Books by Jason Gainous
Articles/Chapters by Jason Gainous
Social Science Quarterly, 2022
We investigate to what extent partisan political candidates in the United States pay attention to... more We investigate to what extent partisan political candidates in the United States pay attention to different issues in their campaign communication, and whether they systematically deliver messages using different types of sentiment. Methods: We analyze the 267,538 tweets issued by candidates for the U.S. Congress during the 2018 midterm elections using a combination of latent topic modeling, sentiment analysis, and regression analysis, estimating both issue emphasis and the emotional tone of communications. Results: We find that candidates discussed a small number of distinct issues. Sentiment analysis reveals that the emotions used to convey these topics varied considerably more than interparty emphasis. Moreover, we observe that Democrats and Republicans discussed the same topics in very different ways, with Democrats-the out-party at the time-proving more negative in their messaging. Conclusions: When partisans discuss those issues their respective parties "own," there are asymmetries in the emotion they use to communicate about these issues. The concept and measurement of issue ownership are complicated.
American Politics Research, 2022
Research suggests that framing climate change as a national security issue can shape opinion abou... more Research suggests that framing climate change as a national security issue can shape opinion about climate change. This research is less clear about what exactly constitutes a "national security frame" and what aspects of this frame are most persuasive. We use a survey experiment to compare the relative effects of three types of national security frames we identify. Results show that a frame centered on energy dependence had the strongest effect and was the most consistent across partisanship. Surprisingly, the effects ran in the opposite direction for Democrats and Republicans on both outcomes-negative for Democrats and positive for Republicans. We also show that the energy dependence frame moderated the influence of respondents' affect toward political candidates and parties on their climate change attitudes. The results suggest that the energy dependence frame can shape public opinion, but that it must be tailored to particular audiences to avoid backfire effects.
Social Science Quarterly, 2021
Objective: A significant portion ofthe American public does not accept the current overwhelming s... more Objective: A significant portion ofthe American public does not accept the current overwhelming scientific consensus about the anthropogenic causality of climate change. This issue has been politicized and is now highly partisan. Because the military is the most trusted public institution in the United States, and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is the government agency with primary oversight of climate policy, we test whether source cues from these entities, as well as threat frames centered on either national security or the economy, influence the willingness of people to believe climate change is human-caused. Methods: We conduct a post-test controlled experiment to test the comparative effects of varying both source cue and frame. Results: We find that the U.S. Military source cue generally produced a weaker belief that climate change is human-caused, for both Democrats and Republicans, while the EPA had a more positive influence. Conclusion: The results suggest the limitations of national security framing and point to the importance of neutral, nonpartisan source cues, especially in appeals directed at Republicans.
Social Science Computer Review, 2021
We use original survey data from China to examine gender differences in exposure to, and the exch... more We use original survey data from China to examine gender differences in exposure to, and the exchange of, information critical of their respective governments via the Internet and social media. Existing research suggests that men, generally, tend to be more politically engaged than women. We set out to test whether this extended to dissident political engagement in the Chinese context, and if it translated into variation in support for protest across gender, and across political context. Compared to other Asian nations, China has relatively high gender equality. Yet, due to the social, cultural, and political structures in China, we expect that women will be less active online, less likely to consume critical media, and less likely to engage in political dissidence than their male counterparts. We did find that men were more likely to be critically digitally engaged in China. However, we found that while critical digital engagement was positively related to support for protest, this effect was actually stronger for women in China. We offer some speculation regarding these counterintuitive results.
International Journal of Press/Politics, 2021
Passive online media use refers to the act of merely reading and observing political information ... more Passive online media use refers to the act of merely reading and observing political information on a users' feed. Alternatively, active use refers to the conscious decision to share information, comment, challenge, fact check, or engage in related activity. We argue that these types of social media use have fundamentally different relationships to offline political participation. We use original survey data from Malaysia and the Philippines to test two propositions: (1) active political use, such as online protest or resistance, substitutes for offline protest and (2) passive users who encounter critical information and do not engage in active use will participate in offline protest. Our results confirm these expectations.
Ethnic and Racial Studies, 2020
We use the concepts of value framing, frame salience, and political targeting to examine variatio... more We use the concepts of value framing, frame salience, and political targeting to examine variation in the application of values to gay rights opinions among Black and White Americans. Our argument is that value application fluctuates across race as the salience of equality and morality value frames shifts over time. We employ a print news content analysis from 1988 to 2016 to document the shifting salience of frames combined with analysis of American National Election Studies time-series survey data to examine temporal variation in value application across race. Our content analysis highlights the increasing salience of value framing after 2000. Analysis of the survey data indicates that the differential effects of values on gay rights opinions across race also dissipated after 2000. We conclude that the increased salience of these value frames, along with the attention-heightening effect of politically targeting Blacks, enhances the framing effects of values among Blacks.
Social Science Quarterly, 2020
Objective. Recent research suggests that many American voters use candidate accents as an evaluat... more Objective. Recent research suggests that many American voters use candidate accents as an evaluative heuristic. We build on this research by examining whether this effect is conditional on the partisan positions of the candidate and across participant party identification. Methods. We designed an experiment using actors to record candidate stump speeches, manipulating the accent of the candidate and the partisan issue position of the candidate. Results. Democrats and Republicans in our sample were more likely to believe candidates with southern accents were Republican as opposed Democrat, and were also more likely to negatively evaluate candidates with a southern accent. This was true in both instances regardless of whether the candidate espoused a typical Democratic or Republican issue position. Democrats' judgments of candidates with southern accents, though, were harsher than those of Republicans and, again, this was the case across the partisan positioning of the candidate. Finally, both Democrats and Republicans in our pool were less likely to say they would vote for the candidate with a southern accent regardless of the partisan position of the candidate. Conclusion. Our results confirm that accent is a heuristic and add nuance to our understanding of how partisanship shapes this effect.
Social Science Quarterly, 2020
Objective. Research suggests that voters rely on cognitive heuristics to simplify the evaluative ... more Objective. Research suggests that voters rely on cognitive heuristics to simplify the evaluative process. Such heuristics include candidate race and other visible characteristics. We set out to test whether Americans use Latino ethnicity as a heuristic to evaluate candidates, and whether the darkness of Latino candidates' skin tone influences these judgments. Finally, we examine individuallevel partisan differences in the application of these heuristics. Methods. We leverage a large sample posttest experimental design that manipulates candidate ethnicity and skin tone. Results. Some respondents in our sample clearly use ethnicity as a heuristic but skin tone does not seem to matter. Democrats evaluated Latino candidates, regardless of skin tone, more positively than they did a white candidate. Republicans seemed immune to ethnic cues or skin tone. Conclusion. These results shed light on how Latino ethnicity shapes voter preferences, but these tests need to be extended to cross-sectional data. Research has long suggested that the psychological attachment to a political party drives individual-level vote choice (Campbell et al., 1960). We do not dispute this here, but rather build on existing research to examine how other heuristics may shape vote choice and interact with party identification to shape candidate evaluations. One such heuristic is group membership, and not just the voters' group membership shaping their evaluation (Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee, 1954; Mutz and Mondak, 1997), but voters using the candidates' membership as a heuristic (Branton, 2009; Kam, 2007). Even further, research suggests that people may use visual cues, such as skin tone, within group membership to simplify their judgment (Caruso, Mead, and Balcetis, 2009). This experimental research suggested that within-group partisans perceived photos of lighter-skinned candidates to be more representative of the candidate than photos of the same candidate where the candidate's skin had been darkened (Caruso, Mead, and Balcetis, 2009). Further, Caruso and colleagues found that partisans not only ''darkened'' those with whom they disagreed, but
Politics, 2019
Partisan elites justify policy positions by invoking underlying values, and political parties are... more Partisan elites justify policy positions by invoking underlying values, and political parties are associated with value reputations that connect particular values to specific policy positions. Value recruitment theory explains the relationship between value framing and policy positions. Newspaper content analysis and statistical analysis of survey data show that Democrats are more likely to frame employment nondiscrimination against gay rights as an equality issue, while Republicans are more likely to frame it as morality-and capitalism-based values. Surprisingly, however, equality framing has a stronger effect on Republicans. The study extends research on nondiscrimination in employment with an empirical test of value recruitment theory. The results largely confirm expectations that the application of values can be shaped through citizen attachment to parties, generate insights into value recruitment in policy debates, and point to other questions for further analysis.
Political Behavior, 2019
We use original survey data from Malaysia to explore differences in how traditional and digital m... more We use original survey data from Malaysia to explore differences in how traditional and digital media shape the attitudes and behavior of citizens. In closed, and even semi-authoritarian, states such as Malaysia, the Internet, including social media, is often the only place for opposition-centered media to thrive. As a result, consumption of Internet media is related to dissident attitudes. We argue that this relationship, though, is mitigated by trust in the medium. Our results suggest: (1) trust in traditional and Internet media determines the frequency with which citizens use each corresponding medium to gather political information, (2) higher trust in traditional media is positively associated with attitudes about democratic conditions in Malaysia; the opposite is true for trust in Internet media, (3) trust in the traditional media is negatively related, and trust in Internet media is positively related to the inclination to protest, (4) the positive relationship between digital media Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (
Central Asian Survey, 2018
In political regimes where traditional mass media are under state
control, social networking site... more In political regimes where traditional mass media are under state
control, social networking sites may be the only place where
citizens are exposed to and exchange dissident information.
Despite all the attempts, complete control of social media seems
to be implausible. We argue that the critical information that
people see, read and share online undermines their trust in
political institutions. This diminishing trust may threaten the
legitimacy of the ruling regime and stimulate protest behaviour.
We rely on original survey data of Kazakhstani college students to
confirm these expectations. The data are unique in that they
directly measure exposure to critical/dissident information, as
opposed to simply assuming it. The analysis leverages Coarsened
Exact Matching to simulate experimental conditions. This allows
us to better identify the consequential mechanism and the
attitudinal precursor by which social media influence protest in an
authoritarian context.
Online Information Review, 2018
Purpose-Early information technology scholarship centered on the internet's potential to be a dem... more Purpose-Early information technology scholarship centered on the internet's potential to be a democratizing force was often framed using an equalization/normalization lens arguing that either the internet was going to be an equalizing force bringing power to the masses, or it was going to be normalized into the existing power structure. The purpose of this paper is to argue that considered over time the equalization/normalization lens still sheds light on our understanding of how social media (SM) strategy can shape electoral success asking if SM are an equalizing force balancing the resource gap between candidates or are being normalized into the modern campaign. Design/methodology/approach-SM metrics and electoral data were collected for US congressional candidates in 2012 and 2016. A series of additive and interactive models are employed to test whether the effects of SM reach on electoral success are conditional on levels of campaign spending. Findings-The results suggest that those candidates who spend more actually get more utility for their SM campaign than those who spend less in 2012. However, by 2016, spending inversely correlates with SM campaign utility. Research limitations/implications-The findings indicate that SM appeared to be normalizing into the modern congressional campaign in 2012. However, with higher rates of penetration and greater levels of usage in 2016, the SM campaign utility was not a result of higher spending. SM may be a greater equalizing force now. Practical implications-Campaigns that initially integrate digital and traditional strategies increase the effectiveness of the SM campaign because the non-digital strategy both complements and draws attention to the SM campaign. However, by 2016 the SM campaign was not driven by its relation to traditional campaign spending. Originality/value-This is the first large N study to examine the interactive effects of SM reach and campaign spending on electoral success.
Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 2017
Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 2017
Social Science Quarterly
Objectives. We analyze differences in how men and women in Latin American countries are utilizing... more Objectives. We analyze differences in how men and women in Latin American countries are utilizing the Internet to identify a possible regional gendered digital divide in Internet use. The extent, degree, and implications of this gender digital divide are explored across countries with varying degrees of digital freedom. Methods. We employ a series of random-and fixed-effects models utilizing individual-level data from the 2010 Latin Barometer merged with country-level data obtained from the U.N. Gender Inequality Index. Results. Our results suggest that, in general, Latin American men tend to use the Internet more than women. Men also use more social media and gather political information more frequently. In addition, Internet use is higher across these categories in countries with more gender equality. Conclusion. The potential for the Internet to serve as a social and political equalizing force in Latin America is stymied in part by the gendered digital divide. The Internet has seen exponentially high growth coupled, in part, with the tremendous increase in the availability of access points such as smartphones and access speed through broadband technology. With its rapid growth, penetration and ability to allow any person to access political information and organize political activities, the Internet has been seen as a democratizing force in developing countries. Some propose that the Internet offers the means by which those disadvantaged under the current system can gain influence and political power. Citizens, political activists, and politicians who in the past lacked the resources and position to compete politically, can use the Internet to more evenly balance the political field by creating more opportunities for ideas counter to those sent by, and through, the existing media power structure (Barber, 2003; Corrado and Firestone, 1996; Hagen and Mayer, 2000). However, the ability to access and use the Internet is not evenly distributed (Norris, 2001). Optimistic views are tempered by concern that the Internet can simply be a new tool that will be studied and eventually captured by the dominant political players. This less hopeful view suggests that the Internet will be a normalized influence after its potential is harnessed by existing authorities, rather than the means to open up opportunity for those outside the prevailing power structure. If so, there likely would be no durable shift in the basic power balance of the political systems (Bimber
Public opinion about gay rights is often shaped by egalitarian values. While the extant literatur... more Public opinion about gay rights is often shaped by egalitarian values. While the extant literature has suggested that African Americans' value structure tends to be very egalitarian, many popular media accounts as well as some scholarly research indicate that Blacks have, at times, opposed gay rights. We assert that when the media frame gay rights as equality issues, Blacks are more likely to rely on egalitarianism to form their opinions. We use content analysis to show that equality framing of gay rights dramatically increased in 2012, and we use national survey data to show that Blacks' support for marriage equality also precipitously rose beginning in 2012. Then, we use data from an original framing experiment to show that exposure to an equality frame does, indeed, encourage Blacks to be more reliant on their egalitarian values to form an opinion about same-sex marriage and to be more supportive of the policy.
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Books by Jason Gainous
Articles/Chapters by Jason Gainous
control, social networking sites may be the only place where
citizens are exposed to and exchange dissident information.
Despite all the attempts, complete control of social media seems
to be implausible. We argue that the critical information that
people see, read and share online undermines their trust in
political institutions. This diminishing trust may threaten the
legitimacy of the ruling regime and stimulate protest behaviour.
We rely on original survey data of Kazakhstani college students to
confirm these expectations. The data are unique in that they
directly measure exposure to critical/dissident information, as
opposed to simply assuming it. The analysis leverages Coarsened
Exact Matching to simulate experimental conditions. This allows
us to better identify the consequential mechanism and the
attitudinal precursor by which social media influence protest in an
authoritarian context.
control, social networking sites may be the only place where
citizens are exposed to and exchange dissident information.
Despite all the attempts, complete control of social media seems
to be implausible. We argue that the critical information that
people see, read and share online undermines their trust in
political institutions. This diminishing trust may threaten the
legitimacy of the ruling regime and stimulate protest behaviour.
We rely on original survey data of Kazakhstani college students to
confirm these expectations. The data are unique in that they
directly measure exposure to critical/dissident information, as
opposed to simply assuming it. The analysis leverages Coarsened
Exact Matching to simulate experimental conditions. This allows
us to better identify the consequential mechanism and the
attitudinal precursor by which social media influence protest in an
authoritarian context.