first to organise mousikoi agones in Sparta for example (Ps.Plut., De Musica, 1134c). The issue with such literary accounts is, to what extent are they part of the Spartan mirage?
This paper seeks to explore the material evidence in order gain a different perspective from the literary sources, so much of which was written by authors who had their own agendas when discussing Sparta (Herrmann-Otto, 1998, for Aristotle & Powell, 1994, for Plato). In doing so, I am aware nonetheless that I am replacing one particular methodological difficulty for a whole set of others.
The main material I will assess in this paper is a collection of thirty Laconian black figure vases, all of which depict some form of instrumental musicking. These vases show three clearly differentiated types of performance, showing how music was key to the socially divided Spartan community, and as such, how it could be used to help enforce such social divisions as ‘them’ and ‘us’. In order to draw further meaning from these vases, they will be studied in relation to other Spartan material culture, such as the lead figurines. Additionally, it is important to assess how these vases differ to Athenian scenes of music (a more thoroughly contextualised body of material), and what these differences might suggest about the wider differences between the two states in the Archaic period.
This resource is part of an on-going project to create and interactive and easy to update resourc... more This resource is part of an on-going project to create and interactive and easy to update resource of all UK museums and other institutions that house 'classical collections', or, more broadly 'Mediterranean and Roman archaeology'.
The resource is aimed at those planning to visit such collections (schools, researchers, tourists), as well as museum professionals, in order to create an accessible network of current projects and expertise.
On 6 June, an afternoon of mini-talks, structured discussion, and networking on collaboration bet... more On 6 June, an afternoon of mini-talks, structured discussion, and networking on collaboration between schools, universities, and heritage organisations took place at the University of Reading. The afternoon was the conclusion of a History PGCE enrichement project, led by PhD students, and generously funded by the SWW DTP.
By gathering a broad range of sources (literary, epigraphic, archaeological, iconographic, and or... more By gathering a broad range of sources (literary, epigraphic, archaeological, iconographic, and organological), this study provides the first extended critique of what we know about Spartan music. The chronological focus of the thesis is the sixth to fourth centuries BCE, showing how previously overlooked evidence reveals that the musical culture of Sparta remained in a fluid state of change, reflection, and development, both during and after its fabled heyday in the seventh and sixth centuries BCE.
I suggest that the unique elements of Spartan music (primarily its conservative and homeostatic nature) are either not overly unique or not entirely believable. That being said, aspects of Spartan musical performance do indeed appear to be distinctly local, such as the hereditary role of military aulos-players, but this obscures the point that music is a reflection of the culture in which it is created, and that as a tool to foster social cohesion and moral and political understanding, music played much the same role in Sparta as it did in other states. What is unique about Spartan music is the extent to which it was believed to be different.
A number of specific contributions to our understanding of ancient music and Spartan society are made: the Sparta auloi fragments belong to at least two different pairs of pipes; Simonides, rather than a poet tied to regent Pausanias, made a substantial contribution to Spartan politeia and paideia more broadly; Laconian material culture points to a vibrant performative environment. I also highlight the success of Sparta’s progressive Roman musical culture from the 1st C. BCE - 3rd C. CE, and its tensions with deliberate archaising ‘traditions’. In sum, this thesis argues that Spartan music needs to be re-conceived. Like the Spartan government, despite pleas for its stability and unchanging nature, Spartan engagement with music was constantly being reconsidered and reinvented, at home and abroad.
Uploads
We are pleased to announce the programme and registration for the 11th MOISA meeting ‘Music and Materiality’ hosted by the University of Reading in association with the University of Bologna.
For more information, including funding, travel to the venue and recommended accommodation, please see the following link: https://moisa2018.wordpress.com/
To register for the meeting please use this link: https://www.store.reading.ac.uk/conferences-and-events/faculty-of-arts-humanities-social-science/dept-of-classics/11th-moisa-meeting-music-and-materiality
Best wishes,
James Lloyd, Ian Rutherford and Donatella Restani
"My argument is that the lead votives, as tempting as it is, should not be seen as symbols for an austere sixth century Spartan culture, but as evidence for wider Spartan individuality. This is not a new argument in itself, but the reasons for thinking so, I think, are, and are supported by the interpretation of the initial findings of material analysis conducted at the University of Reading with lead figurines from the Ure Museum of Greek Archaeology. The material evidence suggests a widespread and frequent creation of figurines, an environment where individual commissions and ‘special orders’ separated the individual from the masses. I also suggest that the lead used to make the lead votives came not just from Laurion, but also East Lakonia, and perhaps other locations too."
11-15th July 2016.
University of Nottingham, June 29-30th 2016
This paper seeks to highlight the boundaries of professional musicians in Classical Athens through the study of auletrides, and by doing so, will explore some of the more specific elements that allow an ancient performer to be called a ‘professional’.
There has been a certain confusion concerning professional female musicians in the Classical world. One of the earliest articles (Kemp, ‘Professional Musician in Ancient Greece,’ 1966) devoted little space to auletrides. Yet while Harmon (2005) ironed out some of the confusion concerning auletrides, and Bundrick (2005) provided a brilliant discussion of female musicians, neither discussed auletrides within the wider context of professional musicking.
Auletrides are mentioned in many forms of literature: Aristophanes refers to their non-musical performances (Wasps, 1326-87); Plato emphasises the baseness of their musical performances (Prot. 347 b9-d5); and Isocrates brings into question the music schools of the auletrides (Antid. 287). One of the most illuminating passages, however, is Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 50.2, which highlights the strict regulation of the pricing of auletides, psaltriai and kitharistriai. Despite the undoubted evidence that auletrides also performed sexual acts, and were in many cases compared to the lowest of street-prostitutes (Platon fr. 209 from Pollux 4.56), they are often depicted in ways that emphasis the musical performance of their employment (Theophrastus, Characters, 19.10; fig.1).
Despite this, auletrides were not grouped with the professional theatre musicians and agonistic musicians who were derided by Aristophanes, Plato, Aristotle and others, for their techne: Aristotle Politics 1341a (tous agonas tous technikous… technikon organon). As such, auletrides do not seem to be considered as part of the professional classes during the Classical period. This has meant that there is a problem of definition between the ancient and modern sources as to what actually counts as a ‘professional musician’ in the ancient Greek world.
Further passages of particular importance are Eumelus, Epic Frag., 6, where Zeus is represented as gaining power by lot (αὐτοὶ δὲ διακληροῦνται περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς· καὶ λαγχάνει Ζεὺς μὲν τὴν ἐν οὐρανῶι δυναστείαν) and Bacchylides, Ode 3, 10-13, where Hieron’s leadership is represented as a geras from Zeus (ἆ τρισευδαίμ[ων ἀνήρ, ὃ παρὰ Ζηνὸς λαχὼν πλείσταρχον Ἑλλάνων γέρας). The central object of the paper is the importance of the Zeus-given sceptre throughout these times and places.
Presented at the UWICAH 2014 Postgraduate Conference: 15.11.14
This paper bridges these areas of study by providing a comparative analysis of the iconography of regional black-figure pottery productions, from the female choruses in Clazomenian pottery and the religious processions in Boeotian, to representations of musicians in Euboean, Laconian, Corinthian, East Greek and more. By viewing these iconographies as part of a pan-Hellenic tradition, but also in reference to local attitudes to object and image, regional Greek black-figure pottery shows us a subtly variegated palette of musical styles, customs, and influences that reflect the specific socio-geopolitical circumstances of their place of manufacture.
Having explored and mapped these regional differences, the paper then raises a methodological question. We know that regional pottery productions were popular items of trade, and because of this are useful sources for the reconstruction of ancient socio-economic networks – to what extent might these vases also serve to delineate routes of musical exchange, where previously we have relied on literary sources?
By exploring the iconography of regional Greek black-figure pottery, we can better understand the variegated nature of ancient Greek music, the shared features which unified it, and the local traditions which differentiated it.
Selected Bibliography
Barker, A. (2018). Migrating Musical Myths. Greek and Roman Musical Studies, 6(1), 1-13.
Bundrick, S. D. (2005). Music and Image in Classical Athens. Cambridge University Press.
Franklin, J. (2015). Kinyras: the divine lyre. Center for Hellenic Studies, Harvard University.
Lloyd, J. (2020 – under review). Composition, Comparison, and Concept: an object-based framework for the study of ancient music. Greek and Roman Musical Studies, 8.2.
Smith, T. J. (2010). Komast Dancers in Archaic Greek Art. Oxford University Press.
Senate House, 9th Decemeber 2016
Music was a key part of Spartan identity; a sound that their enemies learnt to fear (Thuc. 5.69.2- 5.70 & Plut. Inst.Lac. 16). Music was not just a tool to be utilised in war, however. Archaic Sparta fostered a welcoming environment for musicians. Terpander was the first to organise mousikoi agones in Sparta for example (Ps.Plut., De Musica, 1134c). The issue with such literary accounts is, to what extent are they part of the Spartan mirage?
This paper seeks to explore the material evidence in order gain a different perspective from the literary sources, so much of which was written by authors who had their own agendas when discussing Sparta (Herrmann-Otto, 1998, for Aristotle & Powell, 1994, for Plato). In doing so, I am aware nonetheless that I am replacing one particular methodological difficulty for a whole set of others.
The main material I will assess in this paper is a collection of thirty Laconian black figure vases, all of which depict some form of instrumental musicking. These vases show three clearly differentiated types of performance, showing how music was key to the socially divided Spartan community, and as such, how it could be used to help enforce such social divisions as ‘them’ and ‘us’. In order to draw further meaning from these vases, they will be studied in relation to other Spartan material culture, such as the lead figurines. Additionally, it is important to assess how these vases differ to Athenian scenes of music (a more thoroughly contextualised body of material), and what these differences might suggest about the wider differences between the two states in the Archaic period.
The resource is aimed at those planning to visit such collections (schools, researchers, tourists), as well as museum professionals, in order to create an accessible network of current projects and expertise.
Feedback and additions welcome.
I suggest that the unique elements of Spartan music (primarily its conservative and homeostatic nature) are either not overly unique or not entirely believable. That being said, aspects of Spartan musical performance do indeed appear to be distinctly local, such as the hereditary role of military aulos-players, but this obscures the point that music is a reflection of the culture in which it is created, and that as a tool to foster social cohesion and moral and political understanding, music played much the same role in Sparta as it did in other states. What is unique about Spartan music is the extent to which it was believed to be different.
A number of specific contributions to our understanding of ancient music and Spartan society are made: the Sparta auloi fragments belong to at least two different pairs of pipes; Simonides, rather than a poet tied to regent Pausanias, made a substantial contribution to Spartan politeia and paideia more broadly; Laconian material culture points to a vibrant performative environment. I also highlight the success of Sparta’s progressive Roman musical culture from the 1st C. BCE - 3rd C. CE, and its tensions with deliberate archaising ‘traditions’. In sum, this thesis argues that Spartan music needs to be re-conceived. Like the Spartan government, despite pleas for its stability and unchanging nature, Spartan engagement with music was constantly being reconsidered and reinvented, at home and abroad.
We are pleased to announce the programme and registration for the 11th MOISA meeting ‘Music and Materiality’ hosted by the University of Reading in association with the University of Bologna.
For more information, including funding, travel to the venue and recommended accommodation, please see the following link: https://moisa2018.wordpress.com/
To register for the meeting please use this link: https://www.store.reading.ac.uk/conferences-and-events/faculty-of-arts-humanities-social-science/dept-of-classics/11th-moisa-meeting-music-and-materiality
Best wishes,
James Lloyd, Ian Rutherford and Donatella Restani
"My argument is that the lead votives, as tempting as it is, should not be seen as symbols for an austere sixth century Spartan culture, but as evidence for wider Spartan individuality. This is not a new argument in itself, but the reasons for thinking so, I think, are, and are supported by the interpretation of the initial findings of material analysis conducted at the University of Reading with lead figurines from the Ure Museum of Greek Archaeology. The material evidence suggests a widespread and frequent creation of figurines, an environment where individual commissions and ‘special orders’ separated the individual from the masses. I also suggest that the lead used to make the lead votives came not just from Laurion, but also East Lakonia, and perhaps other locations too."
11-15th July 2016.
University of Nottingham, June 29-30th 2016
This paper seeks to highlight the boundaries of professional musicians in Classical Athens through the study of auletrides, and by doing so, will explore some of the more specific elements that allow an ancient performer to be called a ‘professional’.
There has been a certain confusion concerning professional female musicians in the Classical world. One of the earliest articles (Kemp, ‘Professional Musician in Ancient Greece,’ 1966) devoted little space to auletrides. Yet while Harmon (2005) ironed out some of the confusion concerning auletrides, and Bundrick (2005) provided a brilliant discussion of female musicians, neither discussed auletrides within the wider context of professional musicking.
Auletrides are mentioned in many forms of literature: Aristophanes refers to their non-musical performances (Wasps, 1326-87); Plato emphasises the baseness of their musical performances (Prot. 347 b9-d5); and Isocrates brings into question the music schools of the auletrides (Antid. 287). One of the most illuminating passages, however, is Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 50.2, which highlights the strict regulation of the pricing of auletides, psaltriai and kitharistriai. Despite the undoubted evidence that auletrides also performed sexual acts, and were in many cases compared to the lowest of street-prostitutes (Platon fr. 209 from Pollux 4.56), they are often depicted in ways that emphasis the musical performance of their employment (Theophrastus, Characters, 19.10; fig.1).
Despite this, auletrides were not grouped with the professional theatre musicians and agonistic musicians who were derided by Aristophanes, Plato, Aristotle and others, for their techne: Aristotle Politics 1341a (tous agonas tous technikous… technikon organon). As such, auletrides do not seem to be considered as part of the professional classes during the Classical period. This has meant that there is a problem of definition between the ancient and modern sources as to what actually counts as a ‘professional musician’ in the ancient Greek world.
Further passages of particular importance are Eumelus, Epic Frag., 6, where Zeus is represented as gaining power by lot (αὐτοὶ δὲ διακληροῦνται περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς· καὶ λαγχάνει Ζεὺς μὲν τὴν ἐν οὐρανῶι δυναστείαν) and Bacchylides, Ode 3, 10-13, where Hieron’s leadership is represented as a geras from Zeus (ἆ τρισευδαίμ[ων ἀνήρ, ὃ παρὰ Ζηνὸς λαχὼν πλείσταρχον Ἑλλάνων γέρας). The central object of the paper is the importance of the Zeus-given sceptre throughout these times and places.
Presented at the UWICAH 2014 Postgraduate Conference: 15.11.14
This paper bridges these areas of study by providing a comparative analysis of the iconography of regional black-figure pottery productions, from the female choruses in Clazomenian pottery and the religious processions in Boeotian, to representations of musicians in Euboean, Laconian, Corinthian, East Greek and more. By viewing these iconographies as part of a pan-Hellenic tradition, but also in reference to local attitudes to object and image, regional Greek black-figure pottery shows us a subtly variegated palette of musical styles, customs, and influences that reflect the specific socio-geopolitical circumstances of their place of manufacture.
Having explored and mapped these regional differences, the paper then raises a methodological question. We know that regional pottery productions were popular items of trade, and because of this are useful sources for the reconstruction of ancient socio-economic networks – to what extent might these vases also serve to delineate routes of musical exchange, where previously we have relied on literary sources?
By exploring the iconography of regional Greek black-figure pottery, we can better understand the variegated nature of ancient Greek music, the shared features which unified it, and the local traditions which differentiated it.
Selected Bibliography
Barker, A. (2018). Migrating Musical Myths. Greek and Roman Musical Studies, 6(1), 1-13.
Bundrick, S. D. (2005). Music and Image in Classical Athens. Cambridge University Press.
Franklin, J. (2015). Kinyras: the divine lyre. Center for Hellenic Studies, Harvard University.
Lloyd, J. (2020 – under review). Composition, Comparison, and Concept: an object-based framework for the study of ancient music. Greek and Roman Musical Studies, 8.2.
Smith, T. J. (2010). Komast Dancers in Archaic Greek Art. Oxford University Press.
Senate House, 9th Decemeber 2016
Music was a key part of Spartan identity; a sound that their enemies learnt to fear (Thuc. 5.69.2- 5.70 & Plut. Inst.Lac. 16). Music was not just a tool to be utilised in war, however. Archaic Sparta fostered a welcoming environment for musicians. Terpander was the first to organise mousikoi agones in Sparta for example (Ps.Plut., De Musica, 1134c). The issue with such literary accounts is, to what extent are they part of the Spartan mirage?
This paper seeks to explore the material evidence in order gain a different perspective from the literary sources, so much of which was written by authors who had their own agendas when discussing Sparta (Herrmann-Otto, 1998, for Aristotle & Powell, 1994, for Plato). In doing so, I am aware nonetheless that I am replacing one particular methodological difficulty for a whole set of others.
The main material I will assess in this paper is a collection of thirty Laconian black figure vases, all of which depict some form of instrumental musicking. These vases show three clearly differentiated types of performance, showing how music was key to the socially divided Spartan community, and as such, how it could be used to help enforce such social divisions as ‘them’ and ‘us’. In order to draw further meaning from these vases, they will be studied in relation to other Spartan material culture, such as the lead figurines. Additionally, it is important to assess how these vases differ to Athenian scenes of music (a more thoroughly contextualised body of material), and what these differences might suggest about the wider differences between the two states in the Archaic period.
The resource is aimed at those planning to visit such collections (schools, researchers, tourists), as well as museum professionals, in order to create an accessible network of current projects and expertise.
Feedback and additions welcome.
I suggest that the unique elements of Spartan music (primarily its conservative and homeostatic nature) are either not overly unique or not entirely believable. That being said, aspects of Spartan musical performance do indeed appear to be distinctly local, such as the hereditary role of military aulos-players, but this obscures the point that music is a reflection of the culture in which it is created, and that as a tool to foster social cohesion and moral and political understanding, music played much the same role in Sparta as it did in other states. What is unique about Spartan music is the extent to which it was believed to be different.
A number of specific contributions to our understanding of ancient music and Spartan society are made: the Sparta auloi fragments belong to at least two different pairs of pipes; Simonides, rather than a poet tied to regent Pausanias, made a substantial contribution to Spartan politeia and paideia more broadly; Laconian material culture points to a vibrant performative environment. I also highlight the success of Sparta’s progressive Roman musical culture from the 1st C. BCE - 3rd C. CE, and its tensions with deliberate archaising ‘traditions’. In sum, this thesis argues that Spartan music needs to be re-conceived. Like the Spartan government, despite pleas for its stability and unchanging nature, Spartan engagement with music was constantly being reconsidered and reinvented, at home and abroad.