Edited Books by Jabin T Jacob
Palgrave Macmillan, 2020
This volume discusses a range of key domestic forces driving the current Chinese growth ranging f... more This volume discusses a range of key domestic forces driving the current Chinese growth ranging from economic reforms to governance practices to analyze their impact and influence at home as well as on China’s foreign and security policies in its near and extended neighbourhood. At the same time, the volume also looks at specific themes like technology, agricultural development, reform of state-owned enterprises and the use of Party bodies to engage in foreign propaganda work among other things to offer examples of the merging of Chinese domestic political and foreign policy interests. In the process, the book offers its readers a better idea of China’s place in the world as the Chinese themselves see it and the implications over time for China, its neighbourhood and the wider world.
This volume is an attempt to develop a more nuanced understanding of China’s foreign, security an... more This volume is an attempt to develop a more nuanced understanding of China’s foreign, security and economic policies by bringing together perspectives from two of its most important neighbours, India and Vietnam. This is a unique exercise because these two countries have a long history of both contending and cooperating with the People’s Republic of China. Even as India’s boundary dispute and Vietnam’s maritime territorial disputes with China have persisted, both countries have, in recent decades, also managed to successfully develop close economic relations with their northern neighbour as well as cooperated extensively with Beijing on regional and global issues of significance and mutual interest. Yet, the growth of China’s capabilities and ambitions, and the decline of its impulse towards multilateralism present challenges for India and Vietnam in their neighbourhood. It is against this backdrop that the authors in this book examine China’s bilateral relations and its role in regional multilateral organisations as well as the balancing behaviour of other powers in the region. In the process, this work also seeks to strengthen the sinews of the comprehensive strategic partnership between India and Vietnam by building closer ties between the research communities in the two countries and giving it greater analytical heft.
There is widespread consensus that as two rising powers, India and China will have progressively ... more There is widespread consensus that as two rising powers, India and China will have progressively more to do together at the regional and global levels and that their cooperation needs to be strengthened and expanded. This book represents the first occasion where academics specialists and retired military personnel from both countries have come together with serving military officers to give their views on a number of important and sensitive topics ranging from nuclear CBMs to maritime cooperation to terrorism. It is hoped that the debates engendered in this volume, will contribute to better understanding and the improvement of bilateral ties not just in the security domain but also in other fields in which the two countries are increasingly engaged.
Journal Articles by Jabin T Jacob
China Report, 2022
The Communist Party of China (CPC) completed 100 years of its existence in July 2021, with the la... more The Communist Party of China (CPC) completed 100 years of its existence in July 2021, with the last 70 plus years spent as the ruling party in China. The centenary occasioned a fresh consideration by the CPC of the challenges to its identity, legitimacy and power. Using select speeches and commentaries produced by the CPC in the context of the centenary, this article analyses how the Party deploys discourses on its history to articulate its concerns and promote its interests today. It also looks at how these interpretations of the Party’s history and role in China translate into a growing sense of exceptionalism in the Party-state. The article argues that despite frequent calls to ‘seek truth from facts’, an overriding desire to retain power is once again pushing the CPC down the path towards dogmatism.
China Report, 2020
The COVID-19 pandemic has dented China's image as an effi cient party-state, given how an effort ... more The COVID-19 pandemic has dented China's image as an effi cient party-state, given how an effort to cover up the outbreak and the resulting delays in reporting led to the virus spreading beyond its origins in Wuhan in Hubei province to the rest of the country as well as rapidly across the world. This article examines China's massive external propaganda effort launched as part of the effort to repair the damage to its global image and interests. It notes how China has not let the situation stop it from pursuing its traditional foreign policy and security interests, including, of competition with the USA. The article also argues that it is the ruling Communist Party of China's concerns about its legitimacy at home that have determined the nature and scale of Chinese responses to the pandemic outside its borders.
Artha, 2019
This essay examines three approaches in Chinese foreign and security policies at work in India"s ... more This essay examines three approaches in Chinese foreign and security policies at work in India"s neighbourhood with the help of three brief case studies involving Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka. The first looks at how China has engaged with Nepal through connectivity projects as part of the Belt and Road Initiative. The second case study looks at Chinese attention to Bhutan especially in the context of the Doklam conflict with Indian in mid-2017. The third and final case study describes Beijing"s military diplomacy with Sri Lanka. These case studies provide an overview of the range of Chinese activities, approaches and interests in South Asia that New Delhi often has trouble appreciating or accepting. This article argues that accepting the reality of these Chinese approaches and understanding them are essential for India to rethink and reinvigorate its own neighbourhood policy.
Maritime Affairs, 2018
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often sold as a project that
aims to meet the infrastru... more China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often sold as a project that
aims to meet the infrastructure deficit in many underdeveloped
parts of the world. However, Chinese projects under the BRI come
with features that have negative short-term and long-term
implications for the host countries in question. Chinese project
financing almost uniformly lacks transparency, including about the
terms of this financing, and is accompanied by uncertainty about
local benefits such as employment and by poor standards. This
paper begins by highlighting some key features of Chinese
infrastructure projects under the BRI, before it examines, in detail,
the financing of these projects, particularly in South Asia. The
article concludes by stating that China’s success in pushing the
BRI – despite its several problems – is the result of the inability of
democratic nations to come up with feasible alternatives that
respect local sensitivities and conditions in the countries in need
of infrastructure development. India, especially, has much to
reflect upon in respect of its own methods and approaches
towards its neighbours and towards overseas development
assistance in the wake of China’s BRI.
China & World Economy, 2017
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often simplistically understood as being opposed by Ind... more China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often simplistically understood as being opposed by India and supported by Pakistan. The reality on the ground is rather more complex. The emerging consensus in India appears to be that, far from being exclusively an economic and infrastructure development program, the BRI may be understood as a long-term strategic initiative that seeks to convert China’s current economic might into diplomatic influence. While attempts have been made by Beijing, the reflexive Indian suspicion of Chinese international projection, including of China’s BRI, has not yet been met by a coherent discourse designed to specifically address Indian concerns. In contrast, in Pakistan, widespread acceptance of the importance and necessity of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor is increasingly coupled with concerns within sectors of Pakistani society over the fairness, transparency and eventual economic outcomes of the project. Accordingly, this paper is divided into two parts: the first looks at how Indian analysts have viewed and responded to the Chinese discourse and arguments on the BRI, while the second considers the debate over the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor within Pakistan.
Aakrosh, 2017
In mid-June 2017, India and China began a long standoff in the Doklam area of Bhutan that came to... more In mid-June 2017, India and China began a long standoff in the Doklam area of Bhutan that came to an end only in late August. The crisis originated when a Chinese road-building party moved into an area that was part of a dispute with Bhutan, an activity that the Indian side deemed was an attempt to change the status quo in an area uncomfortably close to the sensitive ‘Chicken’s neck’ corridor connecting mainland India with Northeast India. The Indians refused to countenance permanent Chinese construction in the area and on apparent request from their Bhutanese counterparts moved to physically block the Chinese from continuing with their activity. The Chinese were clearly surprised, not expecting the Indians to intervene so decisively on the side of the Bhutanese in territory that after all did not belong to India and was the subject of another bilateral dispute altogether. The Indians stood their ground and the Chinese had to climb down but there are important considerations for India from the entire episode and the way the vehement Chinese criticism of India through the incident and after. Following Doklam and their climb-down, the Chinese will certainly view India in a new light. Indian observers might like to think that this might lead to a greater respect for India but it will more likely be the case that Beijing will now want to avenge its loss of face and work harder to prevent India from challenging and resisting Chinese hegemony.
Despite China’s claims of a foreign policy of ‘peaceful rise’/‘peaceful development’ and of seeki... more Despite China’s claims of a foreign policy of ‘peaceful rise’/‘peaceful development’ and of seeking a ‘harmonious world’, and despite its economic openness and active participation in economic multilateralism, China’s neighbours continue to be concerned about the overall direction and intent of Beijing’s security policies. These concerns are particularly heightened by China’s rapid military modernization of the past couple of decades. The announcement in 2010 that China considered its territorial claims in the South China Sea a ‘core interest’, can be seen as a setback to its regional diplomacy, so diligently crafted over the years and drove its Southeast Asian neighbours to seek closer engagement with the US. This article argues that the contradictions evident in China’s neighbourhood foreign policy reflect its continuing search for a model of international relations that can balance its domestic interests such as the need for political stability, including regime stability, on the one hand and its external ambitions for a decisive role in regional affairs, on the other.
Eurasia Border Review , 2011
Despite being among the fastest growing world economies, interactions between China and India rem... more Despite being among the fastest growing world economies, interactions between China and India remain limited owing to their unresolved boundary dispute. Tensions have grown over rapid military and infrastructure development by both countries along the disputed boundary but these developments can also be used as opportunities to encourage development in the relatively poor and underdeveloped provinces and countries along their disputed boundary. In this context, it is important to also understand domestic socioeconomic and political developments taking place in these border provinces how they might shape the future contours of the Sino-Indian boundary dispute and relations. Given that in both China and India, years of prioritizing national security considerations over political accommodation and economic development in their provinces have not really led to the fulfillment of any national security objectives, the time has come to examine if prioritizing the latter set of considerations to the benefit of their border provinces can ensure peace and stability between China and India. The solution to both the political and economic discontent of Chinese and Indian provinces as well as the unresolved boundary dispute between the two countries could be to allow their provinces greater freedom to interact with each other in terms of people-to-people and economic contacts.
内容提要:2012年1月发布的"维持美国全球领导地位:21世界国防重点"阐明了未来十年美国的重点 安全目标,引起各国广泛关注.本文从美制定该战略的国内,国际背景和重点内容入手,分析了美国向 亚洲... more 内容提要:2012年1月发布的"维持美国全球领导地位:21世界国防重点"阐明了未来十年美国的重点 安全目标,引起各国广泛关注.本文从美制定该战略的国内,国际背景和重点内容入手,分析了美国向 亚洲再平衡将对中国和印度造成哪些外交,安全等方面的影响,指出印美间存在不可逾越的分歧,印 应在新形势下同时处理好对华和对没关系,实现本国在亚洲,乃至世界发挥更大作用的抱负.
China Report, May 2011
This paper argues that more than their boundary dispute, it is the place of Tibet in the Sino–Ind... more This paper argues that more than their boundary dispute, it is the place of Tibet in the Sino–Indian relationship that is at the core of the continuing mistrust between the two countries. For China, pushing economic development as a panacea to ethnic grievances has been an insufficient strategy. To ensure sustainable political stability in Tibet, it is necessary to give India greater space in Tibet in the form of improved economic, tourist and religious exchanges as a way of relieving the sense of cultural siege that ethnic Tibetans suffer from. India meanwhile, having accepted Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, will have to reciprocate with a new ‘forward policy’ of its own allowing for greater Chinese access to its own markets and the removal of other discriminatory restrictions on Chinese travelling to India. The way ahead lies in converting Tibet’s political centrality into an economic centrality in the Sino–Indian bilateral relationship.
Portuguese Journal of International Affairs , 2010
The decline of Western dominance, symbolized by the financial crisis in 2008 and the rise of emer... more The decline of Western dominance, symbolized by the financial crisis in 2008 and the rise of emerging actors such as China, India and Brazil, will fundamentally change the way decisions are made at the international level. Power, and the responsibilities that come with it, will be more evenly spread across a larger number of stakeholders, creating potentially a more equitable world order. Power not only allows rising actors to participate in international negotiations but also increasingly allows countries such as China, India and Brazil to frame the debate and decide which issues should be discussed in the first place. In other words, rising powers will increasingly turn into global agenda setters. Apart from changing the way decisions are made, the rise of non-established powers such as India and Brazil on the one hand and China on the other, will also have an impact on the international discourse on political values and systems of governance.
SPIRIT Occasional Papers, Oct 2010
The India-Myanmar border regions form a forgotten frontier in the Indian and global imagination. ... more The India-Myanmar border regions form a forgotten frontier in the Indian and global imagination. India’s frontiers to the west (Pakistan), to the north (Tibet/China) and to the south (Sri Lanka and the Indian Ocean) have always received greater attention. Today, however, the region representing the conjunction of India, China and Myanmar is returning to the centre of attention for a number of reasons both old and new. Violence (‘Guns’) has been endemic in the region since communities and peoples were rent asunder by the imposition and policing of officially demarcated borders between India and Myanmar. Yet, trade (‘Blankets’) – both formal and informal – has managed to carry on. What has added to the importance of the region in the eyes of the national capitals, is the increasing severity of transnational challenges such as drug-trafficking and the spread of diseases (‘Bird Flu’). Together, these three factors have kept both a regional identity as well as specific community identities alive. This paper is an attempt to examine the region-building properties of these factors.
China Report, Aug 2010
The China–Pakistan relationship has seen several ups and downs in the last decade and especially ... more The China–Pakistan relationship has seen several ups and downs in the last decade and especially since 9/11. While Sino-Pakistani ties remain strong, there has been a visible drawdown in Chinese political commitment to Pakistan. Partly, this has been because of Beijing’s concerns about political instability, including terrorism, in Pakistan, and the spread of Islamic radicalism from that country into China. In part, this has also been because China’s global political rise has meant that it is more conscious of its need to adhere to international norms, which includes refraining from nuclear proliferation to Pakistan. In this context, this article argues that one, India is no longer the central concern in the Sino-Pakistani relationship and two, New Delhi’s capacity to play the game-changer in the China–Pakistan relationship has grown over time.
Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, 2009
Providing relief to countries affected by natural calamities has always been an important area of... more Providing relief to countries affected by natural calamities has always been an important area of India’s international activities, and recent years have seen a significant transformation in terms of its preparedness, scale of the operations and willingness to use its resources to offer maximum relief to the victim country. This paper deals with six instances of natural disasters affecting countries in India’s neighbourhood and look at how India has responded to these. Apart from examining if India’s response left anything to be desired and the impact of its response, the paper also aims to see if there is some kind of an Indian policy with specific objectives that can be discerned, and the potential impact of such a policy.
China Report, Vol. 39, No. 3, pp. 407-15, Jul 2003
Iraq on missile-related chemical sales. The Anglo-American bombing raids on Iraq in February 2001... more Iraq on missile-related chemical sales. The Anglo-American bombing raids on Iraq in February 2001 were necessitated, according to a report in the Washington Times, by improving Iraqi airdefence systems. These were reintegrated with the help of fiber-optic cabling allegedly provided, by a Chinese company. There were also doubts whether the fiber-optic technology was not of American origin that was resold to Iraq. The attacks invited swift condemnation from the Chinese government. The
China Report, Vol. 41, No. 2, pp. 331-39., Apr 2005
The first direct flights between China and Taiwan since the end of the civil war in 1949 took pla... more The first direct flights between China and Taiwan since the end of the civil war in 1949 took place in early 2005. These were intended to facilitate travel by Taiwanese businessmen and their families in China for the Lunar New Year celebrations back home. Following the Taiwan-Hong Kong Aviation Agreement of 2002 and the charter flights of 2003, no flights took place in 2004 owing to political compulsions such as Chen Shuibian's call for a referendum on Chinese missiles and his subsequent reelection campaign. In 2005, the opposition KMT in Taiwan, by virtue of its strong electoral showing in December 2004 developed its own stake in the negotiations and was able to set up an alternate channel for talks with authorities in Beijing. Meanwhile, the nature of negotiations between China and Taiwan on cross-straits flights continues to be disputed, with China insisting on the domestic nature of the negotiations and subsequent agreements whereas Taiwan has consistently described them as having elements of international negotiations. The issue, while resulting in further political polarisation on the island, has also given Beijing increasing clout in Taiwanese domestic politics.
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Edited Books by Jabin T Jacob
Journal Articles by Jabin T Jacob
aims to meet the infrastructure deficit in many underdeveloped
parts of the world. However, Chinese projects under the BRI come
with features that have negative short-term and long-term
implications for the host countries in question. Chinese project
financing almost uniformly lacks transparency, including about the
terms of this financing, and is accompanied by uncertainty about
local benefits such as employment and by poor standards. This
paper begins by highlighting some key features of Chinese
infrastructure projects under the BRI, before it examines, in detail,
the financing of these projects, particularly in South Asia. The
article concludes by stating that China’s success in pushing the
BRI – despite its several problems – is the result of the inability of
democratic nations to come up with feasible alternatives that
respect local sensitivities and conditions in the countries in need
of infrastructure development. India, especially, has much to
reflect upon in respect of its own methods and approaches
towards its neighbours and towards overseas development
assistance in the wake of China’s BRI.
aims to meet the infrastructure deficit in many underdeveloped
parts of the world. However, Chinese projects under the BRI come
with features that have negative short-term and long-term
implications for the host countries in question. Chinese project
financing almost uniformly lacks transparency, including about the
terms of this financing, and is accompanied by uncertainty about
local benefits such as employment and by poor standards. This
paper begins by highlighting some key features of Chinese
infrastructure projects under the BRI, before it examines, in detail,
the financing of these projects, particularly in South Asia. The
article concludes by stating that China’s success in pushing the
BRI – despite its several problems – is the result of the inability of
democratic nations to come up with feasible alternatives that
respect local sensitivities and conditions in the countries in need
of infrastructure development. India, especially, has much to
reflect upon in respect of its own methods and approaches
towards its neighbours and towards overseas development
assistance in the wake of China’s BRI.