“The majestic elaboration of thought manifested in St. Thomas’s work,” says Josef Pieper, consist... more “The majestic elaboration of thought manifested in St. Thomas’s work,” says Josef Pieper, consists partly “in the fact that the theological wisdom of the earliest Christian centuries is interwoven with the philosophical heritage of the Greek world.” In his Summa Theologica, we find not only a masterful synthesis of Aristotle and the Bible, but also a “genuine conversation or dialogue” with the greatest minds of philosophy and theology, including Plato and St. Augustine, Cicero and St. Ambrose. “St. Thomas is, in effect, placing himself within the stream of traditional truth nourished by the past; without claiming to give a final solution, he leaves the way open for future quest and discovery as that stream flows onward toward the yet unknown.” Students of political philosophy have much to gain from the Summa, a book written “for the instruction of beginners,” and whose influence on subsequent theory and practice in religion, politics, culture, and law has been immeasurable. At 3,000 pages, however, it can be difficult to navigate for the modern reader. This volume contains a selection of passages carefully chosen to give us direct access to Aquinas’s main arguments on ethics (including human nature, psychology, happiness, virtue, and natural law) and politics (including human law, the political regime, and justice), as well as those theological questions most closely related to his political thought. It thereby seeks to reopen the way to this stream of insights into the nature of and means of achieving truth, justice, and the common good.
"These perceptive reflections show how Shakespeare's plays can challenge us 'to sharpen our minds... more "These perceptive reflections show how Shakespeare's plays can challenge us 'to sharpen our minds and perfect our consciences' by revealing the subtle complexities represented by Shakespeare's engaging dramatization of human nature in all its perplexing dimensions. By giving well-chosen examples from the tragedies, comedies, and histories, these many perspectives open us to the full scope of Shakespeare's dramatic project, addressing 'the most vital and enduring questions of human life and politics.' " —Gerard B. Wegemer, University of Dallas "
The Catholic Social Science Review is an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal that publishes ... more The Catholic Social Science Review is an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal that publishes orignal articles and reviews in the social sciences and the humanities. It is the journal of the Society of Catholic Social Scientists, and has an editorial focus on topics relevant to the social teachng of the Catholic Church. Print copies are available from the Society; online access is provided here without charge. The journal is published annually in September with assistance from the Franciscan University of Steubenville.
The Catholic Social Science Review is an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal that publishes ... more The Catholic Social Science Review is an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal that publishes original articles and reviews in the social sciences and the humanities. It is the journal of the Society of Catholic Social Scientists, and has an editorial focus on topics relevant to the social teaching of the Catholic Church. Print copies are available from the Society; online access is provided without charge. The journal is published annually in September with assistance from the Franciscan University of Steubenville.
More than Kings and Less than Men: Tocqueville on the Promises and Perils of Democratic Induvidua... more More than Kings and Less than Men: Tocqueville on the Promises and Perils of Democratic Induvidualism examines Alexis de Tocqueville's hopes and fears for modern democracy, arguing that the distinctive political philosophy informing Democracy in America can help us to think more profoundly about the problems facing liberal democratic society today. L. Joseph Hebert, Jr. argues that Tocqueville saw the historical power of democracy as originating in its promise to liberate human nature, and the greatness it is capable of achieving, from the artificial constraints of conventional hierarchy. He probes Tocqueville's fear that the momentum of democratic change may violate that promise by neglecting or even stifling human greatness in the name of an artificial equality of conditions. Hebert explains why Tocqueville saw the need for a 'new political science' to regulate democracy, and why Tocqueville thought that the central task of this science, supported by enlightened statesmanship, was to combat 'individualism,' an extreme form of civic, moral, and intellectual apathy capable of ushering in a historically unprecedented form of despotism. Hebert looks in depth at the principles of Tocqueville's political science, their relation to classical, modern, and contemporary political thought, and their practical applications in his time and ours. He outlines the model Tocqueville recommended for a free and flourishing modern democratic order and analyzes the primary mechanisms Tocqueville proposed for avoiding the perils and securing the promise of democracy in his own day. Hebert observes that many of Tocqueville's fears regarding individualism are occurring today, and analyzes how Tocqueville's insights might be applied to combat individualism and promote genuine liberty in our own time.
In 1835, Alexis de Tocqueville famously called for 'a new political science' that could address t... more In 1835, Alexis de Tocqueville famously called for 'a new political science' that could address the problems and possibilities of a 'world itself quite new.' For Tocqueville, the democratic world needed not just a new political science but also new arts of statesmanship and leadership. In this volume, Brian Danoff and L. Joseph Hebert, Jr., have brought together a diverse set of essays revealing that Tocqueville's understanding of democratic statesmanship remains highly relevant today. The first chapter of the book is a new translation of Tocqueville's 1852 address to the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, in which Tocqueville offers a profound exploration of the relationship between theory and practice, and between statesmanship and political philosophy. Subsequent chapters explore the relationship between Tocqueville's ideas on statesmanship, on the one hand, and the ideas of Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Montesquieu, the Puritans, the Framers of the U.S. Constitution, Oakeshott, Willa Cather, and the Second Vatican Council, on the other. Timely and provocative, these essays show the relevance of Tocqueville's theory of statesmanship for thinking about such contemporary issues as the effects of NGOs on civic life, the powers of the American presidency, the place of the jury in a democratic polity, the role of religion in public life, the future of democracy in Europe, and the proper balance between liberalism and realism in foreign policy.
The Constitution is designed to succeed if and only if the American people practice a soundly inf... more The Constitution is designed to succeed if and only if the American people practice a soundly informed conscientious citizenship.
Whether a play ends in tragic defeat, rises to a comedic victory, or depicts the more ambiguous e... more Whether a play ends in tragic defeat, rises to a comedic victory, or depicts the more ambiguous exploits of history, each play prompts us to question the aims and actions of its leading characters in light of contending theories of virtue and statesmanship, while providing us with the evidence necessary for a more profound weighing of those theories, and thereby provides us with an invaluable education in political wisdom.
Niccolò Machiavelli’s imprudence is surprisingly similar to that of Thomas More’s fictional chara... more Niccolò Machiavelli’s imprudence is surprisingly similar to that of Thomas More’s fictional character Raphael Hythloday. Since prudence is the virtue that finds practical means to moral ends, imprudence may consist in rejecting either practical realities (as does Raphael) or ethical principles (as does Machiavelli). To achieve justice, political regimes must reject both idealism and utilitarianism.
If we are to correct the wayward course of contemporary democratic societies, we must preserve wh... more If we are to correct the wayward course of contemporary democratic societies, we must preserve what is true and good and mitigate what is false and harmful in both liberalism and nationalism. We would do well to embrace core principles of the Anglo-American constitutional tradition—principles grounded in and sustained by the virtue of prudence.
Thomas More’s Utopia suggests that a defense of property emphasizing material productivity, thoug... more Thomas More’s Utopia suggests that a defense of property emphasizing material productivity, though valid, is inadequate. By probing classical reasons for and against private property, More goes deeper, addressing the objective needs of the human soul.
As the gulf between classical and postmodern notions of conscience and government grows ever wide... more As the gulf between classical and postmodern notions of conscience and government grows ever wider and their clashes more explosive, it is high time for the jury to give renewed attention to the nuances of Thomas More’s understanding of the apparently competing, but ultimately harmonious, demands of divine, natural, and human law…
Genuine virtue, and the happiness it brings, are not the result of ignoring or repressing passion... more Genuine virtue, and the happiness it brings, are not the result of ignoring or repressing passions, but rather of purging them of error and redirecting them toward those goods truly able to satisfy the longings of our hearts.
Pretending that our government is neutral actually undermines our rights, since a government that... more Pretending that our government is neutral actually undermines our rights, since a government that enforces manmade “rights” while denying their basis in reality moves dangerously close to using force without right—the very essence of tyranny.
The reasons for Richard’s demise constitute a warning about a deadly Machiavellian madness to whi... more The reasons for Richard’s demise constitute a warning about a deadly Machiavellian madness to which contemporary society is highly susceptible.
There has been much controversy surrounding the cardinal’s speech, most of it centered on his app... more There has been much controversy surrounding the cardinal’s speech, most of it centered on his appeal to pastors to return, beginning in Advent of this year, to the ancient posture whereby priests and people together face the liturgical East, toward the Lord. While that appeal and our response to it are very important, however, the full significance of Cardinal Sarah’s speech cannot be grasped without a careful consideration of the numerous theoretical insights and practical suggestions it contains.
Though he certainly finds fault in distorted versions of Christian ideals, Shakespeare pays tribu... more Though he certainly finds fault in distorted versions of Christian ideals, Shakespeare pays tribute to the truth, beauty, and goodness of genuine Christian virtue.
As we brace ourselves for the political firestorm that is already beginning around filling the va... more As we brace ourselves for the political firestorm that is already beginning around filling the vacancy on our highest court, it would be useful to engage in a little “cultural catechesis” on the nature and purpose of the office in question.
Richard III centers on the rise and fall of a man
who claims that he will “set the murderous Mach... more Richard III centers on the rise and fall of a man who claims that he will “set the murderous Machiavel to school” and proceeds to seize the crown of England, only to lose his grip on that coveted prize in his own sudden personal and political unraveling. Insofar as we see Richard as a genuine but failed Machiavellian, it remains difficult to determine the extent to which Shakespeare’s critique of Richard is a critique of Machiavelli. Yet Shakespeare’s account of Richard’s hopes, successes, and failures, examined in light of relevant classical texts, points to fatal flaws in Machiavelli’s account of reason, conscience, and the end of human actions, demonstrating that the concept of the objective good is an essential component of any meaningful and coherent account of human action. Thus, Richard’s ultimate descent into madness is a sign of the fate that even the “best” Machiavellian statesman or society is destined to share.
“The majestic elaboration of thought manifested in St. Thomas’s work,” says Josef Pieper, consist... more “The majestic elaboration of thought manifested in St. Thomas’s work,” says Josef Pieper, consists partly “in the fact that the theological wisdom of the earliest Christian centuries is interwoven with the philosophical heritage of the Greek world.” In his Summa Theologica, we find not only a masterful synthesis of Aristotle and the Bible, but also a “genuine conversation or dialogue” with the greatest minds of philosophy and theology, including Plato and St. Augustine, Cicero and St. Ambrose. “St. Thomas is, in effect, placing himself within the stream of traditional truth nourished by the past; without claiming to give a final solution, he leaves the way open for future quest and discovery as that stream flows onward toward the yet unknown.” Students of political philosophy have much to gain from the Summa, a book written “for the instruction of beginners,” and whose influence on subsequent theory and practice in religion, politics, culture, and law has been immeasurable. At 3,000 pages, however, it can be difficult to navigate for the modern reader. This volume contains a selection of passages carefully chosen to give us direct access to Aquinas’s main arguments on ethics (including human nature, psychology, happiness, virtue, and natural law) and politics (including human law, the political regime, and justice), as well as those theological questions most closely related to his political thought. It thereby seeks to reopen the way to this stream of insights into the nature of and means of achieving truth, justice, and the common good.
"These perceptive reflections show how Shakespeare's plays can challenge us 'to sharpen our minds... more "These perceptive reflections show how Shakespeare's plays can challenge us 'to sharpen our minds and perfect our consciences' by revealing the subtle complexities represented by Shakespeare's engaging dramatization of human nature in all its perplexing dimensions. By giving well-chosen examples from the tragedies, comedies, and histories, these many perspectives open us to the full scope of Shakespeare's dramatic project, addressing 'the most vital and enduring questions of human life and politics.' " —Gerard B. Wegemer, University of Dallas "
The Catholic Social Science Review is an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal that publishes ... more The Catholic Social Science Review is an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal that publishes orignal articles and reviews in the social sciences and the humanities. It is the journal of the Society of Catholic Social Scientists, and has an editorial focus on topics relevant to the social teachng of the Catholic Church. Print copies are available from the Society; online access is provided here without charge. The journal is published annually in September with assistance from the Franciscan University of Steubenville.
The Catholic Social Science Review is an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal that publishes ... more The Catholic Social Science Review is an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal that publishes original articles and reviews in the social sciences and the humanities. It is the journal of the Society of Catholic Social Scientists, and has an editorial focus on topics relevant to the social teaching of the Catholic Church. Print copies are available from the Society; online access is provided without charge. The journal is published annually in September with assistance from the Franciscan University of Steubenville.
More than Kings and Less than Men: Tocqueville on the Promises and Perils of Democratic Induvidua... more More than Kings and Less than Men: Tocqueville on the Promises and Perils of Democratic Induvidualism examines Alexis de Tocqueville's hopes and fears for modern democracy, arguing that the distinctive political philosophy informing Democracy in America can help us to think more profoundly about the problems facing liberal democratic society today. L. Joseph Hebert, Jr. argues that Tocqueville saw the historical power of democracy as originating in its promise to liberate human nature, and the greatness it is capable of achieving, from the artificial constraints of conventional hierarchy. He probes Tocqueville's fear that the momentum of democratic change may violate that promise by neglecting or even stifling human greatness in the name of an artificial equality of conditions. Hebert explains why Tocqueville saw the need for a 'new political science' to regulate democracy, and why Tocqueville thought that the central task of this science, supported by enlightened statesmanship, was to combat 'individualism,' an extreme form of civic, moral, and intellectual apathy capable of ushering in a historically unprecedented form of despotism. Hebert looks in depth at the principles of Tocqueville's political science, their relation to classical, modern, and contemporary political thought, and their practical applications in his time and ours. He outlines the model Tocqueville recommended for a free and flourishing modern democratic order and analyzes the primary mechanisms Tocqueville proposed for avoiding the perils and securing the promise of democracy in his own day. Hebert observes that many of Tocqueville's fears regarding individualism are occurring today, and analyzes how Tocqueville's insights might be applied to combat individualism and promote genuine liberty in our own time.
In 1835, Alexis de Tocqueville famously called for 'a new political science' that could address t... more In 1835, Alexis de Tocqueville famously called for 'a new political science' that could address the problems and possibilities of a 'world itself quite new.' For Tocqueville, the democratic world needed not just a new political science but also new arts of statesmanship and leadership. In this volume, Brian Danoff and L. Joseph Hebert, Jr., have brought together a diverse set of essays revealing that Tocqueville's understanding of democratic statesmanship remains highly relevant today. The first chapter of the book is a new translation of Tocqueville's 1852 address to the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, in which Tocqueville offers a profound exploration of the relationship between theory and practice, and between statesmanship and political philosophy. Subsequent chapters explore the relationship between Tocqueville's ideas on statesmanship, on the one hand, and the ideas of Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Montesquieu, the Puritans, the Framers of the U.S. Constitution, Oakeshott, Willa Cather, and the Second Vatican Council, on the other. Timely and provocative, these essays show the relevance of Tocqueville's theory of statesmanship for thinking about such contemporary issues as the effects of NGOs on civic life, the powers of the American presidency, the place of the jury in a democratic polity, the role of religion in public life, the future of democracy in Europe, and the proper balance between liberalism and realism in foreign policy.
The Constitution is designed to succeed if and only if the American people practice a soundly inf... more The Constitution is designed to succeed if and only if the American people practice a soundly informed conscientious citizenship.
Whether a play ends in tragic defeat, rises to a comedic victory, or depicts the more ambiguous e... more Whether a play ends in tragic defeat, rises to a comedic victory, or depicts the more ambiguous exploits of history, each play prompts us to question the aims and actions of its leading characters in light of contending theories of virtue and statesmanship, while providing us with the evidence necessary for a more profound weighing of those theories, and thereby provides us with an invaluable education in political wisdom.
Niccolò Machiavelli’s imprudence is surprisingly similar to that of Thomas More’s fictional chara... more Niccolò Machiavelli’s imprudence is surprisingly similar to that of Thomas More’s fictional character Raphael Hythloday. Since prudence is the virtue that finds practical means to moral ends, imprudence may consist in rejecting either practical realities (as does Raphael) or ethical principles (as does Machiavelli). To achieve justice, political regimes must reject both idealism and utilitarianism.
If we are to correct the wayward course of contemporary democratic societies, we must preserve wh... more If we are to correct the wayward course of contemporary democratic societies, we must preserve what is true and good and mitigate what is false and harmful in both liberalism and nationalism. We would do well to embrace core principles of the Anglo-American constitutional tradition—principles grounded in and sustained by the virtue of prudence.
Thomas More’s Utopia suggests that a defense of property emphasizing material productivity, thoug... more Thomas More’s Utopia suggests that a defense of property emphasizing material productivity, though valid, is inadequate. By probing classical reasons for and against private property, More goes deeper, addressing the objective needs of the human soul.
As the gulf between classical and postmodern notions of conscience and government grows ever wide... more As the gulf between classical and postmodern notions of conscience and government grows ever wider and their clashes more explosive, it is high time for the jury to give renewed attention to the nuances of Thomas More’s understanding of the apparently competing, but ultimately harmonious, demands of divine, natural, and human law…
Genuine virtue, and the happiness it brings, are not the result of ignoring or repressing passion... more Genuine virtue, and the happiness it brings, are not the result of ignoring or repressing passions, but rather of purging them of error and redirecting them toward those goods truly able to satisfy the longings of our hearts.
Pretending that our government is neutral actually undermines our rights, since a government that... more Pretending that our government is neutral actually undermines our rights, since a government that enforces manmade “rights” while denying their basis in reality moves dangerously close to using force without right—the very essence of tyranny.
The reasons for Richard’s demise constitute a warning about a deadly Machiavellian madness to whi... more The reasons for Richard’s demise constitute a warning about a deadly Machiavellian madness to which contemporary society is highly susceptible.
There has been much controversy surrounding the cardinal’s speech, most of it centered on his app... more There has been much controversy surrounding the cardinal’s speech, most of it centered on his appeal to pastors to return, beginning in Advent of this year, to the ancient posture whereby priests and people together face the liturgical East, toward the Lord. While that appeal and our response to it are very important, however, the full significance of Cardinal Sarah’s speech cannot be grasped without a careful consideration of the numerous theoretical insights and practical suggestions it contains.
Though he certainly finds fault in distorted versions of Christian ideals, Shakespeare pays tribu... more Though he certainly finds fault in distorted versions of Christian ideals, Shakespeare pays tribute to the truth, beauty, and goodness of genuine Christian virtue.
As we brace ourselves for the political firestorm that is already beginning around filling the va... more As we brace ourselves for the political firestorm that is already beginning around filling the vacancy on our highest court, it would be useful to engage in a little “cultural catechesis” on the nature and purpose of the office in question.
Richard III centers on the rise and fall of a man
who claims that he will “set the murderous Mach... more Richard III centers on the rise and fall of a man who claims that he will “set the murderous Machiavel to school” and proceeds to seize the crown of England, only to lose his grip on that coveted prize in his own sudden personal and political unraveling. Insofar as we see Richard as a genuine but failed Machiavellian, it remains difficult to determine the extent to which Shakespeare’s critique of Richard is a critique of Machiavelli. Yet Shakespeare’s account of Richard’s hopes, successes, and failures, examined in light of relevant classical texts, points to fatal flaws in Machiavelli’s account of reason, conscience, and the end of human actions, demonstrating that the concept of the objective good is an essential component of any meaningful and coherent account of human action. Thus, Richard’s ultimate descent into madness is a sign of the fate that even the “best” Machiavellian statesman or society is destined to share.
Shakespeare has been described as “standing at a juncture from whence three roads diverge”: roads... more Shakespeare has been described as “standing at a juncture from whence three roads diverge”: roads leading respectively to classical, Christian, and early modern teachings on the nature and purpose of human life.1 That Shakespeare reflected on the relative merits of all three paths is nowhere more evident than in Measure for Measure, a play which promises to “unfold” “the properties” of “government.” Attention to the context and manner in which Shakespeare brings these themes to light will reveal that the play presents a reflection on certain practical dynamics of classical and Christian humanism, and a response to Machiavelli’s radical critique thereof.
An evaluation of Tocqueville’s political art as it pertains to religion ought to pay special atte... more An evaluation of Tocqueville’s political art as it pertains to religion ought to pay special attention to the light it can shed on the course of relations between the Catholic Church and liberal democracy. Since Vatican II represents the most discrete and perhaps the most consequential attempt by the Catholic Church to respond to the special challenges of the modern world, this chapter will seek to analyze both the goals and the effects of that Council with reference to Tocqueville’s political thought. In doing so, we shall find a remarkable resemblance between the aims of Vatican II and the advice Tocqueville gives to modern religious leaders, combined with an initially puzzling discrepancy between the aims and effects of the Council. Our concluding analysis will seek out a Tocquevillian explanation of and remedy for these postconciliar difficulties.
This paper will analyze the political setting of the play, and the actions, motives, and achievem... more This paper will analyze the political setting of the play, and the actions, motives, and achievements of its political leaders, through the lens of Machiavellian, Lutheran, and Thomistic understandings of virtue. While Machiavelli helps to illuminate certain ambitions, actions, and strategic errors of the play’s rulers, and both he and Luther help to account for changes affecting the regime and the souls its members, attention to the role of classical-Christian virtues and vices in the play will reveal that the story’s tragic ending is ultimately caused by failures in the threefold love—of self, neighbor, and God—which ought to govern both states and men.
Act 4, Scene 2 of Measure for Measure opens with one of the most morbidly comical episodes in Sha... more Act 4, Scene 2 of Measure for Measure opens with one of the most morbidly comical episodes in Shakespeare’s blackest comedy. A careful consideration of the meaning of this macabre exchange and its enigmatic conclusion sheds light not only on Shakespeare’s intentions in the scene and the play, but also on his understanding of the nature and legitimacy of the law’s use of punishment to enforce its regulation of human actions in general, and sexual conduct in particular.
Can John Paul’s interpretation of the Christian wisdom on labor be squared with Pieper’s reading ... more Can John Paul’s interpretation of the Christian wisdom on labor be squared with Pieper’s reading of this same heritage? Or is the former in effect a refutation of the latter? This paper will seek to answer this question through a more detailed analysis of the claims made by each author, considered in light of the philosophic and theological tradition in which each sought to ground his thought.
This article offers an outline of administrative decentralization,
subsidiarity, and related prin... more This article offers an outline of administrative decentralization, subsidiarity, and related principles as they emerge from Tocqueville’s account of American democracy and the social teachings of the Catholic Church, respectively, accompanied by an analysis of the philosophic and theological underpinnings of each account. This analysis reveals a profound theoretical as well as practical harmony between the two notions: namely, that both are grounded in the potential of human beings to perfect themselves through virtuous actions, which society must foster in a fashion that preserves the freedom of citizens, who can achieve the common good only by taking active responsibility for it.
Keys’s patient attention to detail, insightful integration of ideas
drawn from the author’s volum... more Keys’s patient attention to detail, insightful integration of ideas drawn from the author’s voluminous writings and copious sources, and elegant summary of complex arguments render each of these studies an indispensable guide to anyone interested in the application of classical wisdom to modern society.
Young traces the sagacity with which Shakespeare explores our most sublime and devastating passio... more Young traces the sagacity with which Shakespeare explores our most sublime and devastating passions to a Christian civilization characterized by its capacity to balance “apparent contradictions” without “imposing a definitive resolution.”
If More is right, nothing can replace the need for virtuous counselors capable of checking the vi... more If More is right, nothing can replace the need for virtuous counselors capable of checking the vices of those in command, and tactfully guiding them closer to the genuine public good.
In this volume—an update of his 1991 treatment of the same topic—
Stephen Krason draws upon his c... more In this volume—an update of his 1991 treatment of the same topic— Stephen Krason draws upon his considerable expertise in Catholic social teaching and American politics to present a concise but thorough analysis of contemporary American ideologies from a Catholic perspective. Beginning with a review of his previous findings, he proceeds to outline Catholic social thought, and then to examine recent representative expressions of those ideologies currently dominating American public discourse: liberalism and conservatism. Having assessed their main ideas and policies in light of Catholic teaching, he concludes with a discussion of whether and to what extent conscientious American Catholics can identify with one or the other of these ideologies in their present form.
Relying on their intimate knowledge of More’s life and writings, and drawing from the best recent... more Relying on their intimate knowledge of More’s life and writings, and drawing from the best recent scholarship (including their own), Karlin and Oakley provide a lucid account of More’s lifelong struggle to practice the “indirect approach” to philosophic statesmanship amidst the turmoil of Tudor politics. Along the way, they offer valuable suggestions about how to apply More’s thinking to a changed political, moral, and intellectual landscape.
Though some may resent his critique of utopia as not only fanciful but degrading to humanity, Sch... more Though some may resent his critique of utopia as not only fanciful but degrading to humanity, Schall rightly stresses and ably demonstrates that admitting the deficiencies of modern thought is the first step to embarking upon the adventure of discovering what “the universe we think in” has to say about the true basis of human dignity and happiness—for which he provides a road map based on first-hand experience.
Kwasniewski has succeeded at showing both that conformity to modernity is not worth the loss of t... more Kwasniewski has succeeded at showing both that conformity to modernity is not worth the loss of the traditional Mas, and that the salvation of modern man is worth the recovery of this same Mass.
From the Apostles and early Church Fathers to St. John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI, Fr. Jackson... more From the Apostles and early Church Fathers to St. John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI, Fr. Jackson draws upon the perennial wisdom of the Church to show us how each moment of the traditional liturgy is an invitation and guide to deepening our relationship with the God who became man to save us from sin and death.
Today, as in More’s time, the principles and practicalities at stake in clashes of personal belie... more Today, as in More’s time, the principles and practicalities at stake in clashes of personal belief, religious authority, and political power remain complex. Though attention to More’s legal defense cannot furnish us with simple solutions in theory or policy, however, it can raise crucial questions not only about what legal procedures are necessary to guarantee justice to criminal defendants, but also about the proper boundaries and interrelations of natural, divine, and human law. Although it says more about some of these questions than others, Thomas More’s Trial by Jury provides both a valuable contribution to our understanding of an important legal conflict, and a salutary spur to reflect on what is best as well as what is most questionable in the foundations and development of modern political doctrine and practice.
Tyranny in recent times has presented students of philosophy
and history with a new problem: in a... more Tyranny in recent times has presented students of philosophy and history with a new problem: in an age of Enlightenment, when reason, security, and prosperity were thought to be advancing ineluctably against their opposites, modern man has subjected himself to systematic persecutions and slaughters on an unprecedented scale, while the very sciences said to guarantee our progress have long since taught us, à la Thomas Hobbes, that tyranny is merely a disapproving word concocted by those “discontented” under a given regime. How can one account for—and thus effectively oppose—the evils we have witnessed, when their very source is said to be a figment of the imagination?
Drawing from an apparently exhaustive familiarity with More’s biography, his writings—major and m... more Drawing from an apparently exhaustive familiarity with More’s biography, his writings—major and minor, published and unpublished—and his literary sources, Wegemer seeks to draw the reader into a careful study of texts grounded in the sort of dialectical questioning that drove More’s self-development as a scholar, author, and statesman.
Contributing toward such an interpretation of the Council’s Declaration on Religious Liberty (the... more Contributing toward such an interpretation of the Council’s Declaration on Religious Liberty (the Declaration, Dignitatis Humanae, or DH) is the chief purpose of this important volume of essays. The authors emphasize that the grounds of religious liberty here declared are not those of modern Enlightenment liberalism, with its indifference to religious truth, privatization of faith, and supposed neutrality as between religion and irreligion.
Recent controversies about judicial retention elections raise important questions about the respe... more Recent controversies about judicial retention elections raise important questions about the respective powers of the people on the one hand and courts on the other when it comes to making and interpreting laws. As a professor of political philosophy , I regard such questions as an opportunity to explore the meaning and application of the core principles on which our government is founded and according to which it is meant to be governed.
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who claims that he will “set the murderous Machiavel to
school” and proceeds to seize the crown of England, only
to lose his grip on that coveted prize in his own sudden
personal and political unraveling. Insofar as we see Richard
as a genuine but failed Machiavellian, it remains difficult
to determine the extent to which Shakespeare’s critique of
Richard is a critique of Machiavelli. Yet Shakespeare’s account
of Richard’s hopes, successes, and failures, examined
in light of relevant classical texts, points to fatal flaws in
Machiavelli’s account of reason, conscience, and the end of
human actions, demonstrating that the concept of the objective
good is an essential component of any meaningful and
coherent account of human action. Thus, Richard’s ultimate
descent into madness is a sign of the fate that even the “best”
Machiavellian statesman or society is destined to share.
who claims that he will “set the murderous Machiavel to
school” and proceeds to seize the crown of England, only
to lose his grip on that coveted prize in his own sudden
personal and political unraveling. Insofar as we see Richard
as a genuine but failed Machiavellian, it remains difficult
to determine the extent to which Shakespeare’s critique of
Richard is a critique of Machiavelli. Yet Shakespeare’s account
of Richard’s hopes, successes, and failures, examined
in light of relevant classical texts, points to fatal flaws in
Machiavelli’s account of reason, conscience, and the end of
human actions, demonstrating that the concept of the objective
good is an essential component of any meaningful and
coherent account of human action. Thus, Richard’s ultimate
descent into madness is a sign of the fate that even the “best”
Machiavellian statesman or society is destined to share.
subsidiarity, and related principles as they emerge from Tocqueville’s account of American democracy and the social teachings of the Catholic Church, respectively, accompanied by an analysis of the philosophic and theological underpinnings of each account. This analysis reveals a profound theoretical as well as practical harmony between the two notions: namely, that both are grounded in the potential of human beings
to perfect themselves through virtuous actions, which society must foster in a fashion that preserves the freedom of citizens, who can achieve the common good only by taking active responsibility for it.
drawn from the author’s voluminous writings and copious sources, and
elegant summary of complex arguments render each of these studies an
indispensable guide to anyone interested in the application of classical
wisdom to modern society.
Stephen Krason draws upon his considerable expertise in Catholic social
teaching and American politics to present a concise but thorough analysis of contemporary American ideologies from a Catholic perspective. Beginning with a review of his previous findings, he proceeds to outline Catholic social thought, and then to examine recent representative expressions of those ideologies currently dominating American public discourse: liberalism and conservatism. Having assessed their main ideas and policies in light of Catholic teaching, he concludes with a discussion of whether and to what extent conscientious American Catholics can identify with one or
the other of these ideologies in their present form.
and history with a new problem: in an age of Enlightenment, when reason, security, and prosperity were thought to be advancing ineluctably against their opposites, modern man has subjected himself to systematic persecutions
and slaughters on an unprecedented scale, while the very sciences said to guarantee our progress have long since taught us, à la Thomas Hobbes, that tyranny is merely a disapproving word concocted by those “discontented”
under a given regime. How can one account for—and thus effectively oppose—the evils we have witnessed, when their very source is said to be a figment of the imagination?
scholar, author, and statesman.