LATIF TAS, b. 1975, PhD in Law (Queen Mary, University of London, 2012); Member (2019-2020), Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton; Marie Sklodowska-Curie Global Fellow (2017 - 2020), at SOAS, University of London; Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University (New York); and MPI for Social Anthropology (Halle, Germany); Most recent book: Legal Pluralism in Action: Dispute Resolution and the Kurdish Peace Committee (Routledge, 2016).
The article explores the relationship between theory and practise in terms of gender-based equali... more The article explores the relationship between theory and practise in terms of gender-based equality and justice within both the armed units as well as the political-legal movement linked to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkey and transnationally. An analysis of the historical developments of both political ideology and mobilization reveals the radical shift towards a stated commitment to gender-based equality that has taken place within a wider political transformation from a nationalist independence movement to a movement pursuing radical democracy. The article focuses on the dialectical relationship between the writings of the founder of the PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, and the struggle of Kurdish female militants and political activists to challenge male hegemony and patriarchal gender norms. We recognize the centrality of Öcalan's writings in the shift away from the emphasis on national liberation to the idea of radical democracy with gender equality at is centre. However, our main argument developed in the article is to recognize the importance of women's resistance and struggle to implement gender-based equality while we also highlight gaps between ideological pronouncements and everyday practises. Throughout the article we refer to Kurdish women fighters' and activists' personal experiences within the movement, which they themselves refer to as discrimination, forms of exclusion or marginalization.
Migration and shifting demographics have introduced new parallel legal systems into European soci... more Migration and shifting demographics have introduced new parallel legal systems into European society. The EU-funded TRANSNATIONALaw project sought to investigate how these are used, specifically looking at the non-European, nonIslamic roots of Kurdish alternative legal practices. The project used the cities of Berlin, in Germany and Diyarbakir, in Turkey, as case studies.
Dictators aren’t built in a day. Nor are they ‘self-made’. They gain, and keep, their power with ... more Dictators aren’t built in a day. Nor are they ‘self-made’. They gain, and keep, their power with support of the public, the press, and, of course, those in the corporate class who are the direct or indirect beneficiaries of the dictator’s actions ... These pre-existing, ethno-nationalist and racist, cultural traditions have clearly facilitated Erdoğan’s rise to power. Dictatorships feed on tribalism and fear.
The twentieth century was the century of genocides. Many serious crimes against humanity took pla... more The twentieth century was the century of genocides. Many serious crimes against humanity took place. Turkey alone, at least twice committed this crime; once against Armenia (1915) and the other against Alevis and Kurds (1937-38). Atrocities continue. Regimes of evil and their immoral reasoning, methods, rule of government and administration evolve together with the state and economic apparatuses that support them. To understand new forms of colonialism we need to critical analyze the effects of imperialism as well as the role of predatory politics. Ottoman colonization and acts of slavery spread and affected many different minorities in three different continents. Turkey inherited this style.
After the concept of terrorism, now the new strategy of 'safe zone' or 'security zone' is shaping... more After the concept of terrorism, now the new strategy of 'safe zone' or 'security zone' is shaping the colonialist state's expansionist wishes and illegitimate international actions. We have observed over the last three decades how the concept of terrorism has worked perfectly for the nation states and almost every large and powerful nation state has benefited from this. The new strategy is expected to serve for a similar excuse. Now any powerful or large nation state, such as the USA against Mexico, India against Kashmir, Europe against North Africa, Saudi Arabia against Yemen, Russia against Ukraine and China against Hong Kong, can follow this same path and expand their interest and authority at the expense of others, in the same way that Turkey is currently carrying out in their actions against Kurds in Syria and elsewhere. This newfound strategy of 'safe zones' is just a new name for old-style colonization, which continues to enable the monopolistic privilege of some ethnic or religious groups over others.
Despite the recent outbreak of violence and conflict, peace continues to be high on the agenda of... more Despite the recent outbreak of violence and conflict, peace continues to be high on the agenda of the Kurdish political movement and many progressive Turkish intellectuals and activists. We conducted qualitative multi-sited ethnographic research in Turkey (Istanbul and Diyarbakır) and two diaspora locations (London and Berlin) to examine this mobilization for peace. Our analysis of these interviews shows how Kurdish feminist activists have been struggling to make the eradication of gender-based inequalities and gender-based violence central to the wider political movement for peace. Our interviews also reveal a recent convergence between Kurdish and Turkish women's rights activists where segments of the Turkish feminist movement increasingly recognize that “war is like a blanket” that covers over gender injustices. Both Kurdish and Turkish activists stress the intersections between the process of making peace with the state and the struggle for gender-based equality and justice. Thus, our research points to new openings in the conceptualization of and activism for peace, and women’s rights that bridge the deep ethnic and national divides the Turkish-Kurdish conflict has created. Our conclusions underline the need for a feminist perspective on violence and conflict that accounts for women’s rights activists’ visions and strategies for a sustainable and just peace.
Feminist scholars have documented with reference to multiple empirical contexts that feminist cla... more Feminist scholars have documented with reference to multiple empirical contexts that feminist claims within nationalist movements are often side-lined, constructed as " inauthentic " and frequently discredited for imitating supposedly western notions of gender-based equality. Despite these problems, some feminist scholars have pointed to the positive aspects of nationalist movements, which frequently open up spaces for gender-based claims. Our research is based on the recognition that we cannot evaluate the fraught relationship in the abstract, but that we need to look at the specific historical and empirical contexts and articulations of nationalism and feminism. The specific case study we draw upon is the relationship between the Kurdish women's movement and the wider Kurdish political movement in Turkey. We are exploring the ways that the Kurdish movement in Turkey has politicised Kurdish women's rights activists, and examine how Kurdish women activists have reacted to patriarchal tendencies within the Kurdish movement.
This article discusses the various ways the Kurdish women’s movement has impacted feminism in the... more This article discusses the various ways the Kurdish women’s movement has impacted feminism in the Turkish context. Against the background of the problematic historical relationship between Turkish and Kurdish women’s rights activists, the article explores the shift in perceptions of, attitudes towards and relations of feminists in Turkey with the Kurdish women’s movement. The article shows that a ‘new generation of feminists’ in Turkey appreciates and is inspired by the Kurdish women’s movement, and rejects the Kemalist and nationalist undertones of earlier generations. Without wanting to belittle on-going nationalism and the rise of women’s cadres linked to the authoritarian Turkish regime, the article analyses the various ways the intersectional long-term struggle of Kurdish women is being perceived, recognized and critically engaged with by many Turkish feminist activists.
I was born in Kars, a city in eastern Turkey, which used to have a multiethnic, multilingual and... more I was born in Kars, a city in eastern Turkey, which used to have a multiethnic, multilingual and multireligious population. The city municipality shares borders with four countries and one disputed territory: Turkey, Iran, Georgia, Armenia, and the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic. I don’t know if a similar city exists in the world, but it was one of the cities where pluralism coexisted, where Kurds, Turks, Azeris, Armenians, Terekemes, Turkmen, Georgians, Chechens, Russians, and even some Germans lived peacefully side by side; where many mixed families flourished. Having spent your childhood in such a diverse environment as I did, certainly shapes an individual’s identity. Kars is not just the city where I was born; it is the place that created my pluralistic identity and belief in tolerance, pluralism, and the coexistence of difference within any given society. These principles have been my guide, first during my many years in journalism and more recently, over the past 10 years, in the context of my academic work.
The arrest of the co-mayors and women’s rights activists is part of the Turkish government's atte... more The arrest of the co-mayors and women’s rights activists is part of the Turkish government's attempt to destroy local forms of governance and democratic structures with transparent processes. The locally elected municipalities have been very effective in providing welfare, access to resources and the requisite infrastructure to their populations, despite the multiple challenges imposed on them by the Turkish government and the extremely limited budget available to them. We interviewed Ayla Akat as part of our broader work on the gendered dimensions of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict. Ayla Akat has been involved for many years in trying to find a political solution to the Turkish-Kurdish conflict while defending the rights of the Kurdish minority in Turkey. She has also been at the forefront of addressing and struggling against gender-based inequalities within Turkey more broadly as well as within Kurdish communities more specifically. We wanted to know about the establishment of the Kurdish Women’s Congress (KJA – Congreya Jinên Azad) and her views on the stalled peace process.
Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Interview , Aug 12, 2016
The prominence of Kurdish women in Rojava (western Kurdistan/northern Syria) inspired us initiall... more The prominence of Kurdish women in Rojava (western Kurdistan/northern Syria) inspired us initially to understand the historical role of women in the Kurdish political movement. We were also interested in the role of Kurdish women in challenging traditional patriarchal society and rules. As part of this wider project, we wanted to hear the thoughts of Gültan Kışanak, the female co-mayor of Diyarbakır, the largest Kurdish city in southeastern Turkey.
In 2002 when elected for the first time, Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) made... more In 2002 when elected for the first time, Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) made six important pledges. These were: to develop ‘a new pluralistic constitution which respected the ethnic and religious diversity of the country’; to establish a ‘strong democracy’; to strengthen the ‘rule of law’; to respect ‘freedom of speech’; ‘to have zero problems with neighbours’ and ‘to find a peaceful resolution with the Kurds’. None of these pledges have been fulfilled. On the contrary: Turkey is in the fifteenth year of an Erdogan-led government, and all of these six areas are in a worse state than before. In the 2016 World Press Freedom Index, Turkey is ranking 151. This is lower than Russia, Pakistan, South Sudan, Zimbabwe, Afghanistan and almost the same level as the Democratic Republic of Congo. In this article, I want to focus primarily on the worsening of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict. Unless Turkish-Kurdish relations improve, I contend that it is not possible to resolve the other five pledges. The Erdogan-led regime has not only put Turkey into a rogue situation, but the state is now heading towards a civil war.
When Erdogan and his party, the AKP, were elected for the first time in 2002, they made several i... more When Erdogan and his party, the AKP, were elected for the first time in 2002, they made several important pledges. None of these have been fulfilled. On the contrary, in recent years the conflict between Turks and Kurds has increased and societal divisions are at boiling point. Unless relations between Turks and Kurds improve, this article contends that it is not possible to resolve the other pressing issues. Under an Erdogan-led regime Turkey has become a rogue state which is now heading towards civil war. This article begins by arguing that there has never been a real Turkish-Kurdish peace process. The outcomes of the research reported here show that the aim of past negotiations – for both the Erdogan-led AKP government and the PKK – is actually to monopolise power and violence, rather than to move towards sustainable peace. The second argument is that diaspora, especially for stateless people, is not just a 'home away from home'. The underlying concern tackled here is how successful negotiations for peace and post-conflict societies can be reached with the help of different stakeholders, including diasporas. The article includes a case history of Kurdish alternative legal practice, which shows that diaspora communities are not only idealistic protesters, but can also act as positive agents and create practical solutions for stateless communities. Finally, the article suggests 15 practical steps towards a sustainable peace.
This paper argues for a new approach to understanding statelessness. It explores the limits of in... more This paper argues for a new approach to understanding statelessness. It explores the limits of international laws on statelessness and the relationships between statelessness, diaspora and nationalism. It discusses how the condition of statelessness has affected Kurds, and how statelessness has been constructed and experienced at an individual and collective level in the diaspora. It argues for an expanded definition of the international laws of ‘stateless’ person: adding to the accepted de jure and highly contested de facto definitions, by also suggesting a third, new, category of ‘socially stateless’ people. The paper examines the concept of diaspora itself from the perspective of Kurdish interviewees and explores how, for stateless groups like Kurds, ‘living in diaspora’ can mean more than one place, including their land of origin. It will suggest the concept of ‘double’ or ‘multiple’ diasporas, where stateless people do not feel that they belong either to their country of origin or to the country in which they now live. The paper discusses the idea that when an ethnic community is stateless, then even those individuals who have an official nationality, citizenship or passport may often describe themselves as stateless. The relationship between statelessness, diaspora and nationalism is highlighted; and the impact of this on diaspora involvement in homeland politics, conflict and peace is explored. The paper also argues that the lack of protection which international law(s) offer around statelessness paradoxically create new forms of nationalism.
Past experience suggests that this unclarity about the peace process may once again open the door... more Past experience suggests that this unclarity about the peace process may once again open the door for brutal conflict. Turkey and the Kurds share the aim of ending their long-standing conflict. So what of the so-called peace process between the Turkish state and the PKK, especially their imprisoned leader Abdullah Ocalan? And what is the potential role of Kurdish diaspora groups in ‘peace-making’, ‘peacebuilding’ and ‘reconciliation’ processes with Turkey? I have been exploring the experiences of Kurdish individuals and families in the diaspora, specifically looking at involvement in homeland politics, conflict and peace between April 2014 and May 2015 for my research, facilitating five focus groups and securing interviews with those from different parts of Kurdistan now living in the UK and Germany. In total, my research involved 60 Kurdish adults, of whom 29 were women, and 31 were men, building on work on the Kurdish diaspora in the UK and Germany since 2008.
This article re-opens the discussion about the Ottoman millet practice. The best known stereotype... more This article re-opens the discussion about the Ottoman millet practice. The best known stereotypes claim that the so-called ‘millet system’ only offered rights to non-Muslim religious minorities. This article fundamentally challenges this approach. It focuses on how the millet practice was applied to the treatment of Kurds under the early and late Ottoman Empire, and discusses how millet practices were destroyed by the disease of nationalism. The article then considers how practices like those applied by the Ottomans might act as a useful example for modern nation states facing conflicts with national, religious, ethnic or migrant minorities. It suggests that practices like the millet might be beneficial both if minorities gain territorial recognition and also for those minorities who live in non-territorial communities.
This groundbreaking book contributes to, and refocuses, public debates about the incorporation of... more This groundbreaking book contributes to, and refocuses, public debates about the incorporation of plural approaches into the English legal system. The book specifically advances the recent, largely theoretical, discussions of Sharia legal practice by examining a secular method of dispute resolution as practised by the Kurdish Peace Committee in London. Following migration to the West, many Kurds still adhere to traditional values and norms. Building on these, they have adapted their customary legal practices to create unofficial legal courts and other forms of legal hybridisation. These practical solutions to the challenges of a pluralistic life are seen by Kurdish communities in the UK as applicable not only to British and transnational daily life, but also as a training ground for institutions in a possible future Kurdish state. The study provides a substantive evidence base using extensive ethnographic data about the workings of the Kurdish Peace Committee, examining detailed case studies in the context of the customs and practices of the Kurdish community. Based on an ethnographic and interdisciplinary approach, this book will be of interest to policy makers, socio-legal professionals, students and scholars of legal anthropology, ethnic minority law, transnationalism, diaspora, Kurdish, Turkish and Middle Eastern studies.
In order to understand the different customs of the newcomers and how these work within the UK, t... more In order to understand the different customs of the newcomers and how these work within the UK, this article discusses and evaluates the ‘informal’ Kurdish Peace Committee (KPC -- a general court) and the Kurdish Women’s Committee (Roj Women -- for sensitive cases involving women), as developed and practiced by members of the Kurdish diaspora (gurbet) living in the UK. Kinship, transnational marriages, frequent visits 'back home', and cheap telecommunications have helped Kurds to maintain strong links with Kurdish communities still living in Turkey and elsewhere in the gurbet. As a consequence of these ties, even simple disputes can affect extended family members living in the Kurdish region, the cities of Turkey, and in Europe. The Kurdish Peace Committee is involved in the settlement of such cases since, as they see it, such conflicts cannot be resolved by either British or Turkish state courts alone. Through the use of case studies, which illustrate a set of complex and interesting life stories, this article will explain how the Kurdish Peace Committee in London operates in an increasingly internal and transnational environment.
The article explores the relationship between theory and practise in terms of gender-based equali... more The article explores the relationship between theory and practise in terms of gender-based equality and justice within both the armed units as well as the political-legal movement linked to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkey and transnationally. An analysis of the historical developments of both political ideology and mobilization reveals the radical shift towards a stated commitment to gender-based equality that has taken place within a wider political transformation from a nationalist independence movement to a movement pursuing radical democracy. The article focuses on the dialectical relationship between the writings of the founder of the PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, and the struggle of Kurdish female militants and political activists to challenge male hegemony and patriarchal gender norms. We recognize the centrality of Öcalan's writings in the shift away from the emphasis on national liberation to the idea of radical democracy with gender equality at is centre. However, our main argument developed in the article is to recognize the importance of women's resistance and struggle to implement gender-based equality while we also highlight gaps between ideological pronouncements and everyday practises. Throughout the article we refer to Kurdish women fighters' and activists' personal experiences within the movement, which they themselves refer to as discrimination, forms of exclusion or marginalization.
Migration and shifting demographics have introduced new parallel legal systems into European soci... more Migration and shifting demographics have introduced new parallel legal systems into European society. The EU-funded TRANSNATIONALaw project sought to investigate how these are used, specifically looking at the non-European, nonIslamic roots of Kurdish alternative legal practices. The project used the cities of Berlin, in Germany and Diyarbakir, in Turkey, as case studies.
Dictators aren’t built in a day. Nor are they ‘self-made’. They gain, and keep, their power with ... more Dictators aren’t built in a day. Nor are they ‘self-made’. They gain, and keep, their power with support of the public, the press, and, of course, those in the corporate class who are the direct or indirect beneficiaries of the dictator’s actions ... These pre-existing, ethno-nationalist and racist, cultural traditions have clearly facilitated Erdoğan’s rise to power. Dictatorships feed on tribalism and fear.
The twentieth century was the century of genocides. Many serious crimes against humanity took pla... more The twentieth century was the century of genocides. Many serious crimes against humanity took place. Turkey alone, at least twice committed this crime; once against Armenia (1915) and the other against Alevis and Kurds (1937-38). Atrocities continue. Regimes of evil and their immoral reasoning, methods, rule of government and administration evolve together with the state and economic apparatuses that support them. To understand new forms of colonialism we need to critical analyze the effects of imperialism as well as the role of predatory politics. Ottoman colonization and acts of slavery spread and affected many different minorities in three different continents. Turkey inherited this style.
After the concept of terrorism, now the new strategy of 'safe zone' or 'security zone' is shaping... more After the concept of terrorism, now the new strategy of 'safe zone' or 'security zone' is shaping the colonialist state's expansionist wishes and illegitimate international actions. We have observed over the last three decades how the concept of terrorism has worked perfectly for the nation states and almost every large and powerful nation state has benefited from this. The new strategy is expected to serve for a similar excuse. Now any powerful or large nation state, such as the USA against Mexico, India against Kashmir, Europe against North Africa, Saudi Arabia against Yemen, Russia against Ukraine and China against Hong Kong, can follow this same path and expand their interest and authority at the expense of others, in the same way that Turkey is currently carrying out in their actions against Kurds in Syria and elsewhere. This newfound strategy of 'safe zones' is just a new name for old-style colonization, which continues to enable the monopolistic privilege of some ethnic or religious groups over others.
Despite the recent outbreak of violence and conflict, peace continues to be high on the agenda of... more Despite the recent outbreak of violence and conflict, peace continues to be high on the agenda of the Kurdish political movement and many progressive Turkish intellectuals and activists. We conducted qualitative multi-sited ethnographic research in Turkey (Istanbul and Diyarbakır) and two diaspora locations (London and Berlin) to examine this mobilization for peace. Our analysis of these interviews shows how Kurdish feminist activists have been struggling to make the eradication of gender-based inequalities and gender-based violence central to the wider political movement for peace. Our interviews also reveal a recent convergence between Kurdish and Turkish women's rights activists where segments of the Turkish feminist movement increasingly recognize that “war is like a blanket” that covers over gender injustices. Both Kurdish and Turkish activists stress the intersections between the process of making peace with the state and the struggle for gender-based equality and justice. Thus, our research points to new openings in the conceptualization of and activism for peace, and women’s rights that bridge the deep ethnic and national divides the Turkish-Kurdish conflict has created. Our conclusions underline the need for a feminist perspective on violence and conflict that accounts for women’s rights activists’ visions and strategies for a sustainable and just peace.
Feminist scholars have documented with reference to multiple empirical contexts that feminist cla... more Feminist scholars have documented with reference to multiple empirical contexts that feminist claims within nationalist movements are often side-lined, constructed as " inauthentic " and frequently discredited for imitating supposedly western notions of gender-based equality. Despite these problems, some feminist scholars have pointed to the positive aspects of nationalist movements, which frequently open up spaces for gender-based claims. Our research is based on the recognition that we cannot evaluate the fraught relationship in the abstract, but that we need to look at the specific historical and empirical contexts and articulations of nationalism and feminism. The specific case study we draw upon is the relationship between the Kurdish women's movement and the wider Kurdish political movement in Turkey. We are exploring the ways that the Kurdish movement in Turkey has politicised Kurdish women's rights activists, and examine how Kurdish women activists have reacted to patriarchal tendencies within the Kurdish movement.
This article discusses the various ways the Kurdish women’s movement has impacted feminism in the... more This article discusses the various ways the Kurdish women’s movement has impacted feminism in the Turkish context. Against the background of the problematic historical relationship between Turkish and Kurdish women’s rights activists, the article explores the shift in perceptions of, attitudes towards and relations of feminists in Turkey with the Kurdish women’s movement. The article shows that a ‘new generation of feminists’ in Turkey appreciates and is inspired by the Kurdish women’s movement, and rejects the Kemalist and nationalist undertones of earlier generations. Without wanting to belittle on-going nationalism and the rise of women’s cadres linked to the authoritarian Turkish regime, the article analyses the various ways the intersectional long-term struggle of Kurdish women is being perceived, recognized and critically engaged with by many Turkish feminist activists.
I was born in Kars, a city in eastern Turkey, which used to have a multiethnic, multilingual and... more I was born in Kars, a city in eastern Turkey, which used to have a multiethnic, multilingual and multireligious population. The city municipality shares borders with four countries and one disputed territory: Turkey, Iran, Georgia, Armenia, and the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic. I don’t know if a similar city exists in the world, but it was one of the cities where pluralism coexisted, where Kurds, Turks, Azeris, Armenians, Terekemes, Turkmen, Georgians, Chechens, Russians, and even some Germans lived peacefully side by side; where many mixed families flourished. Having spent your childhood in such a diverse environment as I did, certainly shapes an individual’s identity. Kars is not just the city where I was born; it is the place that created my pluralistic identity and belief in tolerance, pluralism, and the coexistence of difference within any given society. These principles have been my guide, first during my many years in journalism and more recently, over the past 10 years, in the context of my academic work.
The arrest of the co-mayors and women’s rights activists is part of the Turkish government's atte... more The arrest of the co-mayors and women’s rights activists is part of the Turkish government's attempt to destroy local forms of governance and democratic structures with transparent processes. The locally elected municipalities have been very effective in providing welfare, access to resources and the requisite infrastructure to their populations, despite the multiple challenges imposed on them by the Turkish government and the extremely limited budget available to them. We interviewed Ayla Akat as part of our broader work on the gendered dimensions of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict. Ayla Akat has been involved for many years in trying to find a political solution to the Turkish-Kurdish conflict while defending the rights of the Kurdish minority in Turkey. She has also been at the forefront of addressing and struggling against gender-based inequalities within Turkey more broadly as well as within Kurdish communities more specifically. We wanted to know about the establishment of the Kurdish Women’s Congress (KJA – Congreya Jinên Azad) and her views on the stalled peace process.
Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Interview , Aug 12, 2016
The prominence of Kurdish women in Rojava (western Kurdistan/northern Syria) inspired us initiall... more The prominence of Kurdish women in Rojava (western Kurdistan/northern Syria) inspired us initially to understand the historical role of women in the Kurdish political movement. We were also interested in the role of Kurdish women in challenging traditional patriarchal society and rules. As part of this wider project, we wanted to hear the thoughts of Gültan Kışanak, the female co-mayor of Diyarbakır, the largest Kurdish city in southeastern Turkey.
In 2002 when elected for the first time, Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) made... more In 2002 when elected for the first time, Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) made six important pledges. These were: to develop ‘a new pluralistic constitution which respected the ethnic and religious diversity of the country’; to establish a ‘strong democracy’; to strengthen the ‘rule of law’; to respect ‘freedom of speech’; ‘to have zero problems with neighbours’ and ‘to find a peaceful resolution with the Kurds’. None of these pledges have been fulfilled. On the contrary: Turkey is in the fifteenth year of an Erdogan-led government, and all of these six areas are in a worse state than before. In the 2016 World Press Freedom Index, Turkey is ranking 151. This is lower than Russia, Pakistan, South Sudan, Zimbabwe, Afghanistan and almost the same level as the Democratic Republic of Congo. In this article, I want to focus primarily on the worsening of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict. Unless Turkish-Kurdish relations improve, I contend that it is not possible to resolve the other five pledges. The Erdogan-led regime has not only put Turkey into a rogue situation, but the state is now heading towards a civil war.
When Erdogan and his party, the AKP, were elected for the first time in 2002, they made several i... more When Erdogan and his party, the AKP, were elected for the first time in 2002, they made several important pledges. None of these have been fulfilled. On the contrary, in recent years the conflict between Turks and Kurds has increased and societal divisions are at boiling point. Unless relations between Turks and Kurds improve, this article contends that it is not possible to resolve the other pressing issues. Under an Erdogan-led regime Turkey has become a rogue state which is now heading towards civil war. This article begins by arguing that there has never been a real Turkish-Kurdish peace process. The outcomes of the research reported here show that the aim of past negotiations – for both the Erdogan-led AKP government and the PKK – is actually to monopolise power and violence, rather than to move towards sustainable peace. The second argument is that diaspora, especially for stateless people, is not just a 'home away from home'. The underlying concern tackled here is how successful negotiations for peace and post-conflict societies can be reached with the help of different stakeholders, including diasporas. The article includes a case history of Kurdish alternative legal practice, which shows that diaspora communities are not only idealistic protesters, but can also act as positive agents and create practical solutions for stateless communities. Finally, the article suggests 15 practical steps towards a sustainable peace.
This paper argues for a new approach to understanding statelessness. It explores the limits of in... more This paper argues for a new approach to understanding statelessness. It explores the limits of international laws on statelessness and the relationships between statelessness, diaspora and nationalism. It discusses how the condition of statelessness has affected Kurds, and how statelessness has been constructed and experienced at an individual and collective level in the diaspora. It argues for an expanded definition of the international laws of ‘stateless’ person: adding to the accepted de jure and highly contested de facto definitions, by also suggesting a third, new, category of ‘socially stateless’ people. The paper examines the concept of diaspora itself from the perspective of Kurdish interviewees and explores how, for stateless groups like Kurds, ‘living in diaspora’ can mean more than one place, including their land of origin. It will suggest the concept of ‘double’ or ‘multiple’ diasporas, where stateless people do not feel that they belong either to their country of origin or to the country in which they now live. The paper discusses the idea that when an ethnic community is stateless, then even those individuals who have an official nationality, citizenship or passport may often describe themselves as stateless. The relationship between statelessness, diaspora and nationalism is highlighted; and the impact of this on diaspora involvement in homeland politics, conflict and peace is explored. The paper also argues that the lack of protection which international law(s) offer around statelessness paradoxically create new forms of nationalism.
Past experience suggests that this unclarity about the peace process may once again open the door... more Past experience suggests that this unclarity about the peace process may once again open the door for brutal conflict. Turkey and the Kurds share the aim of ending their long-standing conflict. So what of the so-called peace process between the Turkish state and the PKK, especially their imprisoned leader Abdullah Ocalan? And what is the potential role of Kurdish diaspora groups in ‘peace-making’, ‘peacebuilding’ and ‘reconciliation’ processes with Turkey? I have been exploring the experiences of Kurdish individuals and families in the diaspora, specifically looking at involvement in homeland politics, conflict and peace between April 2014 and May 2015 for my research, facilitating five focus groups and securing interviews with those from different parts of Kurdistan now living in the UK and Germany. In total, my research involved 60 Kurdish adults, of whom 29 were women, and 31 were men, building on work on the Kurdish diaspora in the UK and Germany since 2008.
This article re-opens the discussion about the Ottoman millet practice. The best known stereotype... more This article re-opens the discussion about the Ottoman millet practice. The best known stereotypes claim that the so-called ‘millet system’ only offered rights to non-Muslim religious minorities. This article fundamentally challenges this approach. It focuses on how the millet practice was applied to the treatment of Kurds under the early and late Ottoman Empire, and discusses how millet practices were destroyed by the disease of nationalism. The article then considers how practices like those applied by the Ottomans might act as a useful example for modern nation states facing conflicts with national, religious, ethnic or migrant minorities. It suggests that practices like the millet might be beneficial both if minorities gain territorial recognition and also for those minorities who live in non-territorial communities.
This groundbreaking book contributes to, and refocuses, public debates about the incorporation of... more This groundbreaking book contributes to, and refocuses, public debates about the incorporation of plural approaches into the English legal system. The book specifically advances the recent, largely theoretical, discussions of Sharia legal practice by examining a secular method of dispute resolution as practised by the Kurdish Peace Committee in London. Following migration to the West, many Kurds still adhere to traditional values and norms. Building on these, they have adapted their customary legal practices to create unofficial legal courts and other forms of legal hybridisation. These practical solutions to the challenges of a pluralistic life are seen by Kurdish communities in the UK as applicable not only to British and transnational daily life, but also as a training ground for institutions in a possible future Kurdish state. The study provides a substantive evidence base using extensive ethnographic data about the workings of the Kurdish Peace Committee, examining detailed case studies in the context of the customs and practices of the Kurdish community. Based on an ethnographic and interdisciplinary approach, this book will be of interest to policy makers, socio-legal professionals, students and scholars of legal anthropology, ethnic minority law, transnationalism, diaspora, Kurdish, Turkish and Middle Eastern studies.
In order to understand the different customs of the newcomers and how these work within the UK, t... more In order to understand the different customs of the newcomers and how these work within the UK, this article discusses and evaluates the ‘informal’ Kurdish Peace Committee (KPC -- a general court) and the Kurdish Women’s Committee (Roj Women -- for sensitive cases involving women), as developed and practiced by members of the Kurdish diaspora (gurbet) living in the UK. Kinship, transnational marriages, frequent visits 'back home', and cheap telecommunications have helped Kurds to maintain strong links with Kurdish communities still living in Turkey and elsewhere in the gurbet. As a consequence of these ties, even simple disputes can affect extended family members living in the Kurdish region, the cities of Turkey, and in Europe. The Kurdish Peace Committee is involved in the settlement of such cases since, as they see it, such conflicts cannot be resolved by either British or Turkish state courts alone. Through the use of case studies, which illustrate a set of complex and interesting life stories, this article will explain how the Kurdish Peace Committee in London operates in an increasingly internal and transnational environment.
This book reveal the Kurds’ ability to find compromise solutions and to come together to share a ... more This book reveal the Kurds’ ability to find compromise solutions and to come together to share a pluralist life. Like many other ethnic groups, Kurds have their own customary approaches to the resolution of family, business and criminal disputes. Even though Turks, Iranians and Arabs have always lived in close proximity to Kurds, each of the groups has quite distinct legal practices. The Kurdish dispute resolution systems, and the ways in which these have operated under varying circumstances, have not yet been the focus of significant research interest, let alone taken into account by surrounding communities. In the absence of extensive research on the subject, one can initially suggest at least two reasons for the Kurdish preference for following customary, or alternative, dispute resolution practices as opposed to a formal state-based legal system. Firstly, the Kurds constitute a very closed community: they have strong kinship connections, maintaining their way of life within their own community, and establishing boundaries between themselves and others. They usually hide behind their self-imposed barrier, wishing neither to show nor share their ways. Secondly, since they have not experienced nation statehood, many of my interviewees said that they find it difficult to trust the rule and institutions of any formal state. The book provides a substantive evidence base, using extensive ethnographic data, and examines detailed case studies in the context of the customs and practices of the Kurdish community.
Reviewers Comments: Roger Cotterrell, Queen Mary, University of London: 'Dr Tas' path-breaking empirical study of dispute processing in Britain's Kurdish community underpins his superb book. Using case studies, ethnographic observation and rich interview material, and setting everything in historical and cultural context, he illustrates how legal pluralism can be an everyday reality for ethnic minority groups, and why state law so often does not help to solve their problems. This is essential reading for anyone interested in problems of regulating multicultural societies today.'
Yüksel Sezgin, Syracuse University, USA: 'A ground breaking ethnographic study that provides a unique perspective into alternative dispute resolution processes and mechanisms among Kurds in the diaspora. Many have written on the history and political aspirations of Kurdish people in the past, but this is the very first study in the English language that not only challenges prevailing ways of thinking about the emergence of ethno-nationalist subjectivities and demands, particularly those dealing with the Kurdish identity, but also introduces a whole new set of methodological tools, a new epistemology and a refreshing socio-legal perspective that have been long wanting in the field of Kurdish Studies.'
Book Chapter: The Influence of Diaspora Politics on Conflict and Peace: Transnational Activism of Stateless Kurds, Mar 2017
The conflict between the Turkish state and Kurds is increasing in Turkey and the neighbouring sta... more The conflict between the Turkish state and Kurds is increasing in Turkey and the neighbouring states. Societal divisions between Turks and Kurds are at boiling point. One of the main reasons for this is that successive Turkish governments are more interested in maintaining their own power than in any real attempt at peace-making with Kurds. This chapter focuses on two interconnected arguments. First, it analyses both the ongoing conflict and also the so-called ‘peace process’ between Kurds, especially the Partiya Karkeren Kurdistane (PKK; Kurdistan Workers’ Party), with their imprisoned leader Abdullah Ocalan, and the Turkish state. Secondly, it explores how, without any state to their name, Kurdish diasporas—both in Turkey and outside—have become increasingly active agents. The links that Kurds in the diaspora have with the international community are described. The effects of these links not only on the conflict, but also on potential roles of ‘peace-making’, ‘peace-building’, and ‘reconciliation’ processes within Turkey, are discussed. The chapter challenges Benedict Anderson’s idea that those who live in diasporas keep themselves safe and avoid personal sacrifices (Anderson 1998). Instead, it is suggested that diasporas can be an active part of both peace and conflict. The research reported here suggests that stateless diasporas can provide a training ground for institutions serving potential future states.
In this edited book, 10 Indian and Russian experts describe the relationship between these two po... more In this edited book, 10 Indian and Russian experts describe the relationship between these two powers, exploring especially how it has changed over time. Common features of these two ‘super large’ countries, such as their diverse ethno-religious composition and similar geopolitical concerns, are often taken for granted. The articles in the first section focus on defence and energy, including nuclear cooperation, while the second part more broadly explores economic/political relationships and bilateral economic cooperation. A third section discusses contemporary relationships of these two countries with the wider world.
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Papers by Latif Tas
it is the place that created my pluralistic identity and belief in tolerance, pluralism, and the coexistence of difference within any given society. These principles have been my guide, first during my many years in journalism and more recently, over the past 10 years, in the context of my academic work.
We interviewed Ayla Akat as part of our broader work on the gendered dimensions of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict. Ayla Akat has been involved for many years in trying to find a political solution to the Turkish-Kurdish conflict while defending the rights of the Kurdish minority in Turkey. She has also been at the forefront of addressing and struggling against gender-based inequalities within Turkey more broadly as well as within Kurdish communities more specifically. We wanted to know about the establishment of the Kurdish Women’s Congress (KJA – Congreya Jinên Azad) and her views on the stalled peace process.
for brutal conflict. Turkey and the Kurds share the aim of ending their long-standing conflict. So what of the so-called
peace process between the Turkish state and the PKK, especially their imprisoned leader Abdullah
Ocalan? And what is the potential role of Kurdish diaspora groups in ‘peace-making’, ‘peacebuilding’
and ‘reconciliation’ processes with Turkey?
I have been exploring the experiences of Kurdish individuals and families in the diaspora, specifically
looking at involvement in homeland politics, conflict and peace between April 2014 and May 2015 for
my research, facilitating five focus groups and securing interviews with those from different parts of
Kurdistan now living in the UK and Germany. In total, my research involved 60 Kurdish adults, of whom
29 were women, and 31 were men, building on work on the Kurdish diaspora in the UK and Germany
since 2008.
it is the place that created my pluralistic identity and belief in tolerance, pluralism, and the coexistence of difference within any given society. These principles have been my guide, first during my many years in journalism and more recently, over the past 10 years, in the context of my academic work.
We interviewed Ayla Akat as part of our broader work on the gendered dimensions of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict. Ayla Akat has been involved for many years in trying to find a political solution to the Turkish-Kurdish conflict while defending the rights of the Kurdish minority in Turkey. She has also been at the forefront of addressing and struggling against gender-based inequalities within Turkey more broadly as well as within Kurdish communities more specifically. We wanted to know about the establishment of the Kurdish Women’s Congress (KJA – Congreya Jinên Azad) and her views on the stalled peace process.
for brutal conflict. Turkey and the Kurds share the aim of ending their long-standing conflict. So what of the so-called
peace process between the Turkish state and the PKK, especially their imprisoned leader Abdullah
Ocalan? And what is the potential role of Kurdish diaspora groups in ‘peace-making’, ‘peacebuilding’
and ‘reconciliation’ processes with Turkey?
I have been exploring the experiences of Kurdish individuals and families in the diaspora, specifically
looking at involvement in homeland politics, conflict and peace between April 2014 and May 2015 for
my research, facilitating five focus groups and securing interviews with those from different parts of
Kurdistan now living in the UK and Germany. In total, my research involved 60 Kurdish adults, of whom
29 were women, and 31 were men, building on work on the Kurdish diaspora in the UK and Germany
since 2008.
In the absence of extensive research on the subject, one can initially suggest at least two reasons for the Kurdish preference for following customary, or alternative, dispute resolution practices as opposed to a formal state-based legal system. Firstly, the Kurds constitute a very closed community: they have strong kinship connections, maintaining their way of life within their own community, and establishing boundaries between themselves and others. They usually hide behind their self-imposed barrier, wishing neither to show nor share their ways. Secondly, since they have not experienced nation statehood, many of my interviewees said that they find it difficult to trust the rule and institutions of any formal state. The book provides a substantive evidence base, using extensive ethnographic data, and examines detailed case studies in the context of the customs and practices of the Kurdish community.
Reviewers Comments:
Roger Cotterrell, Queen Mary, University of London: 'Dr Tas' path-breaking empirical study of dispute processing in Britain's Kurdish community underpins his superb book. Using case studies, ethnographic observation and rich interview material, and setting everything in historical and cultural context, he illustrates how legal pluralism can be an everyday reality for ethnic minority groups, and why state law so often does not help to solve their problems. This is essential reading for anyone interested in problems of regulating multicultural societies today.'
Yüksel Sezgin, Syracuse University, USA: 'A ground breaking ethnographic study that provides a unique perspective into alternative dispute resolution processes and mechanisms among Kurds in the diaspora. Many have written on the history and political aspirations of Kurdish people in the past, but this is the very first study in the English language that not only challenges prevailing ways of thinking about the emergence of ethno-nationalist subjectivities and demands, particularly those dealing with the Kurdish identity, but also introduces a whole new set of methodological tools, a new epistemology and a refreshing socio-legal perspective that have been long wanting in the field of Kurdish Studies.'