The combined use of labels such as radical right, populist radical right and extreme right involv... more The combined use of labels such as radical right, populist radical right and extreme right involved in the classification of populist parties in the academic debate has created an insolubility of concepts that haunts the scholars of these phenomena. While the theoretical debate has devoted much attention to this problem, the field of empirical verification has shown less interest in a direct empirical comparison between the two streams. The aim of this paper is thus twofold. By applying a discourse network analysis on the party manifestos, our work fills a void in the literature by performing an empirical comparison of the contemporary populist and neo-fascist parties' ideological platforms in Germany and Italy, providing evidence for the theoretical discussion on the concepts of populism and right extremism/radicalism. On this basis, we show why populism is experiencing a stronger degree of societal normalization and neo-fascist parties are not. Showing that both party types share numerous political positions and, at the same time, differ on other fundamental features, populists occupy untouched potential in the political space, in which the mixture of cultural conservatism and a tempered free market orientation represent its "winning formula" for normalization.
Germany has recently experienced the birth of its first successful Eurosceptic party, the Alterna... more Germany has recently experienced the birth of its first successful Eurosceptic party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD). Created in reaction to the introduction of the European Rescue Fund in 2013, the internal structure of the party has changed significantly since then, paving the way for the party's expansion to a stronger national-conservative orientation. Relying mostly on the national and European Parliament manifesto of 2013 and 2014, scholars have identified the EU party attitude of the Alternative as Soft Eurosceptic. However, by applying an in-depth content analysis of the current 2017 election manifesto and focusing on party press releases since 2016, I argue that the party's rightist expansion has also influenced the AfD's Euroscepticism from a Soft to a Hard variant. While under the liberal-economic wing the AfD mainly criticized the EU for economic reasons, opposition towards the Union today also stems from a second approach, strongly focusing on national-conservative issues around increased national sovereignty and including the demand for a withdrawal from the Union. This indicates that successful Hard Eurosceptic tones are certainly present in Germany and that the country, as one of the last pro-European strongholds, has partly broken with the " permissive consensus " towards Europe.
Dieser Beitrag verbindet soziale Netzwerkanalyse mit Feldtheorien, indem er Attributionsnetzwerke... more Dieser Beitrag verbindet soziale Netzwerkanalyse mit Feldtheorien, indem er Attributionsnetzwerke als theoretisches Konstrukt und methodologisches Analyseinstrument entwickelt. Der Beitrag schlägt die Akteurs-Attributions-Netzwerkanalyse (AANA) als einen neuen Ansatz zur Erfassung transnationaler Felder vor, der es erlaubt, bestimmte soziale Beziehungen – nämlich Verantwortungsbeziehungen – in transnationalen politischen Feldern sichtbar zu machen. Dabei gehen wir davon aus, dass öffentliche Verantwortungszuschreibungen konstitutiv für die Emergenz grenzüberschreitender politischer Felder sind.
The combined use of labels such as radical right, populist radical right and extreme right involv... more The combined use of labels such as radical right, populist radical right and extreme right involved in the classification of populist parties in the academic debate has created an insolubility of concepts that haunts the scholars of these phenomena. While the theoretical debate has devoted much attention to this problem, the field of empirical verification has shown less interest in a direct empirical comparison between the two streams. The aim of this paper is thus twofold. By applying a discourse network analysis on the party manifestos, our work fills a void in the literature by performing an empirical comparison of the contemporary populist and neo-fascist parties' ideological platforms in Germany and Italy, providing evidence for the theoretical discussion on the concepts of populism and right extremism/radicalism. On this basis, we show why populism is experiencing a stronger degree of societal normalization and neo-fascist parties are not. Showing that both party types share numerous political positions and, at the same time, differ on other fundamental features, populists occupy untouched potential in the political space, in which the mixture of cultural conservatism and a tempered free market orientation represent its "winning formula" for normalization.
Germany has recently experienced the birth of its first successful Eurosceptic party, the Alterna... more Germany has recently experienced the birth of its first successful Eurosceptic party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD). Created in reaction to the introduction of the European Rescue Fund in 2013, the internal structure of the party has changed significantly since then, paving the way for the party's expansion to a stronger national-conservative orientation. Relying mostly on the national and European Parliament manifesto of 2013 and 2014, scholars have identified the EU party attitude of the Alternative as Soft Eurosceptic. However, by applying an in-depth content analysis of the current 2017 election manifesto and focusing on party press releases since 2016, I argue that the party's rightist expansion has also influenced the AfD's Euroscepticism from a Soft to a Hard variant. While under the liberal-economic wing the AfD mainly criticized the EU for economic reasons, opposition towards the Union today also stems from a second approach, strongly focusing on national-conservative issues around increased national sovereignty and including the demand for a withdrawal from the Union. This indicates that successful Hard Eurosceptic tones are certainly present in Germany and that the country, as one of the last pro-European strongholds, has partly broken with the " permissive consensus " towards Europe.
Dieser Beitrag verbindet soziale Netzwerkanalyse mit Feldtheorien, indem er Attributionsnetzwerke... more Dieser Beitrag verbindet soziale Netzwerkanalyse mit Feldtheorien, indem er Attributionsnetzwerke als theoretisches Konstrukt und methodologisches Analyseinstrument entwickelt. Der Beitrag schlägt die Akteurs-Attributions-Netzwerkanalyse (AANA) als einen neuen Ansatz zur Erfassung transnationaler Felder vor, der es erlaubt, bestimmte soziale Beziehungen – nämlich Verantwortungsbeziehungen – in transnationalen politischen Feldern sichtbar zu machen. Dabei gehen wir davon aus, dass öffentliche Verantwortungszuschreibungen konstitutiv für die Emergenz grenzüberschreitender politischer Felder sind.
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als theoretisches Konstrukt und methodologisches Analyseinstrument
entwickelt. Der Beitrag schlägt die Akteurs-Attributions-Netzwerkanalyse (AANA) als einen neuen Ansatz zur Erfassung transnationaler Felder vor, der es erlaubt, bestimmte soziale Beziehungen – nämlich Verantwortungsbeziehungen – in transnationalen politischen
Feldern sichtbar zu machen. Dabei gehen wir davon aus, dass öffentliche Verantwortungszuschreibungen konstitutiv für die Emergenz grenzüberschreitender politischer Felder sind.
als theoretisches Konstrukt und methodologisches Analyseinstrument
entwickelt. Der Beitrag schlägt die Akteurs-Attributions-Netzwerkanalyse (AANA) als einen neuen Ansatz zur Erfassung transnationaler Felder vor, der es erlaubt, bestimmte soziale Beziehungen – nämlich Verantwortungsbeziehungen – in transnationalen politischen
Feldern sichtbar zu machen. Dabei gehen wir davon aus, dass öffentliche Verantwortungszuschreibungen konstitutiv für die Emergenz grenzüberschreitender politischer Felder sind.