Meg is Full Professor of Political Science at Purdue University Northwest. Her 2017 book is Empowered by Design: Decentralization and the Gender Policy Trifecta, available at http://www.temple.edu/tempress/titles/2419_reg.html.
Her research and teaching focuses on Comparative Politics, International Relations, Representation and Public Policy.
Meg's research uses mixed-methods approaches to understand how marginalized groups can achieve political representation in public policy. Address: 2200 169th Street Hammond, IN 46323-2094
ABSTRACT Decentralisation of public policy from national to sub-national governments occurs in 80... more ABSTRACT Decentralisation of public policy from national to sub-national governments occurs in 80% of developing and transitioning economies worldwide (Manor, 1999), and is advocated by the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and European Union. Proponents argue that decentralisation disperses political power, involves citizens in the political process, and allows sub-national officials to craft efficient policies. After suffering under centralised state policymaking (1945–1989), citizens of Central and Eastern Europe should be avid supporters of decentralisation. Yet 80% of the Polish populace was dissatisfied with decentralisation of health care services by 2000. This article uses public opinion, interview, and elite survey data to examine the critical case of Poland's 1999 health decentralisation, answering two questions about public opinion on decentralisation. First, why were Polish citizens displeased with decentralisation? Second, what factors make or break public evaluations of decentralisation? The article demonstrates that Poles were more dissatisfied with their health care during health decentralisation (1999–2001) than when it was centralised (1994–1998, and 2002–2007). Aggregate public opinion data suggests support for decentralisation dwindles when it becomes synonymous with offloading state responsibilities to private citizens. However, surveys of health care consumers, providers, and administrators in four Polish provinces show the important role political parties play in managing expectations and support for decentralisation.
ABSTRACT School physical education teachers promote fitness by offering children a variety of aer... more ABSTRACT School physical education teachers promote fitness by offering children a variety of aerobic activities. Our interdisciplinary team developed a cultural dance active video game (AVG) and tested whether the AVG was equivalent to traditional face-to-face instructor lessons or hybrid instruction at dance mastery, increasing heart rates, and student satisfaction. The study participants (N = 404) were elementary children, Grades 1 to 5, at a Midwestern suburban school. We employed a quasi-experimental design to compare outcomes across groups of children exposed to different teaching approaches. Group 1 received AVG instruction. Group 2 received face-to-face lessons by a certified Irish dance teacher. Group 3 received AVG and face-to-face lessons. Group assignment was stratified by age, ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status. During daily physical education class, students received five days of intervention exposure. AVG students achieved comparable levels of mastery, significantly elevated heart rates, and high levels of satisfaction.
The modern Olympic Games have evolved from events fostering international peace and goodwill to s... more The modern Olympic Games have evolved from events fostering international peace and goodwill to showcases of athleticism and commercialism. More recently sustainability became a pillar of the Game site selection process. This paper focuses on two Olympic Games: Rio 2016 (completed) and Tokyo 2020 (upcoming). The goals of Sustainability Plans and pre-game reports for the two Olympic sites are analyzed using weighted summation method of Multi-attribute Value theory and the framework of environmental, economic and social-cultural sustainability, with emphasis on environmental sustainability. Post-game analysis and legacy stories are reviewed for Rio 2016. Application of legacy stories to future Olympics sites is examined. Last, Rio 2016 and Tokyo 2020, in terms of actual and anticipated success in sustainability initiatives, are compared for the impact these two Games may have on future Olympic Game sites.Keywords: Sustainability, environmental sustainability, Olympic Games, Rio 2016, ...
Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like th... more Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like the United States and in electoral democracies with unstable political rights and civil liberties. We use a mixed-methods approach to conduct a political ambition survey of participants in the 2007–2009 Pakistani Lawyers’ Movement. We tested eight hypotheses about gender and participation in the movement, whether participants considered running for office (nascent ambition), or have taken steps to run (expressive ambition). Contrary to US findings, among eligible males and females in Pakistan, our logit analysis shows that gender is not significant in explaining nascent ambition among men and women. Running for office has equally crossed women’s minds because of female executive role models and women’s reserved parliamentary seats. However, elite Pakistani women have lower levels of expressive ambition owing to higher costs women face when challenging informal norms about political partici...
Crossed my mind, but ruled it out: Political ambition and gender in the Pakistani Lawyers’ Movement 2007–2009, Jun 1, 2016
Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like th... more Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like the United States and in electoral democracies with unstable political rights and civil liberties. We use a mixed-methods approach to conduct a political ambition survey of participants in the 2007–2009 Pakistani Lawyers’ Movement. We tested eight hypotheses about gender and participation in the movement, whether participants considered running for office (nascent ambition), or have taken steps to run (expressive ambition). Contrary to US findings, among eligible males and females in Pakistan, our logit analysis shows that gender is not significant in explaining nascent ambition among men and women. Running for office has equally crossed women’s minds because of female executive role models and women’s reserved parliamentary seats. However, elite Pakistani women have lower levels of expressive ambition owing to higher costs women face when challenging informal norms about political partici...
This article analyzes the relevance of family ties for the recruitment of chief executives - pres... more This article analyzes the relevance of family ties for the recruitment of chief executives - presidents or prime ministers - with special emphasis on gender. Based on a cross-national data-set examining political chief executives from 2000-2017 in five world regions (Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Asia, Europe, and North America), we test several hypotheses and present four main results. First, belonging to a political family (BPF), is an advantage to entering national executive positions around the world, for both democracies and non-democracies. Among those with a sizeable number of executives in this period, regions range from 9 percent (Africa) to 13 percent (Latin America and Europe) of executives BPF. Second, executives’ family ties are more powerful (with a previous chief executive) in Asia, Africa, and Latin America and more direct (with an immediate family member) in Asia and Africa. Across the globe, women only made up 6% of chief executives in the time period. Third, females who manage to become chief executives are more often BPF than their male counterparts, particularly in Asia and Latin America. Fourth, regardless of region, family ties nearly always originate from men, not women.
Research on gendered institutions reveals that women often face a dilemma of being masculinized o... more Research on gendered institutions reveals that women often face a dilemma of being masculinized or marginalized. Female politicians downplay gender differences to fit in or risk sanction for highlighting women's issues. Sub‐national institutions are closer and less prestigious, so decentralization may facilitate women's participation and gender equality. Examining Poland's 1998 decentralization, I analyze 40 semi‐structured interviews with male and female regional political elites using a mixed‐methods approach to test five hypotheses about gender attitudes. Women initially respond “no gender inequalities” but change their answers; many support the notion of more women in politics, but not quotas or women's policy machinery.
The modern Olympic Games have evolved from events fostering international peace and goodwill to s... more The modern Olympic Games have evolved from events fostering international peace and goodwill to showcases of athleticism and commercialism. More recently sustainability became a pillar of the Game site selection process. This paper focuses on two Olympic Games: Rio 2016 (completed) and Tokyo 2020 (upcoming). The goals of Sustainability Plans and pre-game reports for the two Olympic sites are analyzed using weighted summation method of Multi-attribute Value theory and the framework of environmental, economic and social-cultural sustainability, with emphasis on environmental sustainability. Post-game analysis and legacy stories are reviewed for Rio 2016. Application of legacy stories to future Olympics sites is examined. Last, Rio 2016 and Tokyo 2020, in terms of actual and anticipated success in sustainability initiatives, are compared for the impact these two Games may have on future Olympic Game sites.
Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like th... more Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like the United States and in electoral democracies with unstable political rights and civil liberties. We use a mixed-methods approach to conduct a political ambition survey of participants in the 2007–2009 Pakistani Lawyers' Movement. We tested eight hypotheses about gender and participation in the movement, whether participants considered running for office (nascent ambition), or have taken steps to run (expressive ambition). Contrary to US findings, among eligible males and females in Pakistan, our logit analysis shows that gender is not significant in explaining nascent ambition among men and women. Running for office has equally crossed women's minds because of female executive role models and women's reserved parliamentary seats. However, elite Pakistani women have lower levels of expressive ambition owing to higher costs women face when challenging informal norms about political participation.
ABSTRACT Decentralisation of public policy from national to sub-national governments occurs in 80... more ABSTRACT Decentralisation of public policy from national to sub-national governments occurs in 80% of developing and transitioning economies worldwide (Manor, 1999), and is advocated by the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and European Union. Proponents argue that decentralisation disperses political power, involves citizens in the political process, and allows sub-national officials to craft efficient policies. After suffering under centralised state policymaking (1945–1989), citizens of Central and Eastern Europe should be avid supporters of decentralisation. Yet 80% of the Polish populace was dissatisfied with decentralisation of health care services by 2000. This article uses public opinion, interview, and elite survey data to examine the critical case of Poland's 1999 health decentralisation, answering two questions about public opinion on decentralisation. First, why were Polish citizens displeased with decentralisation? Second, what factors make or break public evaluations of decentralisation? The article demonstrates that Poles were more dissatisfied with their health care during health decentralisation (1999–2001) than when it was centralised (1994–1998, and 2002–2007). Aggregate public opinion data suggests support for decentralisation dwindles when it becomes synonymous with offloading state responsibilities to private citizens. However, surveys of health care consumers, providers, and administrators in four Polish provinces show the important role political parties play in managing expectations and support for decentralisation.
ABSTRACT School physical education teachers promote fitness by offering children a variety of aer... more ABSTRACT School physical education teachers promote fitness by offering children a variety of aerobic activities. Our interdisciplinary team developed a cultural dance active video game (AVG) and tested whether the AVG was equivalent to traditional face-to-face instructor lessons or hybrid instruction at dance mastery, increasing heart rates, and student satisfaction. The study participants (N = 404) were elementary children, Grades 1 to 5, at a Midwestern suburban school. We employed a quasi-experimental design to compare outcomes across groups of children exposed to different teaching approaches. Group 1 received AVG instruction. Group 2 received face-to-face lessons by a certified Irish dance teacher. Group 3 received AVG and face-to-face lessons. Group assignment was stratified by age, ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status. During daily physical education class, students received five days of intervention exposure. AVG students achieved comparable levels of mastery, significantly elevated heart rates, and high levels of satisfaction.
The modern Olympic Games have evolved from events fostering international peace and goodwill to s... more The modern Olympic Games have evolved from events fostering international peace and goodwill to showcases of athleticism and commercialism. More recently sustainability became a pillar of the Game site selection process. This paper focuses on two Olympic Games: Rio 2016 (completed) and Tokyo 2020 (upcoming). The goals of Sustainability Plans and pre-game reports for the two Olympic sites are analyzed using weighted summation method of Multi-attribute Value theory and the framework of environmental, economic and social-cultural sustainability, with emphasis on environmental sustainability. Post-game analysis and legacy stories are reviewed for Rio 2016. Application of legacy stories to future Olympics sites is examined. Last, Rio 2016 and Tokyo 2020, in terms of actual and anticipated success in sustainability initiatives, are compared for the impact these two Games may have on future Olympic Game sites.Keywords: Sustainability, environmental sustainability, Olympic Games, Rio 2016, ...
Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like th... more Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like the United States and in electoral democracies with unstable political rights and civil liberties. We use a mixed-methods approach to conduct a political ambition survey of participants in the 2007–2009 Pakistani Lawyers’ Movement. We tested eight hypotheses about gender and participation in the movement, whether participants considered running for office (nascent ambition), or have taken steps to run (expressive ambition). Contrary to US findings, among eligible males and females in Pakistan, our logit analysis shows that gender is not significant in explaining nascent ambition among men and women. Running for office has equally crossed women’s minds because of female executive role models and women’s reserved parliamentary seats. However, elite Pakistani women have lower levels of expressive ambition owing to higher costs women face when challenging informal norms about political partici...
Crossed my mind, but ruled it out: Political ambition and gender in the Pakistani Lawyers’ Movement 2007–2009, Jun 1, 2016
Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like th... more Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like the United States and in electoral democracies with unstable political rights and civil liberties. We use a mixed-methods approach to conduct a political ambition survey of participants in the 2007–2009 Pakistani Lawyers’ Movement. We tested eight hypotheses about gender and participation in the movement, whether participants considered running for office (nascent ambition), or have taken steps to run (expressive ambition). Contrary to US findings, among eligible males and females in Pakistan, our logit analysis shows that gender is not significant in explaining nascent ambition among men and women. Running for office has equally crossed women’s minds because of female executive role models and women’s reserved parliamentary seats. However, elite Pakistani women have lower levels of expressive ambition owing to higher costs women face when challenging informal norms about political partici...
This article analyzes the relevance of family ties for the recruitment of chief executives - pres... more This article analyzes the relevance of family ties for the recruitment of chief executives - presidents or prime ministers - with special emphasis on gender. Based on a cross-national data-set examining political chief executives from 2000-2017 in five world regions (Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Asia, Europe, and North America), we test several hypotheses and present four main results. First, belonging to a political family (BPF), is an advantage to entering national executive positions around the world, for both democracies and non-democracies. Among those with a sizeable number of executives in this period, regions range from 9 percent (Africa) to 13 percent (Latin America and Europe) of executives BPF. Second, executives’ family ties are more powerful (with a previous chief executive) in Asia, Africa, and Latin America and more direct (with an immediate family member) in Asia and Africa. Across the globe, women only made up 6% of chief executives in the time period. Third, females who manage to become chief executives are more often BPF than their male counterparts, particularly in Asia and Latin America. Fourth, regardless of region, family ties nearly always originate from men, not women.
Research on gendered institutions reveals that women often face a dilemma of being masculinized o... more Research on gendered institutions reveals that women often face a dilemma of being masculinized or marginalized. Female politicians downplay gender differences to fit in or risk sanction for highlighting women's issues. Sub‐national institutions are closer and less prestigious, so decentralization may facilitate women's participation and gender equality. Examining Poland's 1998 decentralization, I analyze 40 semi‐structured interviews with male and female regional political elites using a mixed‐methods approach to test five hypotheses about gender attitudes. Women initially respond “no gender inequalities” but change their answers; many support the notion of more women in politics, but not quotas or women's policy machinery.
The modern Olympic Games have evolved from events fostering international peace and goodwill to s... more The modern Olympic Games have evolved from events fostering international peace and goodwill to showcases of athleticism and commercialism. More recently sustainability became a pillar of the Game site selection process. This paper focuses on two Olympic Games: Rio 2016 (completed) and Tokyo 2020 (upcoming). The goals of Sustainability Plans and pre-game reports for the two Olympic sites are analyzed using weighted summation method of Multi-attribute Value theory and the framework of environmental, economic and social-cultural sustainability, with emphasis on environmental sustainability. Post-game analysis and legacy stories are reviewed for Rio 2016. Application of legacy stories to future Olympics sites is examined. Last, Rio 2016 and Tokyo 2020, in terms of actual and anticipated success in sustainability initiatives, are compared for the impact these two Games may have on future Olympic Game sites.
Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like th... more Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like the United States and in electoral democracies with unstable political rights and civil liberties. We use a mixed-methods approach to conduct a political ambition survey of participants in the 2007–2009 Pakistani Lawyers' Movement. We tested eight hypotheses about gender and participation in the movement, whether participants considered running for office (nascent ambition), or have taken steps to run (expressive ambition). Contrary to US findings, among eligible males and females in Pakistan, our logit analysis shows that gender is not significant in explaining nascent ambition among men and women. Running for office has equally crossed women's minds because of female executive role models and women's reserved parliamentary seats. However, elite Pakistani women have lower levels of expressive ambition owing to higher costs women face when challenging informal norms about political participation.
The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is “the principal global intergovernme... more The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is “the principal global intergovernmental body exclusively dedicated to the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women.” The continued success of the CSW's mission is critical. Under the guise of needing competent male leaders to protect them, women and girls in many countries nonetheless suffer dire consequences from international conflict and war. While females may send mostly male loved ones into armed conflict, women and girls themselves face economic sanctions, poverty, displacement, and heightened risk of sexual violence, in an environment that already fails to respect their equal human rights with men. It is no accident that in most countries, females are de facto excluded from positions of power where they could try to prevent such conflict (Enloe, 2014), and the CSW is actively working to overcome this reality. In this article, we use a mixed-method approach to evaluate the level of United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) representation and responsiveness to diverse women populations as reflected in (a) state delegations' participation in formal session, (b) NGO participation, and (c) NGO priorities. We find that the CSW displays a high level of representation and responsiveness to diverse state delegations across UN regions in terms of their speaking time in formal session. The CSW is at best moderately representative of women's NGOs through regional advance consultations, and the level of responsiveness to women's NGOs is low. This is due to: costly barriers to entry to gain ECOSOC status, large underrepresentation of some UN Regions, and the fact that during formal session, women's NGOs participate primarily at parallel off-site events. Although the CSW passed important resolutions, its representation and responsiveness to women's NGO priorities is lower than it should be. We base our evaluation by comparing our surveys of attending and non-attending women's NGOs that showed top priorities that the 2010 CSW did not discuss or pass resolutions on such as: land rights, sex trafficking, internet access for women, and the effects of climate change on women. We contend that during 1970–1994, when World Conferences on Women occurred, parallel transnational advance consultations among women's NGOs in tandem with CSW regional consultations created a broadening of the CSW's agenda. The CSW rationally anticipated different kinds of feminism beyond liberal feminism and a broader set of priority issues for diverse women populations. We therefore argue for a Fifth World Conference on Women to increase the representativeness and responsiveness of the CSW.
HILLARY Clinton's candidacy for presidency of the United States has revived questions about women... more HILLARY Clinton's candidacy for presidency of the United States has revived questions about women's participation in political competition. Clinton is the first female nominee of a major political party in the US. Commentators all over the country are hailing this as a groundbreaking event, and asserting that she has finally broken the glass ceiling. Pakistan had already elected Benazir Bhutto prime minister twice and has appointed women to important cabinet positions, Hina Rabbani Khar being one example. Does this mean that Pakistani women were able to break the glass ceiling long before American women? No matter the cultural and social hurdles, are Pakistani women better off than American women when it comes to political competition? In our research, recently published in the International Political Science Review, we attempted to shed light on these questions. We collected data from dozens of men and women who participated in the lawyers' movement through survey questionnaires and interviews, and asked the respondents about their backgrounds and their opinions with regard to running for office. The data collected shows that women who participated in the lawyers' movement were as ambitious as men, if not more so, in seeking political office. For instance, 72pc of women and 68pc of men said that running for political office in the future had crossed their mind. None of the 24 females surveyed said that they would rule out running for political office in the future. Most women cannot overcome barriers to public office. These results differ from similar surveys fielded in the United States, where women are much less likely to report wanting to run for office, even when they are as qualified as men. Pakistani women certainly take the prize in this contest. Cracks in this promising picture start to appear, however, when we move from interest in running for political office to actually taking steps to do so. Despite a high expression of desire to run for political office, far fewer women than men reported having taken any concrete steps towards doing so in Pakistan. For example, while 34pc of men in the sample had talked to community leaders about running for political office, only about 5pc of women had done so. The barriers — the dirty nature of politics, perils of negative campaigning, loss of privacy, and the effects of campaigning on family — are stronger deterrents for women than they are for men.
ABSTRACT: Political decentralization from national to local government is a prevalent reform. Wom... more ABSTRACT: Political decentralization from national to local government is a prevalent reform. Women tend to participate in local politics more frequently than national politics. So to what extent does decentralization lead to more women in office and women-friendly policies? This paper examines the case study of Polish 1998 electoral and health decentralization to determine if the number of women in positions of authority increased, in turn leading to better women's health outcomes.
The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is " the principal global intergovernm... more The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is " the principal global intergovernmental body exclusively dedicated to the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women " (UN Women 2017). We evaluate whether the CSW is responsive to women worldwide: (i) representing a diversity of feminisms, (i) facilitating the participation of women's non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in its processes, (iii) setting a broad agenda for women's empowerment, and (iv) reflecting women's NGO policy priorities in its resolutions. We find that first, CSW's policy-making privileges official state representatives of women and filters out the influence of women's NGOs. Second, the CSW process by which women's organizations gain " consultative status " is time and resource intensive, and once approved, costs for traveling to New York are burdensome. GIS analysis comparing all internationally visible women's NGOs to those that attended 2010 CSW meetings suggests regional under-representation, and women's NGOs from Russia are entirely absent. Third, when more women's NGOs participate in UN policy-making, as during the World Conferences for Women, the CSW's agenda broadens to reflect diverse feminisms. Fourth, we show some but not all women's NGO policy priorities are reflected in the 2010 CSW's resolutions.
The Principles of Gender-Sensitive Parliaments. By Lena
Wangnerud. New York: Routledge, 2015. 174... more The Principles of Gender-Sensitive Parliaments. By Lena Wangnerud. New York: Routledge, 2015. 174 pp. $145.00 hardcover, $54.95 e-book. doi:10.1017/S1743923X16000593
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Wangnerud. New York: Routledge, 2015. 174 pp. $145.00 hardcover,
$54.95 e-book. doi:10.1017/S1743923X16000593