Introduction A fairly large body of work within the artificial grammar paradigm has provided some... more Introduction A fairly large body of work within the artificial grammar paradigm has provided some reason to believe that statistical learning may be easy and rapid in both adult and infant subjects (eg Newport and Aslin, 2004; Wilson, 2003; Peperkamp et al., 2003). However, there are ...
Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological gram... more Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological grammars. This implies that there exists some set of linguistic data that entails the selection of epenthesis as the best analysis. However, a series of artificial grammar learning experiments found no evidence that learners ever selected an epenthesis analysis. Instead, strong phonetic and morphological biases were revealed, along with individual variation in how learners generalized and regularized their input. These results, in combination with previous work, suggest that synchronic consonant epenthesis may only emerge very rarely, from a gradual accumulation of changes over time. It is argued that the theoretical status of epenthesis must be reconsidered in light of these results, and that analysis of the sufficient learning conditions, and the diachronic developments necessary to produce those conditions, are of central importance to synchronic theory generally.
This article is an analysis of the claim that a universal ban on certain (‘anti-markedness’) gram... more This article is an analysis of the claim that a universal ban on certain (‘anti-markedness’) gram- mars is necessary in order to explain their nonoccurrence in the languages of the world. Such a claim is based on the following assumptions: that phonological typology shows a highly asym- metric distribution, and that such a distribution cannot possibly arise ‘naturally’—that is, without a universal grammar-based restriction of the learner’s hypothesis space. Attempting to test this claim reveals a number of open issues in linguistic theory. In the first place, there exist critical as- pects of synchronic theory that are not specified explicitly enough to implement computationally. Second, there remain many aspects of linguistic competence, language acquisition, sound change, and even typology that are still unknown. It is not currently possible, therefore, to reach a definitive conclusion about the necessity, or lack thereof, of an innate substantive grammar module. This article thus serves two main functions: acting both as a pointer to the areas of phonological theory that require further development, especially at the overlap between traditionally separate subdomains, and as a template for the type of argumentation required to defend or attack claims about phonological universals.
Intervocalic consonant epenthesis is used as a case study for investigating grammar change. An em... more Intervocalic consonant epenthesis is used as a case study for investigating grammar change. An emergentist framework is adopted, whereby a simple learning mechanism transforms a phonetically-based sound change into a synchronic phonological process. A two-part model of such 'grammaticalizing' change is developed, along with a formal analysis of the necessary model properties. This work demonstrates that perception-based consonant loss could, in principle, lead to synchronic epenthesis. However, the larger number of historic conditions required for its emergence are predicted to make it less likely than other outcomes such as deletion or supple-tion (unpredictable alternation). An important corollary of the latter result is that theoretically dispreferred grammars do not necessarily have to be explicitly marked or removed from the learning space. Input to the hypothetical learner is automatically filtered by asymmetries in the way sound changes occur, the way sounds are organized in words, and the way words are organized in paradigms. The conclusion is that mechanisms other than Universal Grammar are sufficient to produce the observed epenthesis typology without overgenerating. Furthermore, it is argued that the research methodology is a promising one in general for explaining the universal tendencies of human languages.
Appendix Note: due to time and space limitations morpheme-by-morpheme glosses and page numbers, a... more Appendix Note: due to time and space limitations morpheme-by-morpheme glosses and page numbers, along with supporting evidence, are listed for Axininca Campa, Buryat, and Maori only.
This paper presents a revised typology of consonant epenthesis and explores the theoretical impli... more This paper presents a revised typology of consonant epenthesis and explores the theoretical implications of such a typology. Through careful re-analysis, the basis for a proposed universal of coronal preference and dorsal avoidance is shown to be lacking in evidential support. In fact, epenthesis as a verifiable phenomenon-and not just a theory-internal label-is called into question once careful attention is paid to the issue of choosing between epenthesis and deletion as competing analyses of the same data. The ambiguity between multiple possible analyses, and the lack of formal transformations (from 'data' to 'evidence') are shown to be general problems within phonological theory. Phonological 'universals' can be invoked to arbitrate between competing analyses, but when the typological evidence for those 'universals' is derived from the same data, a problem of circularity arises. In order to break this closed loop, a quantitative evaluation metric is proposed that is theory-independent with regards to substantive universals. This metric is essentially a statistical threshold for learnability (itself empirically testable) that allows for independent testing of certain theoretical claims.
That widely attested phonological processes and measurable articulatory and perceptual processes ... more That widely attested phonological processes and measurable articulatory and perceptual processes are highly related seems clear. But how that correlation is realized is an issue of much debate. An artificial grammar learning experiment tested the ability of participants to learn an association that was conditioned on a morphological boundary, but that consisted of acoustic information that was sub-phonemic in nature (degree of nasalization on a pre-nasal vowel, which is never contrastive in English). Success in learning indicates that even over short time periods listeners can assimilate novel phonetic cues. Furthermore, the results show that grammatical and sub-grammatical components of the linguistic system have the ability to interact. These results are also consistent with a historical phonetic origin for a class of common phonological phenomena: processes that only apply (or only fail to apply) in derived environments (that is at morphological boundaries).
Diachronic velar palatalization is taken as the case study for modeling the emergence of a new ph... more Diachronic velar palatalization is taken as the case study for modeling the emergence of a new phoneme category. The spread of a palatalized variant through the lexicon is treated as a stochastic classification task for the listener/learner. The model combines two measures of similarity to determine classification within an exemplar-theoretic framework: acoustic distance and phonotactic expectation. There are three model outcomes: contrast, allophony, or contextual neutralization between the plain and palatalized velars. It is shown, through a series of simulations, that these can be predicted from the distribution of sounds within the pre-change lexicons, namely, the ratio of the /k-vowel/ sequences containing naturally palatalizing vowels (i, ɪ, e), to those containing non-palatalizers. “Unnatural” phonotactic associations can arise in individual lexicons, but are sharply limited due to the large size of the lexicon and the local nature of the phoneme changes. “Anti-natural” distributions, which categorically violate the proposed implicational relationship between palatalization and frontness/height, are absent. This work provides an explicit and restrictive model of phoneme change. The results also serve as an existence proof for an outcome-blind mechanism of avoiding over-generation.
Research in linguistics, as in most other scientific domains, is usually approached in a modular ... more Research in linguistics, as in most other scientific domains, is usually approached in a modular way – narrowing the domain of inquiry in order to allow for increased depth of study. This is necessary and productive for a topic as wide-ranging and complex as human language. However, precisely because language is a complex system, tied to perception, learning, memory, and social organization, the assumption of modularity can also be an obstacle to understanding language at a deeper level. The methodological focus of this work is on computational modeling, highlighting two aspects of modeling work that receive relatively little attention: the formal mapping from model to theory, and the scalability of demonstration models. A series of implemented models of sound change are analyzed in this way. As theoretical inconsistencies are discovered, possible solutions are proposed, incrementally constructing a set of sufficient properties for a working model. Because internal theoretical consistency is enforced, this model corresponds to an explanatorily adequate theory. And because explicit links between modules are required, this is a theory, not only of sound change, but of many aspects of phonological competence.
Introduction A fairly large body of work within the artificial grammar paradigm has provided some... more Introduction A fairly large body of work within the artificial grammar paradigm has provided some reason to believe that statistical learning may be easy and rapid in both adult and infant subjects (eg Newport and Aslin, 2004; Wilson, 2003; Peperkamp et al., 2003). However, there are ...
Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological gram... more Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological grammars. This implies that there exists some set of linguistic data that entails the selection of epenthesis as the best analysis. However, a series of artificial grammar learning experiments found no evidence that learners ever selected an epenthesis analysis. Instead, strong phonetic and morphological biases were revealed, along with individual variation in how learners generalized and regularized their input. These results, in combination with previous work, suggest that synchronic consonant epenthesis may only emerge very rarely, from a gradual accumulation of changes over time. It is argued that the theoretical status of epenthesis must be reconsidered in light of these results, and that analysis of the sufficient learning conditions, and the diachronic developments necessary to produce those conditions, are of central importance to synchronic theory generally.
This article is an analysis of the claim that a universal ban on certain (‘anti-markedness’) gram... more This article is an analysis of the claim that a universal ban on certain (‘anti-markedness’) gram- mars is necessary in order to explain their nonoccurrence in the languages of the world. Such a claim is based on the following assumptions: that phonological typology shows a highly asym- metric distribution, and that such a distribution cannot possibly arise ‘naturally’—that is, without a universal grammar-based restriction of the learner’s hypothesis space. Attempting to test this claim reveals a number of open issues in linguistic theory. In the first place, there exist critical as- pects of synchronic theory that are not specified explicitly enough to implement computationally. Second, there remain many aspects of linguistic competence, language acquisition, sound change, and even typology that are still unknown. It is not currently possible, therefore, to reach a definitive conclusion about the necessity, or lack thereof, of an innate substantive grammar module. This article thus serves two main functions: acting both as a pointer to the areas of phonological theory that require further development, especially at the overlap between traditionally separate subdomains, and as a template for the type of argumentation required to defend or attack claims about phonological universals.
Intervocalic consonant epenthesis is used as a case study for investigating grammar change. An em... more Intervocalic consonant epenthesis is used as a case study for investigating grammar change. An emergentist framework is adopted, whereby a simple learning mechanism transforms a phonetically-based sound change into a synchronic phonological process. A two-part model of such 'grammaticalizing' change is developed, along with a formal analysis of the necessary model properties. This work demonstrates that perception-based consonant loss could, in principle, lead to synchronic epenthesis. However, the larger number of historic conditions required for its emergence are predicted to make it less likely than other outcomes such as deletion or supple-tion (unpredictable alternation). An important corollary of the latter result is that theoretically dispreferred grammars do not necessarily have to be explicitly marked or removed from the learning space. Input to the hypothetical learner is automatically filtered by asymmetries in the way sound changes occur, the way sounds are organized in words, and the way words are organized in paradigms. The conclusion is that mechanisms other than Universal Grammar are sufficient to produce the observed epenthesis typology without overgenerating. Furthermore, it is argued that the research methodology is a promising one in general for explaining the universal tendencies of human languages.
Appendix Note: due to time and space limitations morpheme-by-morpheme glosses and page numbers, a... more Appendix Note: due to time and space limitations morpheme-by-morpheme glosses and page numbers, along with supporting evidence, are listed for Axininca Campa, Buryat, and Maori only.
This paper presents a revised typology of consonant epenthesis and explores the theoretical impli... more This paper presents a revised typology of consonant epenthesis and explores the theoretical implications of such a typology. Through careful re-analysis, the basis for a proposed universal of coronal preference and dorsal avoidance is shown to be lacking in evidential support. In fact, epenthesis as a verifiable phenomenon-and not just a theory-internal label-is called into question once careful attention is paid to the issue of choosing between epenthesis and deletion as competing analyses of the same data. The ambiguity between multiple possible analyses, and the lack of formal transformations (from 'data' to 'evidence') are shown to be general problems within phonological theory. Phonological 'universals' can be invoked to arbitrate between competing analyses, but when the typological evidence for those 'universals' is derived from the same data, a problem of circularity arises. In order to break this closed loop, a quantitative evaluation metric is proposed that is theory-independent with regards to substantive universals. This metric is essentially a statistical threshold for learnability (itself empirically testable) that allows for independent testing of certain theoretical claims.
That widely attested phonological processes and measurable articulatory and perceptual processes ... more That widely attested phonological processes and measurable articulatory and perceptual processes are highly related seems clear. But how that correlation is realized is an issue of much debate. An artificial grammar learning experiment tested the ability of participants to learn an association that was conditioned on a morphological boundary, but that consisted of acoustic information that was sub-phonemic in nature (degree of nasalization on a pre-nasal vowel, which is never contrastive in English). Success in learning indicates that even over short time periods listeners can assimilate novel phonetic cues. Furthermore, the results show that grammatical and sub-grammatical components of the linguistic system have the ability to interact. These results are also consistent with a historical phonetic origin for a class of common phonological phenomena: processes that only apply (or only fail to apply) in derived environments (that is at morphological boundaries).
Diachronic velar palatalization is taken as the case study for modeling the emergence of a new ph... more Diachronic velar palatalization is taken as the case study for modeling the emergence of a new phoneme category. The spread of a palatalized variant through the lexicon is treated as a stochastic classification task for the listener/learner. The model combines two measures of similarity to determine classification within an exemplar-theoretic framework: acoustic distance and phonotactic expectation. There are three model outcomes: contrast, allophony, or contextual neutralization between the plain and palatalized velars. It is shown, through a series of simulations, that these can be predicted from the distribution of sounds within the pre-change lexicons, namely, the ratio of the /k-vowel/ sequences containing naturally palatalizing vowels (i, ɪ, e), to those containing non-palatalizers. “Unnatural” phonotactic associations can arise in individual lexicons, but are sharply limited due to the large size of the lexicon and the local nature of the phoneme changes. “Anti-natural” distributions, which categorically violate the proposed implicational relationship between palatalization and frontness/height, are absent. This work provides an explicit and restrictive model of phoneme change. The results also serve as an existence proof for an outcome-blind mechanism of avoiding over-generation.
Research in linguistics, as in most other scientific domains, is usually approached in a modular ... more Research in linguistics, as in most other scientific domains, is usually approached in a modular way – narrowing the domain of inquiry in order to allow for increased depth of study. This is necessary and productive for a topic as wide-ranging and complex as human language. However, precisely because language is a complex system, tied to perception, learning, memory, and social organization, the assumption of modularity can also be an obstacle to understanding language at a deeper level. The methodological focus of this work is on computational modeling, highlighting two aspects of modeling work that receive relatively little attention: the formal mapping from model to theory, and the scalability of demonstration models. A series of implemented models of sound change are analyzed in this way. As theoretical inconsistencies are discovered, possible solutions are proposed, incrementally constructing a set of sufficient properties for a working model. Because internal theoretical consistency is enforced, this model corresponds to an explanatorily adequate theory. And because explicit links between modules are required, this is a theory, not only of sound change, but of many aspects of phonological competence.
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