Papers by Magnus Wennerhag
The #FridaysForFuture climate protests mobilized more than 1.6 million people around the globe in... more The #FridaysForFuture climate protests mobilized more than 1.6 million people around the globe in March 2019. Through a school strike, a new generation has been galvanized, representing a historical turn in climate activism. This wave of climate protest mobilization is unique in its tactics, global scope and appeal to teenage school students. Media coverage of these protests and high-level national and international political meetings involving the movement’s icon, Greta Thunberg, illustrate a level of global attention that no previous youth movement has ever received. A team of social scientists from universities across Europe1 organized a survey of the global FFF strike events on March 15. The team surveyed protesters in 13 cities in nine European countries using the same research design to collect data, following the well-established protest survey methodology used previously in the “Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation” (CCC) project. Demographically, the 1...
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Protest for a future II: Composition, mobilization and motives of the participants in Fridays For Future climate protests on 20-27 September, 2019, in 19 cities around the world, 2020
In September 2019, the third Global Climate Strike organized by the Fridays For Future (FFF) prot... more In September 2019, the third Global Climate Strike organized by the Fridays For Future (FFF) protest campaign mobilized 6000 protest events in 185 countries and brought 7.6 million participants out onto the streets. This report analyses survey data about participants from 19 cities around the world and compares it to data from an international survey conducted in 13 European cities in March 2019. Both surveys collected data following the well-established “Caught in the Act of Protest” survey methodology in order to generate representative samples.
What makes FFF new and particularly interesting is the involvement of schoolchildren and students as initiators, organizers and participants in climate activism on a large scale. The September mobilizations differed from the March events in the explicit call for adults to join the movement. Although older age cohorts were more strongly represented in September, young people continued to make up a substantial portion of the protestors – almost one third of demonstrators were aged 19 or under. Additionally, there was a high proportion of female FFF protestors. In both surveys nearly 60% of participants identified as female – with the largest share among the youngest demonstrators.
Overwhelming majorities of adult participants were well educated and had a university degree. Moreover, a large proportion of young people participating in the September strikes had parents who had studied at university level.
Despite the young age of the participants, interpersonal mobilization was the predominant method of recruitment to the strikes, particularly among friends and schoolmates. However, the growth in the size and popularity of the movement also includes a growing share of people who participate alone. Around a quarter of adults fit this category, as well as an initially small but growing number of young people.
When expressing their emotions concerning climate change and global warming, the majority of protesters felt worried, frustrated and angered, as well as anxious about the future, although they did not often express a feeling of hopelessness. Therefore, despite a general tendency of decreasing hopefulness that important environmental issues can be addressed through policies, FFF participants show that their action is driven by feelings, awareness of the issues and a willingness to engage in finding solutions. In answer to a series of questions concerning solutions to environmental problems, respondents were divided over whether modern science could be relied on to solve environmental problems. Agreement varied between cities and age-groups on the degree to which they thought stopping climate change could be accomplished through voluntary individual lifestyle changes. However, there was more unity in skepticism towards relying on companies and the market to solve these problems.
In conclusion, surveys of the strikes in March and September indicate important elements of continuity, as well as a small degree of change. Female participants and people with higher education predominate, interpersonal mobilization - particularly among friends - remains a central factor in recruiting support, and protesters are mostly driven by feelings of frustration, anger and anxiety. However, the age of protestors is becoming more diverse, protesters’ hopefulness seems to be in decline, and the “Greta effect” is becoming less influential. The report findings suggest that the movement is becoming more established although its emotional basis for mobilization may be changing.
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Några resultat från enkätundersökningar bland deltagare i Stockholm Pride 2014 samt i andra europ... more Några resultat från enkätundersökningar bland deltagare i Stockholm Pride 2014 samt i andra europeiska Pride-parader.
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Books by Magnus Wennerhag
Fronesis, 2008
Rätten att röra sig fritt, inom och över nationsgränser, är ett ideal intimt förknippat med det m... more Rätten att röra sig fritt, inom och över nationsgränser, är ett ideal intimt förknippat med det moderna samhällets självförståelse. Att man kan bryta upp från en plats för att söka en annan, tillfällig eller permanent, vistelseort är en central del av vårt samhälles ...
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Demonstrationerna i Seattle 1999 mot Världshandelsorganisa tionen satte fokus på ett rörelseengag... more Demonstrationerna i Seattle 1999 mot Världshandelsorganisa tionen satte fokus på ett rörelseengagemang som växt i styrka sedan nittiotalet. Demonstrationerna i Seattle 1999 mot Världshandelsorganisationen satte fokus på ett rörelseengagemang som växt i styrka sedan nittiotalet. Den svenska debatten om denna aktivism tog fart med demonstrationerna vid EU-toppmötet i Göteborg 2001. Genom framväxten av de sociala forumen sedan det första World Social Forum 2001 har den globala rättviserörelsen gått från protest till konkreta förändringsdiskussioner. I Aktivister undersöks för första gången grundligt denna rörelse utifrån dess svenska sammanhang. Vilka är det som är aktiva inom den? Vilken syn har de på politisk påverkan och demokrati? Innebär deras globaliseringskritik ett motstånd mot globaliseringen i sig? Vilken roll spelar den globala rättviserörelsen och de sociala forumen för en förnyelse av demokratin, i globaliseringens tidevarv? Till grund ligger en större enkätundersökning. Utöver att tillgängliggöra ett rikt empiriskt material ger boken en lättillgänglig ingång till flera centrala teman inom samtida forskning om sociala rörelser.
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Det är i år 40 år sedan 1968. I västvärlden är inget annat år under efterkrigstiden så förknippat... more Det är i år 40 år sedan 1968. I västvärlden är inget annat år under efterkrigstiden så förknippat med politiska protester, rörelseengagemang och snabba samhällsförändringar. Historieskrivningen har hittills inte tillmätt året 1999 samma betydelse. Då riktades det mediala strålkastarljuset för första gången mot den rörelse som Global rörelse handlar om: den globala rättviserörelsen, som då protesterade i samband med WTO:s toppmöte i Seattle. Protesterna mot den ekonomiska globaliseringen har sedan dess utgjort den mest omfattande radikaliseringsvågen i västvärlden sedan 1968. Global rörelse är den första svenska systematiska genomgången av den globala rättviserörelsen, av vilka aktivisterna är, om deras plats i dagens politiska förändringsprocesser och deras förhållande till tidigare rörelser. I fokus står frågan om de sociala rörelsernas förhållande till demokratin. Undersökningen baseras på en omfattande enkätundersökning, intervjuer med aktivister och en analys av mediernas framställning av rörelsen.
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by Magnus Wennerhag, Mattias Wahlström, Katrin Uba, Henry Rammelt, Kajsa Emilsson, Sebastian Svenberg, Ruxandra Gubernat, Rune Ellefsen, Michael Neuber, Tommaso Gravante, Trine Cosmus Nobel, Ingrid M, Silas Harrebye, Tuomas Ylä-Anttila, and Lorenzo Zamponi In September 2019, the third Global Climate Strike organized by the Fridays For Future (FFF) pro... more In September 2019, the third Global Climate Strike organized by the Fridays For Future (FFF) protest campaign mobilized 6000 protest events in 185 countries and brought 7.6 million participants out onto the streets. This report analyses survey data about participants from 19 cities around the world and compares it to data from an international survey conducted in 13 European cities in March 2019. Both surveys collected data following the well-established “Caught in the Act of Protest” survey methodology in order to generate representative samples. What makes FFF new and particularly interesting is the involvement of schoolchildren and students as initiators, organizers and participants in climate activism on a large scale. The September mobilizations differed from the March events in the explicit call for adults to join the movement. Although older age cohorts were more strongly represented in September, young people continued to make up a substantial portion of the protestors – almost one third of demonstrators were aged 19 or under. Additionally, there was a high proportion of female FFF protestors. In both surveys nearly 60% of participants identified as female – with the largest share among the youngest demonstrators. Overwhelming majorities of adult participants were well educated and had a university degree. Moreover, a large proportion of young people participating in the September strikes had parents who had studied at university level. Despite the young age of the participants, interpersonal mobilization was the predominant method of recruitment to the strikes, particularly among friends and schoolmates. However, the growth in the size and popularity of the movement also includes a growing share of people who participate alone. Around a quarter of adults fit this category, as well as an initially small but growing number of young people. When expressing their emotions concerning climate change and global warming, the majority of protesters felt worried, frustrated and angered, as well as anxious about the future, although they did not often express a feeling of hopelessness. Therefore, despite a general tendency of decreasing hopefulness that important environmental issues can be addressed through policies, FFF participants show that their action is driven by feelings, awareness of the issues and a willingness to engage in finding solutions. In answer to a series of questions concerning solutions to environmental problems, respondents were divided over whether modern science could be relied on to solve environmental problems. Agreement varied between cities and age-groups on the degree to which they thought stopping climate change could be accomplished through voluntary individual lifestyle changes. However, there was more unity in skepticism towards relying on companies and the market to solve these problems. In conclusion, surveys of the strikes in March and September indicate important elements of continuity, as well as a small degree of change. Female participants and people with higher education predominate, interpersonal mobilization – particularly among friends – remains a central factor in recruiting support, and protesters are mostly driven by feelings of frustration, anger and anxiety. However, the age of protestors is becoming more diverse, protesters’ hopefulness seems to be in decline, and the “Greta effect” is becoming less influential. The report findings suggest that the movement is becoming more established although its emotional basis for mobilization may be changing.
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Under senare år har lokala myndigheter utvecklat brottsförebyggande åtgärder för att motverka pol... more Under senare år har lokala myndigheter utvecklat brottsförebyggande åtgärder för att motverka politiskt motiverad våldsanvändning och ”våldsbejakande extremism”. I detta projekt undersöks hur lärare, socialarbetare och poliser på lokal nivå tolkar och utför sitt uppdrag inom det specifika arbetet mot ”vänsterextremism” samt hur vänsterradikala aktivister uppfattar och påverkas av dessa åtgärder.
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Today, Pride parades are staged in countries and localities across the globe, providing the most ... more Today, Pride parades are staged in countries and localities across the globe, providing the most visible manifestations of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer and intersex movements and politics.
Pride Parades and LGBT Movements contributes to a better understanding of LGBT protest dynamics through a comparative study of eleven Pride parades in seven European countries – Czech Republic, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK – and Mexico. Peterson, Wahlström and Wennerhag uncover the dynamics producing similarities and differences between Pride parades, using unique data from surveys of Pride participants and qualitative interviews with parade organizers and key LGBT activists. In addition to outlining the histories of Pride in the respective countries, the authors explore how the different political and cultural contexts influence: Who participates, in terms of socio-demographic characteristics and political orientations; what Pride parades mean for their participants; how participants were mobilized; how Pride organizers relate to allies and what strategies they employ for their performances of Pride.
This book will be of interest to political scientists and sociologists with an interest in LGBT studies, social movements, comparative politics and political behavior and participation.
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Today, Pride parades are staged in countries and localities across the globe, providing the most ... more Today, Pride parades are staged in countries and localities across the globe, providing the most visible manifestations of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer and intersex movements and politics.
Pride Parades and LGBT Movements contributes to a better understanding of LGBT protest dynamics through a comparative study of eleven Pride parades in seven European countries – Czech Republic, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK – and Mexico. Peterson, Wahlström and Wennerhag uncover the dynamics producing similarities and differences between Pride parades, using unique data from surveys of Pride participants and qualitative interviews with parade organizers and key LGBT activists. In addition to outlining the histories of Pride in the respective countries, the authors explore how the different political and cultural contexts influence: Who participates, in terms of socio-demographic characteristics and political orientations; what Pride parades mean for their participants; how participants were mobilized; how Pride organizers relate to allies and what strategies they employ for their performances of Pride.
This book will be of interest to political scientists and sociologists with an interest in LGBT studies, social movements, comparative politics and political behavior and participation.
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When the Iron Curtain lifted in 1989, it was seen by some as proof of the final demise of the ide... more When the Iron Curtain lifted in 1989, it was seen by some as proof of the final demise of the ideas and aspirations of the radical left. Not many years passed, however, before the critique of capitalism and social inequalities were once again the main protest themes of social movements. This book provides an account of radical left movements in today’s Europe and how they are trying to accomplish social and political change.
The book’s international group of leading experts provide detailed analysis on social movement organizations, activist groups, and networks that are rooted in the left-wing ideologies of anarchism, Marxism, socialism, and communism in both newly democratized post-communist and longstanding liberal-democratic polities. Through a range of case studies, the authors explore how radical left movements are influenced by their situated political and social contexts, and how contemporary radical left activism differs from both new and old social movements on one hand, and the activities of radical left parliamentary parties on the other. Ultimately, this volume investigates what it means to be ‘radical left’ in current day liberal-democratic and capitalist societies after the fall of European state socialism.
This is valuable reading for students and researchers interested in European politics, contemporary social movements and political sociology.
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In: Christofer Edling & Amir Rostami (eds.). Våldsbejakande extremism: en forskarantologi (SOU 2017:67). Stockholm: Wolters Kluwer., 2017
Den samtida forskningen om sociala rörelser erbjuder en rad insikter om politiskt motiverat våld:... more Den samtida forskningen om sociala rörelser erbjuder en rad insikter om politiskt motiverat våld: varför det uppkommer, vad som gör att våldsanvändning kan eskalera, men även vad som bidrar till att grupper inom en rörelse undviker eller slutar att använda våld. När man inom forskningen om sociala rörelser talar om radikalisering avser man vanligen de processer som leder till att grupper av aktivister inom en rörelse börjar använda våld eller trappar upp sitt användande av våld.
Inom andra forskningsfält brukar radikalisering ofta relateras till sociala bakgrundsfaktorer, individuella omständigheter eller personlighetsdrag, vilka antas bidra till att enskilda individer börjar använda politiskt motiverat våld eller ansluter sig till grupper där våld används. En sådan förståelse av radikalisering har inte sällan legat till grund för myndighetsåtgärder för att förebygga eller bekämpa politiskt motiverad våldsbrottslighet.
Utgångspunkten inom forskningen om sociala rörelser är i stället att de flesta individer som utför politiskt motiverade våldshandlingar redan är en del av en social rörelse. Det blir därmed relevant att undersöka de sociala processer inom en rörelse som kan leda till att vissa grupper inom en rörelse använder våld, samt hur dessa processer påverkas av interaktion med aktörer utanför rörelsen. Detta innebär också att forskningen inom detta fält mer sällan intresserar sig för de enskilda utövare av politiskt våld som agerar på egen hand och inte är knutna till en rörelse.
Samtidigt har forskningen om sociala rörelser länge undersökt vilka individer som ansluter sig till rörelser och varför de gör det. I vissa studier har det även undersökts vilka individuella omständigheter som påverkar att rörelseaktivister börjar använda olagliga eller våldsamma metoder. Därmed kan den empiriska forskningen inom detta fält kasta nytt ljus över den förståelse av radikalisering som dominerat annan forskning och myndighetsåtgärder.
I detta kapitel ges inledningsvis en övergripande bild av forskningsfältets framväxt och huvudsakliga kunskapsintressen. Därefter introduceras hur man inom detta fält har betraktat och undersökt fenomenet politiskt våld. Detta följs av en översikt över de faktorer som forskningen kunnat visa är betydelsefulla för att individer ansluter sig till sociala rörelser, samt för att vissa rörelseaktivister börjar använda våldsamma metoder. Därefter diskuteras forskningen om radikaliseringsprocesser, vilket här förstås som när grupper inom en social rörelse börjar använda politiskt motiverat våld. I fokus står de mekanismer på gruppnivå som vanligen är centrala för att grupper inom en social rörelse radikaliseras, något som även möjliggör insikter om hur dessa processer kan avbrytas.
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Civilsamhället i det transnationella rummet. , Feb 22, 2017
EU är en allt viktigare del av det transnationella rum som både påverkar civilsamhällets villkor ... more EU är en allt viktigare del av det transnationella rum som både påverkar civilsamhällets villkor och erbjuder dess organisationer nya möjligheter till inflytande, samverkan och finansiering. Allt fler frågor hanteras på europeiska arenor med konsekvenser även för organisationslivet. Kapitlet bygger på analysen av en enkätundersökning som besvarats av organisationer i det svenska civilsamhället. Fokus ligger på den europeiska nivåns betydelse, på relationen mellan dessa organisationer och EU, och en intressant bild framträder. Ett fåtal organisationer nyttjar de ”vägar till EU” som internationell forskning har identifierat, medan de flesta uppvisar ett märkbart ointresse för EU som plattform för samarbeten och politisk påverkan.
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Civilsamhället i det transnationella rummet. , Feb 22, 2017
Prideparader hålls i dag på mer än 900 platser världen över varje år. Pride är – precis som arbet... more Prideparader hålls i dag på mer än 900 platser världen över varje år. Pride är – precis som arbetarrörelsens förstamajtåg – ett exempel på transnationell spridning av en manifestation för att påverka politik och samhälle. Initialt till minne av ett upplopp i New York i slutet av 1960-talet har denna parad blivit en årligen återkommande händelse på den globala HBTQ-kartan. Manifestationen används i dag inte bara för att påverka politik utan också för att stärka den egna gruppens sammanhållning. I kapitlet beskrivs paradens resa till Sverige. Trots en allt starkare och mer standardiserad transnationell praktik har den svenska scenen även fortsatt haft tydliga lokala inslag.
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The Ritual of May Day in Western Europe : Past, Present and Future, 2016
In this chapter I examine which socio-demographic groups take part in contemporary May Day demons... more In this chapter I examine which socio-demographic groups take part in contemporary May Day demonstrations in Western Europe. In particular I focus on social class, but also on other relevant social categories such as gender, age and ethnicity and whether they vary between specific types of demonstrations and between the countries in our sample. Firstly, the chapter discusses the socio-demographic profiles of those taking part in such annual events. Are May Day participants more or less representative of the wider population? Do they differ from participants in other types of demonstrations? Secondly, I interrogate the composition and role of social class in May Day marches, both with regard to the individuals’ objective positions in the labour market and their subjective class identifications, and analyse the factors that shape May Day marchers’ class identity. Thirdly, I analyse which social and political characteristics most strongly influence individuals’ decisions to join a May Day parade. This chapter’s analysis is based on the survey data for individual demonstrators collected within the international research programme Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualising Contestation (CCC). In this chapter I analyse the participants in fifteen May Day demonstrations in six Western European countries surveyed during the period 2010–2012. In order to determine whether participants in May Day demonstrations differ from participants in other types of street protests and marches, I also compare them with data from a sample of 23 additional demonstrations surveyed within the CCC project. In order to compare the social composition of the surveyed May Day demonstrations with the general population, I also use data from the European Social Survey and the Swedish SOM Institute’s national survey.
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Drafts by Magnus Wennerhag
CALL FOR PAPERS
Anti-racist Movements in Transformation: Collaboration, Contention and Confronta... more CALL FOR PAPERS
Anti-racist Movements in Transformation: Collaboration, Contention and Confrontation in Contemporary Europe.
Workshop 18–19 November 2021
Södertörn University, Stockholm, Sweden
The aim of this workshop is to present and discuss original research on contemporary anti-racist movements in the Baltic sea region, Eastern Europe, and other parts of Europe. After the workshop, we will submit a proposal for an edited volume to an international publishing house, based on papers presented at the workshop. We especially invite original empirical contributions from scholars working within the field of social movement studies.
Theme and rationale
During the last decade, the conditions for anti-racist activism have changed in various and often contradictory ways. These changes – relating to the growth of the far right, increasingly restrictive asylum and border policies, and the international diffusion of Black Lives Matter – each impact on the opportunities, relations, and frames that condition anti-racist mobilization.
First, the period has seen increasing electoral gains and political influence for far right political actors in many parts of Europe. In some countries, this has coincided with the emergence of new forms of far right mobilization, such as PEGIDA, Nordic Resistance Movement, or the English Defence League. The period has also seen increasing collaboration between far right parties and mainstream conservative actors. In contrast, the increased political polarization has also created a new potential for interplay across different strands of anti-racism, both within the movement and between the movement and various political allies.
Second, 2015’s “long summer of migration” saw a rapid expansion of refugee solidarity mobilizations across Europe. While some mobilizations were highly contentious, the period also witnessed an increase in state–civil society collaboration around the welcoming of refugees. The years since 2015 have, however, been characterized by increasingly restrictive asylum and border policies on domestic, European, and the global level.
Third, the international diffusion of Black Lives Matter (BLM) has reinvigorated protests against structural racism, leading to an increased focus on the state’s role in producing or reproducing racial injustices. This has introduced new collective action frames and tactics to anti-racist movements globally, and it has greatly increased media attention to issues of structural racism. BLM has also helped highlight longer and often understudied histories of racialized minorities’ anti-racist activism across different national contexts.
We invite papers focusing on movements and activism mobilizing against the far right or structural racism, or for the support of refugees, in contemporary Europe. We particularly invite contributions focusing on:
● The impact of macro-level developments, such as changes in the political, legislative or discursive environment, on anti-racist movements.
● Conflictual and/or collaborative interactions between anti-racist movements/activists and state actors (e.g. politicians and political parties, civil servants, the police).
● How anti-racist movements have been affected by and adapted to the changing conditions for anti-racist activism during the last decade described above.
Workshop format and deadlines
We will accept around 10 papers to be presented at the workshop. The workshop format will be joint sessions to encourage discussions amongst the participants.
We invite scholars to submit extended abstracts by the 1st of July. The extended abstract should be 2–3 pages, and describe the outline of the planned paper (including research question, main theories used and references to relevant literature, and the empirical base of the paper). Applicants should also provide information about their general research interests within this field, as well as relevant earlier publications. We will inform you whether the paper has been accepted at latest 9 July. Accepted papers must be submitted as full papers before 20 October 2021. Each presenter is expected to comment on another participant’s papers.
We plan to organise the workshop at Södertörn University (20 minutes from Stockholm Central by commuting train), 18–19 November 2021, and expect all participants to attend in person. If local pandemic restrictions will make this impossible, the workshop will be organised online.
Costs
Presenters of papers can attend the workshop for free. All those presenting papers from outside the Stockholm region will also be reimbursed for travel and accommodation expenses.
The organizers
The workshop organizers are part of the research project “Anti-racist contentions in the Baltic Sea region – a study of anti-racist activists’ interplay with politicians and civil servants”. The project is based at Södertörn University and funded by The Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies, Sweden. For more information about this research project, see https://bit.ly/3gEqxAv
The workshop is funded by the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), the multidisciplinary research centre focusing on the Baltic Sea region and Eastern Europe at Södertörn University.
Output
Our aim is to publish an edited volume at an international publishing house, based on papers presented at the workshop.
Contact information
For general questions about the workshop, and for applying and sending in paper abstracts, contact antiracismworkshop2021@sh.se.
Important Dates
1 July 2021: Abstract submission
9 July 2021: Notification of paper acceptance
20 October 2021: Submission of a final paper
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Vilka grupper är det som demonstrerar första maj, avseende ålder, kön, klass, sysselsättning, utb... more Vilka grupper är det som demonstrerar första maj, avseende ålder, kön, klass, sysselsättning, utbildningsnivå, födelseland och facklig tillhörighet? Är de som demonstrerar på första maj partimedlemmar? Och vilka motiv anger demonstranterna till varför de går med i ett förstamajtåg? I denna presentation visas några resultat från enkätundersökningar bland första maj-demonstranter i Stockholm, Malmö och Göteborg 2010–2012.
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Articles / Chapters by Magnus Wennerhag
Terrorism and Political Violence, 2023
Descriptions of social movement factionalism are often based on the dichotomous conception of law... more Descriptions of social movement factionalism are often based on the dichotomous conception of lawful moderates and violent radicals. In this article, we nuance this distinction by illustrating the complexity of radical flanks through an empirically grounded analysis of protest tactics, in which we ask under what conditions radical flanks are likely to use violent protest tactics. Exploring dominant explanations of political violence, the article shows the necessity of understanding the use of violent protest tactics as part of cognitive and relational processes. The use of violent tactics varies greatly across frames and protest issues, pointing to how different logics of protest are tied to different frames. Also, the use of violence is affected by the presence or absence of moderate allies; the likelihood of violence clearly decreases when radicals and moderates form coalitions when organising protests. The analysis is based on a protest event data set covering over 3,900 nonviolent and violent events by the Radical Left-Libertarian Movement in Sweden, 1997–2016. Notably, the results hold over this entire twenty-year period, suggesting that they are robust and provide a better explanation than historically contingent causes.
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sh.se. Publications. ...
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Fronesis, 2010
sh.se. Publications. ...
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Papers by Magnus Wennerhag
What makes FFF new and particularly interesting is the involvement of schoolchildren and students as initiators, organizers and participants in climate activism on a large scale. The September mobilizations differed from the March events in the explicit call for adults to join the movement. Although older age cohorts were more strongly represented in September, young people continued to make up a substantial portion of the protestors – almost one third of demonstrators were aged 19 or under. Additionally, there was a high proportion of female FFF protestors. In both surveys nearly 60% of participants identified as female – with the largest share among the youngest demonstrators.
Overwhelming majorities of adult participants were well educated and had a university degree. Moreover, a large proportion of young people participating in the September strikes had parents who had studied at university level.
Despite the young age of the participants, interpersonal mobilization was the predominant method of recruitment to the strikes, particularly among friends and schoolmates. However, the growth in the size and popularity of the movement also includes a growing share of people who participate alone. Around a quarter of adults fit this category, as well as an initially small but growing number of young people.
When expressing their emotions concerning climate change and global warming, the majority of protesters felt worried, frustrated and angered, as well as anxious about the future, although they did not often express a feeling of hopelessness. Therefore, despite a general tendency of decreasing hopefulness that important environmental issues can be addressed through policies, FFF participants show that their action is driven by feelings, awareness of the issues and a willingness to engage in finding solutions. In answer to a series of questions concerning solutions to environmental problems, respondents were divided over whether modern science could be relied on to solve environmental problems. Agreement varied between cities and age-groups on the degree to which they thought stopping climate change could be accomplished through voluntary individual lifestyle changes. However, there was more unity in skepticism towards relying on companies and the market to solve these problems.
In conclusion, surveys of the strikes in March and September indicate important elements of continuity, as well as a small degree of change. Female participants and people with higher education predominate, interpersonal mobilization - particularly among friends - remains a central factor in recruiting support, and protesters are mostly driven by feelings of frustration, anger and anxiety. However, the age of protestors is becoming more diverse, protesters’ hopefulness seems to be in decline, and the “Greta effect” is becoming less influential. The report findings suggest that the movement is becoming more established although its emotional basis for mobilization may be changing.
Books by Magnus Wennerhag
Pride Parades and LGBT Movements contributes to a better understanding of LGBT protest dynamics through a comparative study of eleven Pride parades in seven European countries – Czech Republic, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK – and Mexico. Peterson, Wahlström and Wennerhag uncover the dynamics producing similarities and differences between Pride parades, using unique data from surveys of Pride participants and qualitative interviews with parade organizers and key LGBT activists. In addition to outlining the histories of Pride in the respective countries, the authors explore how the different political and cultural contexts influence: Who participates, in terms of socio-demographic characteristics and political orientations; what Pride parades mean for their participants; how participants were mobilized; how Pride organizers relate to allies and what strategies they employ for their performances of Pride.
This book will be of interest to political scientists and sociologists with an interest in LGBT studies, social movements, comparative politics and political behavior and participation.
Pride Parades and LGBT Movements contributes to a better understanding of LGBT protest dynamics through a comparative study of eleven Pride parades in seven European countries – Czech Republic, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK – and Mexico. Peterson, Wahlström and Wennerhag uncover the dynamics producing similarities and differences between Pride parades, using unique data from surveys of Pride participants and qualitative interviews with parade organizers and key LGBT activists. In addition to outlining the histories of Pride in the respective countries, the authors explore how the different political and cultural contexts influence: Who participates, in terms of socio-demographic characteristics and political orientations; what Pride parades mean for their participants; how participants were mobilized; how Pride organizers relate to allies and what strategies they employ for their performances of Pride.
This book will be of interest to political scientists and sociologists with an interest in LGBT studies, social movements, comparative politics and political behavior and participation.
The book’s international group of leading experts provide detailed analysis on social movement organizations, activist groups, and networks that are rooted in the left-wing ideologies of anarchism, Marxism, socialism, and communism in both newly democratized post-communist and longstanding liberal-democratic polities. Through a range of case studies, the authors explore how radical left movements are influenced by their situated political and social contexts, and how contemporary radical left activism differs from both new and old social movements on one hand, and the activities of radical left parliamentary parties on the other. Ultimately, this volume investigates what it means to be ‘radical left’ in current day liberal-democratic and capitalist societies after the fall of European state socialism.
This is valuable reading for students and researchers interested in European politics, contemporary social movements and political sociology.
Inom andra forskningsfält brukar radikalisering ofta relateras till sociala bakgrundsfaktorer, individuella omständigheter eller personlighetsdrag, vilka antas bidra till att enskilda individer börjar använda politiskt motiverat våld eller ansluter sig till grupper där våld används. En sådan förståelse av radikalisering har inte sällan legat till grund för myndighetsåtgärder för att förebygga eller bekämpa politiskt motiverad våldsbrottslighet.
Utgångspunkten inom forskningen om sociala rörelser är i stället att de flesta individer som utför politiskt motiverade våldshandlingar redan är en del av en social rörelse. Det blir därmed relevant att undersöka de sociala processer inom en rörelse som kan leda till att vissa grupper inom en rörelse använder våld, samt hur dessa processer påverkas av interaktion med aktörer utanför rörelsen. Detta innebär också att forskningen inom detta fält mer sällan intresserar sig för de enskilda utövare av politiskt våld som agerar på egen hand och inte är knutna till en rörelse.
Samtidigt har forskningen om sociala rörelser länge undersökt vilka individer som ansluter sig till rörelser och varför de gör det. I vissa studier har det även undersökts vilka individuella omständigheter som påverkar att rörelseaktivister börjar använda olagliga eller våldsamma metoder. Därmed kan den empiriska forskningen inom detta fält kasta nytt ljus över den förståelse av radikalisering som dominerat annan forskning och myndighetsåtgärder.
I detta kapitel ges inledningsvis en övergripande bild av forskningsfältets framväxt och huvudsakliga kunskapsintressen. Därefter introduceras hur man inom detta fält har betraktat och undersökt fenomenet politiskt våld. Detta följs av en översikt över de faktorer som forskningen kunnat visa är betydelsefulla för att individer ansluter sig till sociala rörelser, samt för att vissa rörelseaktivister börjar använda våldsamma metoder. Därefter diskuteras forskningen om radikaliseringsprocesser, vilket här förstås som när grupper inom en social rörelse börjar använda politiskt motiverat våld. I fokus står de mekanismer på gruppnivå som vanligen är centrala för att grupper inom en social rörelse radikaliseras, något som även möjliggör insikter om hur dessa processer kan avbrytas.
Drafts by Magnus Wennerhag
Anti-racist Movements in Transformation: Collaboration, Contention and Confrontation in Contemporary Europe.
Workshop 18–19 November 2021
Södertörn University, Stockholm, Sweden
The aim of this workshop is to present and discuss original research on contemporary anti-racist movements in the Baltic sea region, Eastern Europe, and other parts of Europe. After the workshop, we will submit a proposal for an edited volume to an international publishing house, based on papers presented at the workshop. We especially invite original empirical contributions from scholars working within the field of social movement studies.
Theme and rationale
During the last decade, the conditions for anti-racist activism have changed in various and often contradictory ways. These changes – relating to the growth of the far right, increasingly restrictive asylum and border policies, and the international diffusion of Black Lives Matter – each impact on the opportunities, relations, and frames that condition anti-racist mobilization.
First, the period has seen increasing electoral gains and political influence for far right political actors in many parts of Europe. In some countries, this has coincided with the emergence of new forms of far right mobilization, such as PEGIDA, Nordic Resistance Movement, or the English Defence League. The period has also seen increasing collaboration between far right parties and mainstream conservative actors. In contrast, the increased political polarization has also created a new potential for interplay across different strands of anti-racism, both within the movement and between the movement and various political allies.
Second, 2015’s “long summer of migration” saw a rapid expansion of refugee solidarity mobilizations across Europe. While some mobilizations were highly contentious, the period also witnessed an increase in state–civil society collaboration around the welcoming of refugees. The years since 2015 have, however, been characterized by increasingly restrictive asylum and border policies on domestic, European, and the global level.
Third, the international diffusion of Black Lives Matter (BLM) has reinvigorated protests against structural racism, leading to an increased focus on the state’s role in producing or reproducing racial injustices. This has introduced new collective action frames and tactics to anti-racist movements globally, and it has greatly increased media attention to issues of structural racism. BLM has also helped highlight longer and often understudied histories of racialized minorities’ anti-racist activism across different national contexts.
We invite papers focusing on movements and activism mobilizing against the far right or structural racism, or for the support of refugees, in contemporary Europe. We particularly invite contributions focusing on:
● The impact of macro-level developments, such as changes in the political, legislative or discursive environment, on anti-racist movements.
● Conflictual and/or collaborative interactions between anti-racist movements/activists and state actors (e.g. politicians and political parties, civil servants, the police).
● How anti-racist movements have been affected by and adapted to the changing conditions for anti-racist activism during the last decade described above.
Workshop format and deadlines
We will accept around 10 papers to be presented at the workshop. The workshop format will be joint sessions to encourage discussions amongst the participants.
We invite scholars to submit extended abstracts by the 1st of July. The extended abstract should be 2–3 pages, and describe the outline of the planned paper (including research question, main theories used and references to relevant literature, and the empirical base of the paper). Applicants should also provide information about their general research interests within this field, as well as relevant earlier publications. We will inform you whether the paper has been accepted at latest 9 July. Accepted papers must be submitted as full papers before 20 October 2021. Each presenter is expected to comment on another participant’s papers.
We plan to organise the workshop at Södertörn University (20 minutes from Stockholm Central by commuting train), 18–19 November 2021, and expect all participants to attend in person. If local pandemic restrictions will make this impossible, the workshop will be organised online.
Costs
Presenters of papers can attend the workshop for free. All those presenting papers from outside the Stockholm region will also be reimbursed for travel and accommodation expenses.
The organizers
The workshop organizers are part of the research project “Anti-racist contentions in the Baltic Sea region – a study of anti-racist activists’ interplay with politicians and civil servants”. The project is based at Södertörn University and funded by The Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies, Sweden. For more information about this research project, see https://bit.ly/3gEqxAv
The workshop is funded by the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), the multidisciplinary research centre focusing on the Baltic Sea region and Eastern Europe at Södertörn University.
Output
Our aim is to publish an edited volume at an international publishing house, based on papers presented at the workshop.
Contact information
For general questions about the workshop, and for applying and sending in paper abstracts, contact antiracismworkshop2021@sh.se.
Important Dates
1 July 2021: Abstract submission
9 July 2021: Notification of paper acceptance
20 October 2021: Submission of a final paper
Articles / Chapters by Magnus Wennerhag
What makes FFF new and particularly interesting is the involvement of schoolchildren and students as initiators, organizers and participants in climate activism on a large scale. The September mobilizations differed from the March events in the explicit call for adults to join the movement. Although older age cohorts were more strongly represented in September, young people continued to make up a substantial portion of the protestors – almost one third of demonstrators were aged 19 or under. Additionally, there was a high proportion of female FFF protestors. In both surveys nearly 60% of participants identified as female – with the largest share among the youngest demonstrators.
Overwhelming majorities of adult participants were well educated and had a university degree. Moreover, a large proportion of young people participating in the September strikes had parents who had studied at university level.
Despite the young age of the participants, interpersonal mobilization was the predominant method of recruitment to the strikes, particularly among friends and schoolmates. However, the growth in the size and popularity of the movement also includes a growing share of people who participate alone. Around a quarter of adults fit this category, as well as an initially small but growing number of young people.
When expressing their emotions concerning climate change and global warming, the majority of protesters felt worried, frustrated and angered, as well as anxious about the future, although they did not often express a feeling of hopelessness. Therefore, despite a general tendency of decreasing hopefulness that important environmental issues can be addressed through policies, FFF participants show that their action is driven by feelings, awareness of the issues and a willingness to engage in finding solutions. In answer to a series of questions concerning solutions to environmental problems, respondents were divided over whether modern science could be relied on to solve environmental problems. Agreement varied between cities and age-groups on the degree to which they thought stopping climate change could be accomplished through voluntary individual lifestyle changes. However, there was more unity in skepticism towards relying on companies and the market to solve these problems.
In conclusion, surveys of the strikes in March and September indicate important elements of continuity, as well as a small degree of change. Female participants and people with higher education predominate, interpersonal mobilization - particularly among friends - remains a central factor in recruiting support, and protesters are mostly driven by feelings of frustration, anger and anxiety. However, the age of protestors is becoming more diverse, protesters’ hopefulness seems to be in decline, and the “Greta effect” is becoming less influential. The report findings suggest that the movement is becoming more established although its emotional basis for mobilization may be changing.
Pride Parades and LGBT Movements contributes to a better understanding of LGBT protest dynamics through a comparative study of eleven Pride parades in seven European countries – Czech Republic, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK – and Mexico. Peterson, Wahlström and Wennerhag uncover the dynamics producing similarities and differences between Pride parades, using unique data from surveys of Pride participants and qualitative interviews with parade organizers and key LGBT activists. In addition to outlining the histories of Pride in the respective countries, the authors explore how the different political and cultural contexts influence: Who participates, in terms of socio-demographic characteristics and political orientations; what Pride parades mean for their participants; how participants were mobilized; how Pride organizers relate to allies and what strategies they employ for their performances of Pride.
This book will be of interest to political scientists and sociologists with an interest in LGBT studies, social movements, comparative politics and political behavior and participation.
Pride Parades and LGBT Movements contributes to a better understanding of LGBT protest dynamics through a comparative study of eleven Pride parades in seven European countries – Czech Republic, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK – and Mexico. Peterson, Wahlström and Wennerhag uncover the dynamics producing similarities and differences between Pride parades, using unique data from surveys of Pride participants and qualitative interviews with parade organizers and key LGBT activists. In addition to outlining the histories of Pride in the respective countries, the authors explore how the different political and cultural contexts influence: Who participates, in terms of socio-demographic characteristics and political orientations; what Pride parades mean for their participants; how participants were mobilized; how Pride organizers relate to allies and what strategies they employ for their performances of Pride.
This book will be of interest to political scientists and sociologists with an interest in LGBT studies, social movements, comparative politics and political behavior and participation.
The book’s international group of leading experts provide detailed analysis on social movement organizations, activist groups, and networks that are rooted in the left-wing ideologies of anarchism, Marxism, socialism, and communism in both newly democratized post-communist and longstanding liberal-democratic polities. Through a range of case studies, the authors explore how radical left movements are influenced by their situated political and social contexts, and how contemporary radical left activism differs from both new and old social movements on one hand, and the activities of radical left parliamentary parties on the other. Ultimately, this volume investigates what it means to be ‘radical left’ in current day liberal-democratic and capitalist societies after the fall of European state socialism.
This is valuable reading for students and researchers interested in European politics, contemporary social movements and political sociology.
Inom andra forskningsfält brukar radikalisering ofta relateras till sociala bakgrundsfaktorer, individuella omständigheter eller personlighetsdrag, vilka antas bidra till att enskilda individer börjar använda politiskt motiverat våld eller ansluter sig till grupper där våld används. En sådan förståelse av radikalisering har inte sällan legat till grund för myndighetsåtgärder för att förebygga eller bekämpa politiskt motiverad våldsbrottslighet.
Utgångspunkten inom forskningen om sociala rörelser är i stället att de flesta individer som utför politiskt motiverade våldshandlingar redan är en del av en social rörelse. Det blir därmed relevant att undersöka de sociala processer inom en rörelse som kan leda till att vissa grupper inom en rörelse använder våld, samt hur dessa processer påverkas av interaktion med aktörer utanför rörelsen. Detta innebär också att forskningen inom detta fält mer sällan intresserar sig för de enskilda utövare av politiskt våld som agerar på egen hand och inte är knutna till en rörelse.
Samtidigt har forskningen om sociala rörelser länge undersökt vilka individer som ansluter sig till rörelser och varför de gör det. I vissa studier har det även undersökts vilka individuella omständigheter som påverkar att rörelseaktivister börjar använda olagliga eller våldsamma metoder. Därmed kan den empiriska forskningen inom detta fält kasta nytt ljus över den förståelse av radikalisering som dominerat annan forskning och myndighetsåtgärder.
I detta kapitel ges inledningsvis en övergripande bild av forskningsfältets framväxt och huvudsakliga kunskapsintressen. Därefter introduceras hur man inom detta fält har betraktat och undersökt fenomenet politiskt våld. Detta följs av en översikt över de faktorer som forskningen kunnat visa är betydelsefulla för att individer ansluter sig till sociala rörelser, samt för att vissa rörelseaktivister börjar använda våldsamma metoder. Därefter diskuteras forskningen om radikaliseringsprocesser, vilket här förstås som när grupper inom en social rörelse börjar använda politiskt motiverat våld. I fokus står de mekanismer på gruppnivå som vanligen är centrala för att grupper inom en social rörelse radikaliseras, något som även möjliggör insikter om hur dessa processer kan avbrytas.
Anti-racist Movements in Transformation: Collaboration, Contention and Confrontation in Contemporary Europe.
Workshop 18–19 November 2021
Södertörn University, Stockholm, Sweden
The aim of this workshop is to present and discuss original research on contemporary anti-racist movements in the Baltic sea region, Eastern Europe, and other parts of Europe. After the workshop, we will submit a proposal for an edited volume to an international publishing house, based on papers presented at the workshop. We especially invite original empirical contributions from scholars working within the field of social movement studies.
Theme and rationale
During the last decade, the conditions for anti-racist activism have changed in various and often contradictory ways. These changes – relating to the growth of the far right, increasingly restrictive asylum and border policies, and the international diffusion of Black Lives Matter – each impact on the opportunities, relations, and frames that condition anti-racist mobilization.
First, the period has seen increasing electoral gains and political influence for far right political actors in many parts of Europe. In some countries, this has coincided with the emergence of new forms of far right mobilization, such as PEGIDA, Nordic Resistance Movement, or the English Defence League. The period has also seen increasing collaboration between far right parties and mainstream conservative actors. In contrast, the increased political polarization has also created a new potential for interplay across different strands of anti-racism, both within the movement and between the movement and various political allies.
Second, 2015’s “long summer of migration” saw a rapid expansion of refugee solidarity mobilizations across Europe. While some mobilizations were highly contentious, the period also witnessed an increase in state–civil society collaboration around the welcoming of refugees. The years since 2015 have, however, been characterized by increasingly restrictive asylum and border policies on domestic, European, and the global level.
Third, the international diffusion of Black Lives Matter (BLM) has reinvigorated protests against structural racism, leading to an increased focus on the state’s role in producing or reproducing racial injustices. This has introduced new collective action frames and tactics to anti-racist movements globally, and it has greatly increased media attention to issues of structural racism. BLM has also helped highlight longer and often understudied histories of racialized minorities’ anti-racist activism across different national contexts.
We invite papers focusing on movements and activism mobilizing against the far right or structural racism, or for the support of refugees, in contemporary Europe. We particularly invite contributions focusing on:
● The impact of macro-level developments, such as changes in the political, legislative or discursive environment, on anti-racist movements.
● Conflictual and/or collaborative interactions between anti-racist movements/activists and state actors (e.g. politicians and political parties, civil servants, the police).
● How anti-racist movements have been affected by and adapted to the changing conditions for anti-racist activism during the last decade described above.
Workshop format and deadlines
We will accept around 10 papers to be presented at the workshop. The workshop format will be joint sessions to encourage discussions amongst the participants.
We invite scholars to submit extended abstracts by the 1st of July. The extended abstract should be 2–3 pages, and describe the outline of the planned paper (including research question, main theories used and references to relevant literature, and the empirical base of the paper). Applicants should also provide information about their general research interests within this field, as well as relevant earlier publications. We will inform you whether the paper has been accepted at latest 9 July. Accepted papers must be submitted as full papers before 20 October 2021. Each presenter is expected to comment on another participant’s papers.
We plan to organise the workshop at Södertörn University (20 minutes from Stockholm Central by commuting train), 18–19 November 2021, and expect all participants to attend in person. If local pandemic restrictions will make this impossible, the workshop will be organised online.
Costs
Presenters of papers can attend the workshop for free. All those presenting papers from outside the Stockholm region will also be reimbursed for travel and accommodation expenses.
The organizers
The workshop organizers are part of the research project “Anti-racist contentions in the Baltic Sea region – a study of anti-racist activists’ interplay with politicians and civil servants”. The project is based at Södertörn University and funded by The Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies, Sweden. For more information about this research project, see https://bit.ly/3gEqxAv
The workshop is funded by the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), the multidisciplinary research centre focusing on the Baltic Sea region and Eastern Europe at Södertörn University.
Output
Our aim is to publish an edited volume at an international publishing house, based on papers presented at the workshop.
Contact information
For general questions about the workshop, and for applying and sending in paper abstracts, contact antiracismworkshop2021@sh.se.
Important Dates
1 July 2021: Abstract submission
9 July 2021: Notification of paper acceptance
20 October 2021: Submission of a final paper
I denna artikel undersöks vilka uttryck det politiska engagemanget tar sig i dagens Skåne, utifrån enkätdata från en undersökning genomförd av SOM-institutet. I vilken utsträckning ägnar sig skåningarna åt alternativa sätt att påverka politiken, som att demonstrera och skriva politiska inlägg på internet, och hur stor andel är i dag medlemmar i politiska partier? Vilka grupper är det i dag som främst försöker påverka samhällsdebatten? Och är det medborgarnas politiska värderingar eller deras sociala bakgrund som främst påverkar deras benägenhet att demonstrera, bedriva politik på internet eller vara partimedlemmar?
Inom forskningen om politiskt deltagande har man under senare år visat att alltfler medborgare i en rad västeuropeiska länder någon gång har demonstrerat. Men Sverige är inget undantag från denna utveckling. Tvärtom är Sverige ett av de länder där andelen som demonstrerat någon gång ökat mest sedan 1980-talets början.
Men vem är då den typiske demonstranten i Sverige? Vilka slags demonstrationer går hon eller han med i? Och är det medborgarnas politiska värderingar eller deras sociala bakgrund som främst påverkar deras benägenhet att demonstrera?
I senare års Riks-SOM-undersökningar har det regelmässigt ställts frågor om man under det senaste året har demonstrerat. Detta gör det möjligt att undersöka vilka grupper i Sverige som är mer benägna att demonstrera än andra, både avseende social bakgrund och politiska värderingar. Samtidigt kan dessa data ge en bild av hur demonstrerandet och genomsnittsdemonstranten har förändrats över tid.
I 2011 års Riks-SOM-undersökning ställdes dessutom ett antal frågor om huruvida man hade deltagit i några mer specifika demonstationer eller politiska manifestationer av demonstrationskaraktär. För första gången i Sverige undersöktes om man under det gångna året hade deltagit i en första maj-demonstration, en Prideparad eller en anti-rasistisk demonstration. Detta gör det möjligt att få en skarpare bild av vad som döljer sig bakom den mer allmänna frågan om demonstrationsdeltagande, men även att se hur dessa manifestationers deltagare skiljer sig åt.