Throughout the Egyptian history of the III–II millennium BC, most written mentions of famines occ... more Throughout the Egyptian history of the III–II millennium BC, most written mentions of famines occur from the First Intermediate Period to the early Middle Kingdom, and such really happened then more often than usual. The article points out some of the reasons for this and clarifies the grounds for the restoration of food security under the XIIth dynasty. The newest data proves the deterioration of ecological conditions during this time period, to which arable farming was unable to adapt after the collapse of the Old Kingdom legal and economic system. For the “private farms” that are mentioned in the First Intermediate Period inscriptions, it was often difficult to formalize their rights to fertile lands and to gather seed grain, livestock and workers there as fast as it was necessary. In the absence of an established grain market and in the times when violence and robbery prevailed, even strong households often avoided expanding their plowing. Flow of workers to other sectors of economy and depopulation of Middle Egypt were also detrimental to arable farming. Of great historical interest is the latest reference to those famines – the autobiography of the nomarch Amenhotep in Beni Hasan. The famines were relieved not only by general environmental improvement, but also by the restoration of peace and order in the country, and above all the implementation of state economic regulation, including spreading and support of arable farming. Even in the times of crop failures, it preserved tillage wherever possible and quickly re-introduced it to the lands with restored fertility
Images, Perceptions and Productions in and of Antiquity. Cambridge, 2023
Although in the Old Kingdom the Egyptians erected giant pyramids made
of stone for their pharaohs... more Although in the Old Kingdom the Egyptians erected giant pyramids made of stone for their pharaohs, their gods’ temples in the provinces were still constructed of nondurable mudbricks. It is considered that building in stone was initiated in provincial temples at the behest of the early XI Dynasty kings, Wahankh Intef and Nakht-Nebtepnefer Intef (XXI century BC). But what could be their incentive for such a grand and labour-intensive innovation, especially as it happened amidst the First Intermediate Period turmoil at the very moment when their fledgeling Theban monarchy only controlled ten of the southernmost nomes?
Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost
Throughout the Egyptian history of the III–II millennium BC, most of written mentions of famines ... more Throughout the Egyptian history of the III–II millennium BC, most of written mentions of famines occurs from the First Intermediate Period to the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, and such really happened then more often than usual. The article points out some of the reasons for this and the grounds for the food security restoration in the XII dynasty. The newest data proves some deterioration of ecological conditions, to which arable farming was unable to adapt after the collapse of the Old Kingdom legal and economic order. For “private farms” that figure in the First Intermediate Period inscriptions, it was often difficult to formalize their rights to fertile lands and to gather seed grain, livestock, workers in the necessary short time. In the absence of an established grain market, but with prevalence of violence and robbery, even strong households often avoided expanding their plowing. Detrimental to arable farming was a flow of workers to other sectors of economy and the depopu...
Proceedings of the XXXI International Congress on Historiography and Source Studies of Asia and Africa. Russia and the East. Commemorating сentennial of political and cultural ties in modern times. Vol. 2 (part 2) / Ed. by Nikolay N. Dyakov, Polina I.Rysakova. – St. Petersburg: NP-Print Publishers, 2022
The hypothesis of the social “class” of nedjesu (nDsw)–“free citizens” has been figuring in the ... more The hypothesis of the social “class” of nedjesu (nDsw)–“free citizens” has been figuring in the descriptions of the social system of Middle Kingdom Egypt already for more than a century. It recurs in current Egyptology even though it was refuted by O. D. Berlev (1978) and D. Franke (1998). The article traces the history of this hypothesis and discusses factors of its unjustified longevity.
Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde
Summary Our knowledge regarding the practice of land lease in Egypt of the III–II millennia BC st... more Summary Our knowledge regarding the practice of land lease in Egypt of the III–II millennia BC still remains very patchy. To date, the oldest evidence of its existence are considered to be the Heqanakht letters from the Middle Kingdom. The article argues, however, that oblique references to it occurred as early as in the First Intermediate Period, and simply have not yet been recognized as such. In the autobiographical inscription of the overseer of butchers Merer, the collocation is being shown to be about land lease; Merer’s risk-management strategy against too low inundations was akin to that of Heqanakht. The situation reported in the inscription of the overseer of priests Rehui (Manchester 5052) is reminiscent of that described in the demotic literary story of Djedher (p British Museum EA 69532, ll. 6−9).
The ancient Egyptian false-door stela of Neferiu from the Denderite nome has several unusual feat... more The ancient Egyptian false-door stela of Neferiu from the Denderite nome has several unusual features: on the right jambs he boasts that “nourished (even) the great in the year of famine” and claims that the god Iqer awarded him prosperous longevity; on the left he is depicted as a portly old man; etc. How can these peculiarities be explained? During the First Intermediate Period in the Denderite nome false-door stelae were a luxury appropriate only for top officials and their nearest relatives. However, the false door of Neferiu is an exception to this rule. He is not said to have held any office, and although his ranking titles seem relatively high, we know that at that period such titles were often appropriated by provincials devoid of top positions. Thus, on account of his low “official status” (if any at all), Neferiu needed to inventively justify his moral right to his prestigious false door, and this is the purport of his inscription on its right jambs. The reference to “nour...
In compliance with Old Kingdom orthographic norm, the split sixteenth line of the autobiography o... more In compliance with Old Kingdom orthographic norm, the split sixteenth line of the autobiography of Henqu II at Deir el-Gebrawi reads as follows: I fulfilled (the office of) chief of police (Hry-tp) / overseer of Upper Egyptian barley in this nome, and never did I send its man (to serve) as oarsman / its man (working) on a threshing [floor] rise to dig a well, and his daughter to (become) an expat outside (the nome).
Vestnik drevnei istorii /Journal of Ancient History 79/3, 2019
Even though in the Old Kingdom the Egyptians already erected giant pyramids of stone for their ph... more Even though in the Old Kingdom the Egyptians already erected giant pyramids of stone for their pharaohs, provincial temples were still being constructed of nondurable mud-bricks. It is usually considered that the construction of stone temples was initiated in the provinces at the behest of the early XIth dynasty kings Wahankh Intef and Nakht-Nebtepnefer Intef (21st cent. BC). The article explores the Intefs’ incentive for such a grand and labour-intensive innovation, which happened amidst First Intermediate Period turmoil, at the moment when their fledgling Theban monarchy controlled only ten southernmost nomes. It is argued that the Intefs’ stone building in the provinces was mainly confined to the construction and redevelopments of the chapels of the goddess Satet and the god Khnum on the island of Elephantine of the archipelago of the First Cataract of the Nile. Close scrutiny of the inscriptions from the chapels proves that Satet and Khnum were invoked there primarily as the lords of the sources of the Upper Egyptian inundation, believed to be located at the First Cataract. This correlates well with the fact that deficient Nile floods and acute food shortages are mentioned in the First Intermediate Period and early Middle Kingdom writings far more often than in any other period of Egyptian history. It is highly probable that the Intefs undertook innovative stone construction on Elephantine first and foremost for the sake of deliverance from such calamities. Later, The Book of the Temple and the famous Famine Stele emphasized that it had been the deficiency of the Nile floods that had once forced kings to dramatically increase royal favours to provincial temples.
Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 142/1, 2015
The article points to some additional written
evidence on the relation between the kA-concept and... more The article points to some additional written evidence on the relation between the kA-concept and the cult image. It is argued that connection with the latter was essential and inherent for the Hw.t-kA and the service of the Hm-kA. The inscriptions on JE 46068, BM EA 627 and BM EA 1164, by highlighting the cult image-twt as recipient of the boons provided for the k#, almost equate these two notions, that is best explainable if the cult image was considered as “door” for the kA’s “going forth”. Such revealing deviations from the Old Kingdom written tomb etiquette may have been induced by the rarity of tomb sculpture and some innovations in its use in the First Intermediate Period.
Despite Senusret I’s fame as a great pharaoh, there is evidence of disastrous crop failures durin... more Despite Senusret I’s fame as a great pharaoh, there is evidence of disastrous crop failures during his reign: the second letter of Heqanakht, the tomb biographies of the nomarch Ameny and overseer of priests Mentuhotep; probably “The Story of Sinuhe”, B 154−155, and some “year of death” in pReisner I. According to S. Hodjash and O. Berlev, the seven year famine which started in Year 24 made the king shift his heb-sed festival by one year. These data show that even under the greatest kings, Egyptians were allowed to publicly mention acute food shortages. Hence the absence of such mentions in the Old Kingdom and during dynasty XII after Senusret I’s reign testifies to relative prosperity, in comparison with which the crop failures of the XXII−XX centuries B. C. seemed enormously frequent and disastrous. The sources do not mention any extraordinary measures aimed at supplying food to the hungry by Senusret I’s central government. At the same time, however, he launched a large scale building program in almost all important temples, which is considered to have given him a reason to tighten control over the country. But could an objective of this program also be to persuade the gods to save Egypt from crop failures? In two compositions about the seven year famine, in the “Famine Stela” and the introduction to the “Book of the Temple”, it is deficient Nile floods that are said to have forced kings to swiftly increase royal favors to temples. J. F. Quack considers dating the “Book of the Temple” to the Middle Kingdom. Could it be the reign of Senusret I, with its series of crop failures and large scale building program in temples? His inscription on Elephantine mentions a god’s revelation to the king in a dream, which is also key episodes in the “Book of the Temple” and “Famine Stela”.
The biography of Heqaib on British Museum stela 1671 is one of the main sources on the history of... more The biography of Heqaib on British Museum stela 1671 is one of the main sources on the history of Ancient Egypt in the First Intermediate Period. Of particular importance is its information on the social stratum typical of the period, consisting of individuals who did not hold high offices but were well-off and able to exploit others. The article presents a new translation of Heqaib's inscription followed by an analysis of the cultural and historical information it provides. The author discusses the titles of the owner and his wife; Heqaib's attitude to the wealth he had obtained and his position in the hierarchy of the local elite; the information about grain distribution and grain loans in the periods of food shortages in the south of Egypt; the social status of Heqaib's workers. However, neither this nor any other inscriptions have given the answer concerning the initial sources of the wealth of this social layer which enabled its representatives to acquire arable land, cattle and workers, lend money at usurious rates, etc.
The Sixth Heracleopolitan King Merikare Khety, in Journal of Egyptian History 9 (2016) 97–120: , 2016
The history of the Heracleopolitan royal " House of Khety, " comprising Manethonian Dynasties IX ... more The history of the Heracleopolitan royal " House of Khety, " comprising Manethonian Dynasties IX and X, remains unknown to us. The only monarch whose place in the Heracleopolitans' succession is believed to be well established is Merikare, the addressee of the famous treatise on kingship. For almost eight decades he has been alleged to be the final or penultimate Heracleopolitan ruler. However, even this hardened opinion rests on erroneous presumptions. Close scrutiny of all pertaining records permits rather to identify Merikare with the sixth Heracleopolitan pharaoh, listed in the Turin King-list, V. 24, with the nomen " Khety. " Merikare's father, the fifth king of Heracleopolis, managed to restore the capital back to Memphis. Therefore, later he was at times considered as founder of a new, Dynasty " X " , with his four " purely Heracleopolitan " predecessors forming " Dynasty IX. " Such is an explanation for Manetho's much debated division of the Heracleopolitans into two dynasties. Keywords First Intermediate Period – Heracleopolitans – Dynasties IX and X – Turin King-list – Merikare Raue, who kindly provided me with some of the necessary publications.
Throughout the Egyptian history of the III–II millennium BC, most written mentions of famines occ... more Throughout the Egyptian history of the III–II millennium BC, most written mentions of famines occur from the First Intermediate Period to the early Middle Kingdom, and such really happened then more often than usual. The article points out some of the reasons for this and clarifies the grounds for the restoration of food security under the XIIth dynasty. The newest data proves the deterioration of ecological conditions during this time period, to which arable farming was unable to adapt after the collapse of the Old Kingdom legal and economic system. For the “private farms” that are mentioned in the First Intermediate Period inscriptions, it was often difficult to formalize their rights to fertile lands and to gather seed grain, livestock and workers there as fast as it was necessary. In the absence of an established grain market and in the times when violence and robbery prevailed, even strong households often avoided expanding their plowing. Flow of workers to other sectors of economy and depopulation of Middle Egypt were also detrimental to arable farming. Of great historical interest is the latest reference to those famines – the autobiography of the nomarch Amenhotep in Beni Hasan. The famines were relieved not only by general environmental improvement, but also by the restoration of peace and order in the country, and above all the implementation of state economic regulation, including spreading and support of arable farming. Even in the times of crop failures, it preserved tillage wherever possible and quickly re-introduced it to the lands with restored fertility
Images, Perceptions and Productions in and of Antiquity. Cambridge, 2023
Although in the Old Kingdom the Egyptians erected giant pyramids made
of stone for their pharaohs... more Although in the Old Kingdom the Egyptians erected giant pyramids made of stone for their pharaohs, their gods’ temples in the provinces were still constructed of nondurable mudbricks. It is considered that building in stone was initiated in provincial temples at the behest of the early XI Dynasty kings, Wahankh Intef and Nakht-Nebtepnefer Intef (XXI century BC). But what could be their incentive for such a grand and labour-intensive innovation, especially as it happened amidst the First Intermediate Period turmoil at the very moment when their fledgeling Theban monarchy only controlled ten of the southernmost nomes?
Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost
Throughout the Egyptian history of the III–II millennium BC, most of written mentions of famines ... more Throughout the Egyptian history of the III–II millennium BC, most of written mentions of famines occurs from the First Intermediate Period to the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, and such really happened then more often than usual. The article points out some of the reasons for this and the grounds for the food security restoration in the XII dynasty. The newest data proves some deterioration of ecological conditions, to which arable farming was unable to adapt after the collapse of the Old Kingdom legal and economic order. For “private farms” that figure in the First Intermediate Period inscriptions, it was often difficult to formalize their rights to fertile lands and to gather seed grain, livestock, workers in the necessary short time. In the absence of an established grain market, but with prevalence of violence and robbery, even strong households often avoided expanding their plowing. Detrimental to arable farming was a flow of workers to other sectors of economy and the depopu...
Proceedings of the XXXI International Congress on Historiography and Source Studies of Asia and Africa. Russia and the East. Commemorating сentennial of political and cultural ties in modern times. Vol. 2 (part 2) / Ed. by Nikolay N. Dyakov, Polina I.Rysakova. – St. Petersburg: NP-Print Publishers, 2022
The hypothesis of the social “class” of nedjesu (nDsw)–“free citizens” has been figuring in the ... more The hypothesis of the social “class” of nedjesu (nDsw)–“free citizens” has been figuring in the descriptions of the social system of Middle Kingdom Egypt already for more than a century. It recurs in current Egyptology even though it was refuted by O. D. Berlev (1978) and D. Franke (1998). The article traces the history of this hypothesis and discusses factors of its unjustified longevity.
Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde
Summary Our knowledge regarding the practice of land lease in Egypt of the III–II millennia BC st... more Summary Our knowledge regarding the practice of land lease in Egypt of the III–II millennia BC still remains very patchy. To date, the oldest evidence of its existence are considered to be the Heqanakht letters from the Middle Kingdom. The article argues, however, that oblique references to it occurred as early as in the First Intermediate Period, and simply have not yet been recognized as such. In the autobiographical inscription of the overseer of butchers Merer, the collocation is being shown to be about land lease; Merer’s risk-management strategy against too low inundations was akin to that of Heqanakht. The situation reported in the inscription of the overseer of priests Rehui (Manchester 5052) is reminiscent of that described in the demotic literary story of Djedher (p British Museum EA 69532, ll. 6−9).
The ancient Egyptian false-door stela of Neferiu from the Denderite nome has several unusual feat... more The ancient Egyptian false-door stela of Neferiu from the Denderite nome has several unusual features: on the right jambs he boasts that “nourished (even) the great in the year of famine” and claims that the god Iqer awarded him prosperous longevity; on the left he is depicted as a portly old man; etc. How can these peculiarities be explained? During the First Intermediate Period in the Denderite nome false-door stelae were a luxury appropriate only for top officials and their nearest relatives. However, the false door of Neferiu is an exception to this rule. He is not said to have held any office, and although his ranking titles seem relatively high, we know that at that period such titles were often appropriated by provincials devoid of top positions. Thus, on account of his low “official status” (if any at all), Neferiu needed to inventively justify his moral right to his prestigious false door, and this is the purport of his inscription on its right jambs. The reference to “nour...
In compliance with Old Kingdom orthographic norm, the split sixteenth line of the autobiography o... more In compliance with Old Kingdom orthographic norm, the split sixteenth line of the autobiography of Henqu II at Deir el-Gebrawi reads as follows: I fulfilled (the office of) chief of police (Hry-tp) / overseer of Upper Egyptian barley in this nome, and never did I send its man (to serve) as oarsman / its man (working) on a threshing [floor] rise to dig a well, and his daughter to (become) an expat outside (the nome).
Vestnik drevnei istorii /Journal of Ancient History 79/3, 2019
Even though in the Old Kingdom the Egyptians already erected giant pyramids of stone for their ph... more Even though in the Old Kingdom the Egyptians already erected giant pyramids of stone for their pharaohs, provincial temples were still being constructed of nondurable mud-bricks. It is usually considered that the construction of stone temples was initiated in the provinces at the behest of the early XIth dynasty kings Wahankh Intef and Nakht-Nebtepnefer Intef (21st cent. BC). The article explores the Intefs’ incentive for such a grand and labour-intensive innovation, which happened amidst First Intermediate Period turmoil, at the moment when their fledgling Theban monarchy controlled only ten southernmost nomes. It is argued that the Intefs’ stone building in the provinces was mainly confined to the construction and redevelopments of the chapels of the goddess Satet and the god Khnum on the island of Elephantine of the archipelago of the First Cataract of the Nile. Close scrutiny of the inscriptions from the chapels proves that Satet and Khnum were invoked there primarily as the lords of the sources of the Upper Egyptian inundation, believed to be located at the First Cataract. This correlates well with the fact that deficient Nile floods and acute food shortages are mentioned in the First Intermediate Period and early Middle Kingdom writings far more often than in any other period of Egyptian history. It is highly probable that the Intefs undertook innovative stone construction on Elephantine first and foremost for the sake of deliverance from such calamities. Later, The Book of the Temple and the famous Famine Stele emphasized that it had been the deficiency of the Nile floods that had once forced kings to dramatically increase royal favours to provincial temples.
Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 142/1, 2015
The article points to some additional written
evidence on the relation between the kA-concept and... more The article points to some additional written evidence on the relation between the kA-concept and the cult image. It is argued that connection with the latter was essential and inherent for the Hw.t-kA and the service of the Hm-kA. The inscriptions on JE 46068, BM EA 627 and BM EA 1164, by highlighting the cult image-twt as recipient of the boons provided for the k#, almost equate these two notions, that is best explainable if the cult image was considered as “door” for the kA’s “going forth”. Such revealing deviations from the Old Kingdom written tomb etiquette may have been induced by the rarity of tomb sculpture and some innovations in its use in the First Intermediate Period.
Despite Senusret I’s fame as a great pharaoh, there is evidence of disastrous crop failures durin... more Despite Senusret I’s fame as a great pharaoh, there is evidence of disastrous crop failures during his reign: the second letter of Heqanakht, the tomb biographies of the nomarch Ameny and overseer of priests Mentuhotep; probably “The Story of Sinuhe”, B 154−155, and some “year of death” in pReisner I. According to S. Hodjash and O. Berlev, the seven year famine which started in Year 24 made the king shift his heb-sed festival by one year. These data show that even under the greatest kings, Egyptians were allowed to publicly mention acute food shortages. Hence the absence of such mentions in the Old Kingdom and during dynasty XII after Senusret I’s reign testifies to relative prosperity, in comparison with which the crop failures of the XXII−XX centuries B. C. seemed enormously frequent and disastrous. The sources do not mention any extraordinary measures aimed at supplying food to the hungry by Senusret I’s central government. At the same time, however, he launched a large scale building program in almost all important temples, which is considered to have given him a reason to tighten control over the country. But could an objective of this program also be to persuade the gods to save Egypt from crop failures? In two compositions about the seven year famine, in the “Famine Stela” and the introduction to the “Book of the Temple”, it is deficient Nile floods that are said to have forced kings to swiftly increase royal favors to temples. J. F. Quack considers dating the “Book of the Temple” to the Middle Kingdom. Could it be the reign of Senusret I, with its series of crop failures and large scale building program in temples? His inscription on Elephantine mentions a god’s revelation to the king in a dream, which is also key episodes in the “Book of the Temple” and “Famine Stela”.
The biography of Heqaib on British Museum stela 1671 is one of the main sources on the history of... more The biography of Heqaib on British Museum stela 1671 is one of the main sources on the history of Ancient Egypt in the First Intermediate Period. Of particular importance is its information on the social stratum typical of the period, consisting of individuals who did not hold high offices but were well-off and able to exploit others. The article presents a new translation of Heqaib's inscription followed by an analysis of the cultural and historical information it provides. The author discusses the titles of the owner and his wife; Heqaib's attitude to the wealth he had obtained and his position in the hierarchy of the local elite; the information about grain distribution and grain loans in the periods of food shortages in the south of Egypt; the social status of Heqaib's workers. However, neither this nor any other inscriptions have given the answer concerning the initial sources of the wealth of this social layer which enabled its representatives to acquire arable land, cattle and workers, lend money at usurious rates, etc.
The Sixth Heracleopolitan King Merikare Khety, in Journal of Egyptian History 9 (2016) 97–120: , 2016
The history of the Heracleopolitan royal " House of Khety, " comprising Manethonian Dynasties IX ... more The history of the Heracleopolitan royal " House of Khety, " comprising Manethonian Dynasties IX and X, remains unknown to us. The only monarch whose place in the Heracleopolitans' succession is believed to be well established is Merikare, the addressee of the famous treatise on kingship. For almost eight decades he has been alleged to be the final or penultimate Heracleopolitan ruler. However, even this hardened opinion rests on erroneous presumptions. Close scrutiny of all pertaining records permits rather to identify Merikare with the sixth Heracleopolitan pharaoh, listed in the Turin King-list, V. 24, with the nomen " Khety. " Merikare's father, the fifth king of Heracleopolis, managed to restore the capital back to Memphis. Therefore, later he was at times considered as founder of a new, Dynasty " X " , with his four " purely Heracleopolitan " predecessors forming " Dynasty IX. " Such is an explanation for Manetho's much debated division of the Heracleopolitans into two dynasties. Keywords First Intermediate Period – Heracleopolitans – Dynasties IX and X – Turin King-list – Merikare Raue, who kindly provided me with some of the necessary publications.
Abstract: The paper scrutinizes written sources on large-scale food donations in the Denderite no... more Abstract: The paper scrutinizes written sources on large-scale food donations in the Denderite nome in the First Intermediate Period – the inscriptions of the “royal seal-bearer, sole companion” Neferyu, the “sole companion” Hornakht, the “royal seal-bearer, lector-priest, overseer of soldiery” Shensetji, the “sole companion” whose name is destroyed – the owner of Manchester University Museum fragments 2869+2897. Treating these texts in connection with the issue of food shortages, scholars have not paid much attention to their context – official statuses of their owners, peculiarities of the monuments, etc. Meanwhile, such data cast a new light on incentives for boasting of making lavish food donations in Denderite autobiographies. These inscriptions do not conform to the widely embraced theory by J.C. Moreno García that the theme of food shortages was introduced in autobiographies with the purpose “to detach a territory from the surrounding chaos and to extoll the activities of local governors”. None of the texts under discussion assert that there is chaos and famine outside of Dendera, and the official statuses of Neferiu, Hornakht and Shensetji are relatively low. At the same time, the funerary monuments of the persons in question look very expensive; three of them even owned mastabas which at Dendera of that time was an indicator of wealth and elite status. The author argues that these Denderites highlighted their generous food donations primarily in order to justify their moral right to their monuments which otherwise would have seemed far too sumptuous for the persons not belonging to the administrative elite.
Abstracts for the 2013-2014 Scholars' Colloquium of The Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiqui... more Abstracts for the 2013-2014 Scholars' Colloquium of The Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities/Société pour l’Étude de l’Égypte Ancienne, held in January 2014
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Papers by Arkadiy Demidchik
The newest data proves the deterioration of ecological conditions during this time period, to which arable farming was unable to adapt after the collapse of the Old Kingdom legal and economic system. For the “private farms” that are mentioned in the First Intermediate Period inscriptions, it was often difficult to formalize their rights to fertile lands and to gather seed grain, livestock and workers there as fast as it was necessary. In the absence of an established grain market and in the times when violence and robbery prevailed, even strong households often avoided expanding their plowing. Flow of workers to other sectors of economy and depopulation of Middle Egypt were also detrimental to arable farming. Of great historical interest is the latest reference to those famines – the autobiography of the nomarch Amenhotep in Beni Hasan. The famines were relieved not only by general environmental improvement, but also by the restoration of peace and order in the country, and above all the implementation of state economic regulation, including spreading and support of arable farming. Even in the times of crop failures, it preserved tillage wherever possible and quickly re-introduced it to the lands with restored fertility
of stone for their pharaohs, their gods’ temples in the provinces were still
constructed of nondurable mudbricks. It is considered that building in stone was initiated in provincial temples at the behest of the early XI Dynasty kings, Wahankh Intef and Nakht-Nebtepnefer Intef (XXI century BC). But what could be their incentive for such a grand and labour-intensive innovation, especially as it happened amidst the First Intermediate Period turmoil at the very moment when their fledgeling Theban monarchy only controlled ten of the southernmost nomes?
I fulfilled (the office of)
chief of police (Hry-tp) / overseer of Upper Egyptian barley
in this nome, and never did
I send its man (to serve) as oarsman / its man (working) on a threshing [floor] rise to dig a well,
and his daughter to (become) an expat outside (the nome).
at the behest of the early XIth dynasty kings Wahankh Intef and Nakht-Nebtepnefer Intef (21st cent. BC). The article explores the Intefs’ incentive for such a grand and labour-intensive innovation, which happened amidst First Intermediate Period turmoil, at the moment when
their fledgling Theban monarchy controlled only ten southernmost nomes.
It is argued that the Intefs’ stone building in the provinces was mainly confined to the construction and redevelopments of the chapels of the goddess Satet and the god Khnum on the island of Elephantine of the archipelago of the First Cataract of the Nile. Close scrutiny of the inscriptions from the chapels proves that Satet and Khnum were invoked there primarily as the lords of the sources of the Upper Egyptian inundation, believed to be located at the First Cataract. This correlates well with the fact that deficient Nile floods and acute food shortages are mentioned in the First Intermediate Period and early Middle Kingdom writings far more often than in any other period of Egyptian history. It is highly probable that the Intefs undertook innovative stone construction on Elephantine first and foremost for the sake of deliverance from such calamities. Later, The Book of the Temple and the famous Famine
Stele emphasized that it had been the deficiency of the Nile floods that had once forced kings to dramatically increase royal favours to provincial temples.
evidence on the relation between the kA-concept and the
cult image. It is argued that connection with the latter
was essential and inherent for the Hw.t-kA and the service
of the Hm-kA. The inscriptions on JE 46068, BM EA 627
and BM EA 1164, by highlighting the cult image-twt as
recipient of the boons provided for the k#, almost equate
these two notions, that is best explainable if the cult image
was considered as “door” for the kA’s “going forth”.
Such revealing deviations from the Old Kingdom written
tomb etiquette may have been induced by the rarity of
tomb sculpture and some innovations in its use in the
First Intermediate Period.
These data show that even under the greatest kings, Egyptians were allowed to publicly mention acute food shortages. Hence the absence of such mentions in the Old Kingdom and during dynasty XII after Senusret I’s reign testifies to relative prosperity, in comparison with which the crop failures of the XXII−XX centuries B. C. seemed enormously frequent and disastrous.
The sources do not mention any extraordinary measures aimed at supplying food to the hungry by Senusret I’s central government. At the same time, however, he launched a large scale building program in almost all important temples, which is considered to have given him a reason to tighten control over the country. But could an objective of this program also be to persuade the gods to save Egypt from crop failures? In two compositions about the seven year famine, in the “Famine Stela” and the introduction to the “Book of the Temple”, it is deficient Nile floods that are said to have forced kings to swiftly increase royal favors to temples. J. F. Quack considers dating the “Book of the Temple” to the Middle Kingdom. Could it be the reign of Senusret I, with its series of crop failures and large scale building program in temples? His inscription on Elephantine mentions a god’s revelation to the king in a dream, which is also key episodes in the “Book of the Temple” and “Famine Stela”.
The newest data proves the deterioration of ecological conditions during this time period, to which arable farming was unable to adapt after the collapse of the Old Kingdom legal and economic system. For the “private farms” that are mentioned in the First Intermediate Period inscriptions, it was often difficult to formalize their rights to fertile lands and to gather seed grain, livestock and workers there as fast as it was necessary. In the absence of an established grain market and in the times when violence and robbery prevailed, even strong households often avoided expanding their plowing. Flow of workers to other sectors of economy and depopulation of Middle Egypt were also detrimental to arable farming. Of great historical interest is the latest reference to those famines – the autobiography of the nomarch Amenhotep in Beni Hasan. The famines were relieved not only by general environmental improvement, but also by the restoration of peace and order in the country, and above all the implementation of state economic regulation, including spreading and support of arable farming. Even in the times of crop failures, it preserved tillage wherever possible and quickly re-introduced it to the lands with restored fertility
of stone for their pharaohs, their gods’ temples in the provinces were still
constructed of nondurable mudbricks. It is considered that building in stone was initiated in provincial temples at the behest of the early XI Dynasty kings, Wahankh Intef and Nakht-Nebtepnefer Intef (XXI century BC). But what could be their incentive for such a grand and labour-intensive innovation, especially as it happened amidst the First Intermediate Period turmoil at the very moment when their fledgeling Theban monarchy only controlled ten of the southernmost nomes?
I fulfilled (the office of)
chief of police (Hry-tp) / overseer of Upper Egyptian barley
in this nome, and never did
I send its man (to serve) as oarsman / its man (working) on a threshing [floor] rise to dig a well,
and his daughter to (become) an expat outside (the nome).
at the behest of the early XIth dynasty kings Wahankh Intef and Nakht-Nebtepnefer Intef (21st cent. BC). The article explores the Intefs’ incentive for such a grand and labour-intensive innovation, which happened amidst First Intermediate Period turmoil, at the moment when
their fledgling Theban monarchy controlled only ten southernmost nomes.
It is argued that the Intefs’ stone building in the provinces was mainly confined to the construction and redevelopments of the chapels of the goddess Satet and the god Khnum on the island of Elephantine of the archipelago of the First Cataract of the Nile. Close scrutiny of the inscriptions from the chapels proves that Satet and Khnum were invoked there primarily as the lords of the sources of the Upper Egyptian inundation, believed to be located at the First Cataract. This correlates well with the fact that deficient Nile floods and acute food shortages are mentioned in the First Intermediate Period and early Middle Kingdom writings far more often than in any other period of Egyptian history. It is highly probable that the Intefs undertook innovative stone construction on Elephantine first and foremost for the sake of deliverance from such calamities. Later, The Book of the Temple and the famous Famine
Stele emphasized that it had been the deficiency of the Nile floods that had once forced kings to dramatically increase royal favours to provincial temples.
evidence on the relation between the kA-concept and the
cult image. It is argued that connection with the latter
was essential and inherent for the Hw.t-kA and the service
of the Hm-kA. The inscriptions on JE 46068, BM EA 627
and BM EA 1164, by highlighting the cult image-twt as
recipient of the boons provided for the k#, almost equate
these two notions, that is best explainable if the cult image
was considered as “door” for the kA’s “going forth”.
Such revealing deviations from the Old Kingdom written
tomb etiquette may have been induced by the rarity of
tomb sculpture and some innovations in its use in the
First Intermediate Period.
These data show that even under the greatest kings, Egyptians were allowed to publicly mention acute food shortages. Hence the absence of such mentions in the Old Kingdom and during dynasty XII after Senusret I’s reign testifies to relative prosperity, in comparison with which the crop failures of the XXII−XX centuries B. C. seemed enormously frequent and disastrous.
The sources do not mention any extraordinary measures aimed at supplying food to the hungry by Senusret I’s central government. At the same time, however, he launched a large scale building program in almost all important temples, which is considered to have given him a reason to tighten control over the country. But could an objective of this program also be to persuade the gods to save Egypt from crop failures? In two compositions about the seven year famine, in the “Famine Stela” and the introduction to the “Book of the Temple”, it is deficient Nile floods that are said to have forced kings to swiftly increase royal favors to temples. J. F. Quack considers dating the “Book of the Temple” to the Middle Kingdom. Could it be the reign of Senusret I, with its series of crop failures and large scale building program in temples? His inscription on Elephantine mentions a god’s revelation to the king in a dream, which is also key episodes in the “Book of the Temple” and “Famine Stela”.
soldiery” Shensetji, the “sole companion” whose name is destroyed – the owner of Manchester University Museum fragments 2869+2897. Treating these texts in connection with the issue of food shortages, scholars have not paid much attention to their context – official statuses of their
owners, peculiarities of the monuments, etc. Meanwhile, such data cast a new light on incentives for boasting of making lavish food donations in Denderite autobiographies. These inscriptions do not conform to the widely embraced theory by J.C. Moreno García that the theme of food shortages was introduced in autobiographies with the purpose “to detach a territory from the surrounding chaos and to extoll the activities of local governors”. None of the texts under discussion assert that there is chaos and famine outside of Dendera, and the official statuses of Neferiu, Hornakht and Shensetji are relatively low. At the same time, the funerary
monuments of the persons in question look very expensive; three of them even owned mastabas which at Dendera of that time was an indicator of wealth and elite status. The author argues that these Denderites highlighted their generous food donations primarily in order to justify their
moral right to their monuments which otherwise would have seemed far too sumptuous for the persons not belonging to the administrative elite.