I earned my PhD in African history from the University of Oslo in 2000 with a dissertation on the relationship between traditional elites and the state in Cameroon. After a few years working in the Development aid business in West/Central Africa, I taught Development studies in Oslo. Today, I am a full professor of Social Sciences at the University of Stavanger, where I teach at the teachers department.
Chadians have experienced harsh governance and personal rule since colonization. Between independ... more Chadians have experienced harsh governance and personal rule since colonization. Between independence in 1960 and the coup d’état in 1990 that brought President Déby to power, violent conflicts, and civil war continuously characterized life and politics in Chad. The political opening of the early 1990s under Déby, however, raised hopes among the populace. Yet the creation of more than one hundred new political parties did not change much in people’s lives or standards of living, resulting in a collective sense of aspirational deprivation, under the electoral authoritarian regime that resulted. Oil extraction starting in 2003 increased the sense of deprivation as the sudden wealth of some made inequality even more visible. Due to Chad’s geopolitical location, the regime’s firm fight against Islamic terror, and its natural resources, various outside powers are keen to maintain the country’s political stability, seemingly even at the price of tolerating the regime’s meager human rights...
Politics in Chad was militarized at the time of colonial conquest and has remained so ever since.... more Politics in Chad was militarized at the time of colonial conquest and has remained so ever since. Except for the French-supported candidacy of François Tombalbaye for the presidency in 1960, all other presidents of Chad have been connected to a coup d’état. All presidents in independent Chad have relied heavily on armed support, creating ample armies, feared presidential guards, and terrifying secret services. Proxy wars, political mistrust, economic opportunity-seeking, and strategic ever-changing armed alliances characterize Chadian politics. Flexibility and fluidity have embodied the heart of armed resistance in Chad since the establishment of the first important politico-military rebel movement Frolinat in 1966. In fact, for rebels and powerholders alike, the state is at its best when it is most fragile (in a Western sense). With fragility comes blurriness and flexibility and thus predation opportunities. During the Cold War, most of the various armed fractions were supported mi...
Sono molto affezionato ad Achille Mbembe, per una ragione incomprensibile che mi colpisce mentre ... more Sono molto affezionato ad Achille Mbembe, per una ragione incomprensibile che mi colpisce mentre leggo il suo nuovo libro, Brutalisme. Quest'autore camerunese mi aveva conquistato già nel 1992, quando ho letto il suo articolo The Banality of Power and the Aesthetics of Vulgarity in the Postcolony sulla rivista Public Culture.
All presidents in independent Chad have relied heavily on armed support, creating ample armies, f... more All presidents in independent Chad have relied heavily on armed support, creating ample armies, feared presidential guards, and terrifying secret services. Proxy wars, political mistrust, economic opportunity-seeking, and strategic ever-changing armed alliances characterize Chadian politics. Flexibility and fluidity have embodied the heart of armed resistance in Chad since the establishment of the first important politico-military rebel movement Frolinat in 1966. In fact, for rebels and powerholders alike, the state is at its best when it is most fragile (in a Western sense). With fragility comes blurriness and flexibility and thus predation opportunities.
Economic sanctions have become frequent during the past two decades. As one form of economic sanc... more Economic sanctions have become frequent during the past two decades. As one form of economic sanction, donors are withholding development assistancebut is this an effective measure? This article starts by discussing certain general issues regarding sanctions. ...
Chadians have experienced harsh governance and personal rule since colonization. Between independ... more Chadians have experienced harsh governance and personal rule since colonization. Between independence in 1960 and the coup d’état in 1990 that brought President Déby to power, violent conflicts, and civil war continuously characterized life and politics in Chad. The political opening of the early 1990s under Déby, however, raised hopes among the populace. Yet the creation of more than one hundred new political parties did not change much in people’s lives or standards of living, resulting in a collective sense of aspirational deprivation, under the electoral authoritarian regime that resulted. Oil extraction starting in 2003 increased the sense of deprivation as the sudden wealth of some made inequality even more visible. Due to Chad’s geopolitical location, the regime’s firm fight against Islamic terror, and its natural resources, various outside powers are keen to maintain the country’s political stability, seemingly even at the price of tolerating the regime’s meager human rights...
Politics in Chad was militarized at the time of colonial conquest and has remained so ever since.... more Politics in Chad was militarized at the time of colonial conquest and has remained so ever since. Except for the French-supported candidacy of François Tombalbaye for the presidency in 1960, all other presidents of Chad have been connected to a coup d’état. All presidents in independent Chad have relied heavily on armed support, creating ample armies, feared presidential guards, and terrifying secret services. Proxy wars, political mistrust, economic opportunity-seeking, and strategic ever-changing armed alliances characterize Chadian politics. Flexibility and fluidity have embodied the heart of armed resistance in Chad since the establishment of the first important politico-military rebel movement Frolinat in 1966. In fact, for rebels and powerholders alike, the state is at its best when it is most fragile (in a Western sense). With fragility comes blurriness and flexibility and thus predation opportunities. During the Cold War, most of the various armed fractions were supported mi...
Sono molto affezionato ad Achille Mbembe, per una ragione incomprensibile che mi colpisce mentre ... more Sono molto affezionato ad Achille Mbembe, per una ragione incomprensibile che mi colpisce mentre leggo il suo nuovo libro, Brutalisme. Quest'autore camerunese mi aveva conquistato già nel 1992, quando ho letto il suo articolo The Banality of Power and the Aesthetics of Vulgarity in the Postcolony sulla rivista Public Culture.
All presidents in independent Chad have relied heavily on armed support, creating ample armies, f... more All presidents in independent Chad have relied heavily on armed support, creating ample armies, feared presidential guards, and terrifying secret services. Proxy wars, political mistrust, economic opportunity-seeking, and strategic ever-changing armed alliances characterize Chadian politics. Flexibility and fluidity have embodied the heart of armed resistance in Chad since the establishment of the first important politico-military rebel movement Frolinat in 1966. In fact, for rebels and powerholders alike, the state is at its best when it is most fragile (in a Western sense). With fragility comes blurriness and flexibility and thus predation opportunities.
Economic sanctions have become frequent during the past two decades. As one form of economic sanc... more Economic sanctions have become frequent during the past two decades. As one form of economic sanction, donors are withholding development assistancebut is this an effective measure? This article starts by discussing certain general issues regarding sanctions. ...
Africa indeed is the land of opportunity. Even though the African continent is one of the poorest... more Africa indeed is the land of opportunity. Even though the African continent is one of the poorest World regions the World Bank and International Monetary Founds prognosis leave no doubt, that in 2025 the majority of African states will reach the middle-income countries status. In recent years, six of the world’s fastest growing economies were nations on the African continent. The continent, that has a great advantage in the economic context, which is an exceptionally rapid population growth. Africa is extremely rich in raw materials and natural resources, many still un-exploited. The vast economic growth and development is highly visible in Sub-Saharan states. Africa is also the continent of crises. Ethnic tensions, international and domestic conflicts have a devastating impact on the states of the Sub-Saharan Africa. Protracted international armed conflicts and civil wars destabilize the economies, state administrations and societies of this part of globe. They obstruct economic development, the use of natural resources and are the cause of the slow fall of the statehood. The Authors from African and European universities and scientific centres decided to share their points of view on the topics of military assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa, the threat of terrorism and insurgency, key factors and key players in the international relations of Sub-Saharan states, and the regional security theory. Sub-Saharan Africa is still an undiscovered field of research but we believe that the newest “Ante Portas – Security Studies” volume, titled “Security Issues of Sub Saharan Africa” will manage to bring the subject matter a bit closer.
Uploads
and natural resources, many still un-exploited. The vast economic growth and development is highly visible in Sub-Saharan states.
Africa is also the continent of crises. Ethnic tensions, international and
domestic conflicts have a devastating impact on the states of the Sub-Saharan Africa. Protracted international armed conflicts and civil wars destabilize the economies, state administrations and societies of this part of globe. They obstruct economic development, the use of natural resources and are the cause of the slow fall of the statehood.
The Authors from African and European universities and scientific centres decided to share their points of view on the topics of military assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa, the threat of terrorism and insurgency, key factors and key players in the international relations of Sub-Saharan states, and the regional security theory. Sub-Saharan Africa is still an undiscovered field of research but we believe that the newest “Ante Portas – Security Studies” volume, titled “Security Issues of Sub Saharan Africa” will manage to bring the subject matter a bit closer.