The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law, 1984
Page 1. COMMUNITY DISPUTES VIOLENCE AND DISPUTE PROCESSING IN A LEBANESE MUSLIM IMMIGRANT COMMUNI... more Page 1. COMMUNITY DISPUTES VIOLENCE AND DISPUTE PROCESSING IN A LEBANESE MUSLIM IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY Michael Humphrey The legal order of modern states is essentially plural in charac-ter, consisting ...
In September 2003, AusAID funded the Australia-Canada Consortium on Health and Conflict to draw o... more In September 2003, AusAID funded the Australia-Canada Consortium on Health and Conflict to draw on the experience of academics and practitioners from Australia and Canada at the interface between health systems and conflict prevention and peace-building, conflict management ...
Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law, 2016
9/11 introduced a new phase in us foreign policy launching the war on terror. Integral to this ne... more 9/11 introduced a new phase in us foreign policy launching the war on terror. Integral to this new us global counterinsurgency was the use of torture as technique deployed to save us lives threatened by international terrorism. President George Bush’s declaration in 2001, ‘Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists’ expresses the logic of counterinsurgency strategy to divide the world into friends and enemies. The division of the world into friends and enemies is based on asymmetrical counterconcepts based on the negation of the ‘Other’. This article argues that the legitimation of torture in the Cold War and Post 9/11 eras arises from imperial/global politics based on a counterinsurgency, terror and torture nexus. Through an analysis of the role of torture in Cold War us counterinsurgency policy in Latin America it argues that torture was a technique of governance to produce victims and forge new political subjectivities. In the Latin American dictatorships abduction, d...
the significance of the "production of corpses" in the struggle for the state. The arti... more the significance of the "production of corpses" in the struggle for the state. The article also explores the symbolic efficacy of violence in undermining national society. It argues that the scope and scale of terror has gone beyond the threshold of the "innocence" of victims, beyond mere terrorism, leaving an enormous void in the construction of a future social project. The violent transgressions of
The flare-up of hostilities in December be tween Azeri and Armenian nationalists in the Caucasus... more The flare-up of hostilities in December be tween Azeri and Armenian nationalists in the Caucasus is yet another incident in the growing tensions in Soviet Central Asia overrule from Moscow. In December 1986 there were nationalist riots in Alma-Ata (Kazakhstan), during February and March 1988 Azeris and Ar menians clashed over territorial disputes which were tied to nationalist aspirations for greater autonomy in Stepanakert (Nagorno-Karabakh) and Sumagait (Azerbaijan) and, in December 1988 Azeris attacked Armenians in Baku (Azer baijan), leading to 'near civil war' in the region.
Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy
Keeble controversially opens his book by declaring that 'there was no Gulf war of 1991'.T... more Keeble controversially opens his book by declaring that 'there was no Gulf war of 1991'.This repeats Baudrillard's theme in an earlier book, The Gulfuiar Did Not Take Place (1995). Both books address the nature of contemporary media and the worlds and perceptions they are able to generate. While for Baudrillard the issue is its power of simulation, for Keeble it is the product of the way the state and media could manipulate the coverage of the war to sustain what he refers to as the 'new militarism'. For Keeble, the Iraqis were simply not a credible opposition against a military superpower (and friends) making the 'Gulf war' so onesided that it was effectively a 'massacre'.
Abstract This article explores the humanitarian optics of urban securitization in Latin American ... more Abstract This article explores the humanitarian optics of urban securitization in Latin American cities that are characterized by very high rates of homicide and urban violence. In response to this situation, an urban security model has emerged aimed at reducing crime, managing citizens’ fear and promoting urban development and social inclusion. The key vectors of this model are urban development, citizen security and securitization. This article explores the transformation of Medellín, the second largest city in Colombia, a city under siege from narco-gang violence with extreme levels of urban violence to features associated with being a globalized city. It examines two contemporary maps of Medellín: the “urban miracle map” and the “humanitarian crisis map,” which coexist as radically different perspectives of “seeing like a city” and “seeing like an international humanitarian organization.” The article explores these maps as the product of the interdependence of neoliberal urbanization and urban securitization which manage the spatial divide between the formal and informal city.
Revista Latinoamericana De Estudios Sobre Cuerpos Emociones Y Sociedad, Sep 17, 2014
espanolLuego de los acontecimientos del 11 de Septiembre, la migracion se ha enmarcado cada vez m... more espanolLuego de los acontecimientos del 11 de Septiembre, la migracion se ha enmarcado cada vez mas como un problema de seguridad. En la campana electoral australiana en 2010, la migracion estaba conectada con la seguridad (defensa de nuestras fronteras, terrorismo y cohesion social) y con cuestiones vinculadas con la inseguridad sobre el futuro (tamano de la poblacion, sostenibilidad y crecimiento economico). Este tratamiento de la migracion como un asunto de seguridad nacional pasa por alto la realidad de que la inmigracion australiana es parte del flujo global de poblacion. La migracion es un asunto internacional experienciado por los Estados como una cuestion nacional de control de las fronteras y la soberania que busca gestionar las consecuencias de las desigualdades mundiales y la movilidad. Este trabajo analiza el ‘giro de seguridad’ en los debates sobre migracion en Australia y el Norte, y las formas en que el aseguramiento contra la migracion significa la transformacion de la seguridad desde el problema de producir un orden nacional al problema de la gestion del desorden global que resulta de la fusion de estrategias de seguridad nacionales e internacionales. EnglishPost September 11 migration has increasingly been framed as a security problem. In the 2010 Australian election campaign migration was connected to security (defense of our borders, terrorism and social cohesion) and to related issues of insecurity about the future (population size, sustainability and economic growth). This framing of migration as a national security issue overlooks the reality that Australian immigration is part of the global flow of population. Migration is an international issue experienced by states as a national question of border control and sovereignty seeking to manage the consequences of global inequality and mobility. This paper analyses the 'security turn' in migration debates in Australia and the North and the way the securitization of migration signifies the transformation of security from the problem of producing national order to the problem of managing global disorder resulting in the merging of national and international security strategies.
The role of victim organizations in the transitional justice process is examined in postwar Bosni... more The role of victim organizations in the transitional justice process is examined in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). These organizations emerged in the context of the top-down accountability agenda driven by the international crisis intervention in the Balkan wars and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). By contrast, in Latin America victim organizations emerged as a self-conscious movements of individuals galvanized by their traumatic experience of state repression and demanding accountability from the bottom-up. In BiH accountability became a condition for re-establishing state political and legal authority but also international financing for reconstruction and progress towards EU accession. Victim organizations were part of the NGO sector which grew rapidly in response to the neoliberal governance model of selforganizing civil society to transform post-socialist and postwar BiH. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), run largely by professio...
The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law, 1984
Page 1. COMMUNITY DISPUTES VIOLENCE AND DISPUTE PROCESSING IN A LEBANESE MUSLIM IMMIGRANT COMMUNI... more Page 1. COMMUNITY DISPUTES VIOLENCE AND DISPUTE PROCESSING IN A LEBANESE MUSLIM IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY Michael Humphrey The legal order of modern states is essentially plural in charac-ter, consisting ...
In September 2003, AusAID funded the Australia-Canada Consortium on Health and Conflict to draw o... more In September 2003, AusAID funded the Australia-Canada Consortium on Health and Conflict to draw on the experience of academics and practitioners from Australia and Canada at the interface between health systems and conflict prevention and peace-building, conflict management ...
Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law, 2016
9/11 introduced a new phase in us foreign policy launching the war on terror. Integral to this ne... more 9/11 introduced a new phase in us foreign policy launching the war on terror. Integral to this new us global counterinsurgency was the use of torture as technique deployed to save us lives threatened by international terrorism. President George Bush’s declaration in 2001, ‘Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists’ expresses the logic of counterinsurgency strategy to divide the world into friends and enemies. The division of the world into friends and enemies is based on asymmetrical counterconcepts based on the negation of the ‘Other’. This article argues that the legitimation of torture in the Cold War and Post 9/11 eras arises from imperial/global politics based on a counterinsurgency, terror and torture nexus. Through an analysis of the role of torture in Cold War us counterinsurgency policy in Latin America it argues that torture was a technique of governance to produce victims and forge new political subjectivities. In the Latin American dictatorships abduction, d...
the significance of the "production of corpses" in the struggle for the state. The arti... more the significance of the "production of corpses" in the struggle for the state. The article also explores the symbolic efficacy of violence in undermining national society. It argues that the scope and scale of terror has gone beyond the threshold of the "innocence" of victims, beyond mere terrorism, leaving an enormous void in the construction of a future social project. The violent transgressions of
The flare-up of hostilities in December be tween Azeri and Armenian nationalists in the Caucasus... more The flare-up of hostilities in December be tween Azeri and Armenian nationalists in the Caucasus is yet another incident in the growing tensions in Soviet Central Asia overrule from Moscow. In December 1986 there were nationalist riots in Alma-Ata (Kazakhstan), during February and March 1988 Azeris and Ar menians clashed over territorial disputes which were tied to nationalist aspirations for greater autonomy in Stepanakert (Nagorno-Karabakh) and Sumagait (Azerbaijan) and, in December 1988 Azeris attacked Armenians in Baku (Azer baijan), leading to 'near civil war' in the region.
Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy
Keeble controversially opens his book by declaring that 'there was no Gulf war of 1991'.T... more Keeble controversially opens his book by declaring that 'there was no Gulf war of 1991'.This repeats Baudrillard's theme in an earlier book, The Gulfuiar Did Not Take Place (1995). Both books address the nature of contemporary media and the worlds and perceptions they are able to generate. While for Baudrillard the issue is its power of simulation, for Keeble it is the product of the way the state and media could manipulate the coverage of the war to sustain what he refers to as the 'new militarism'. For Keeble, the Iraqis were simply not a credible opposition against a military superpower (and friends) making the 'Gulf war' so onesided that it was effectively a 'massacre'.
Abstract This article explores the humanitarian optics of urban securitization in Latin American ... more Abstract This article explores the humanitarian optics of urban securitization in Latin American cities that are characterized by very high rates of homicide and urban violence. In response to this situation, an urban security model has emerged aimed at reducing crime, managing citizens’ fear and promoting urban development and social inclusion. The key vectors of this model are urban development, citizen security and securitization. This article explores the transformation of Medellín, the second largest city in Colombia, a city under siege from narco-gang violence with extreme levels of urban violence to features associated with being a globalized city. It examines two contemporary maps of Medellín: the “urban miracle map” and the “humanitarian crisis map,” which coexist as radically different perspectives of “seeing like a city” and “seeing like an international humanitarian organization.” The article explores these maps as the product of the interdependence of neoliberal urbanization and urban securitization which manage the spatial divide between the formal and informal city.
Revista Latinoamericana De Estudios Sobre Cuerpos Emociones Y Sociedad, Sep 17, 2014
espanolLuego de los acontecimientos del 11 de Septiembre, la migracion se ha enmarcado cada vez m... more espanolLuego de los acontecimientos del 11 de Septiembre, la migracion se ha enmarcado cada vez mas como un problema de seguridad. En la campana electoral australiana en 2010, la migracion estaba conectada con la seguridad (defensa de nuestras fronteras, terrorismo y cohesion social) y con cuestiones vinculadas con la inseguridad sobre el futuro (tamano de la poblacion, sostenibilidad y crecimiento economico). Este tratamiento de la migracion como un asunto de seguridad nacional pasa por alto la realidad de que la inmigracion australiana es parte del flujo global de poblacion. La migracion es un asunto internacional experienciado por los Estados como una cuestion nacional de control de las fronteras y la soberania que busca gestionar las consecuencias de las desigualdades mundiales y la movilidad. Este trabajo analiza el ‘giro de seguridad’ en los debates sobre migracion en Australia y el Norte, y las formas en que el aseguramiento contra la migracion significa la transformacion de la seguridad desde el problema de producir un orden nacional al problema de la gestion del desorden global que resulta de la fusion de estrategias de seguridad nacionales e internacionales. EnglishPost September 11 migration has increasingly been framed as a security problem. In the 2010 Australian election campaign migration was connected to security (defense of our borders, terrorism and social cohesion) and to related issues of insecurity about the future (population size, sustainability and economic growth). This framing of migration as a national security issue overlooks the reality that Australian immigration is part of the global flow of population. Migration is an international issue experienced by states as a national question of border control and sovereignty seeking to manage the consequences of global inequality and mobility. This paper analyses the 'security turn' in migration debates in Australia and the North and the way the securitization of migration signifies the transformation of security from the problem of producing national order to the problem of managing global disorder resulting in the merging of national and international security strategies.
The role of victim organizations in the transitional justice process is examined in postwar Bosni... more The role of victim organizations in the transitional justice process is examined in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). These organizations emerged in the context of the top-down accountability agenda driven by the international crisis intervention in the Balkan wars and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). By contrast, in Latin America victim organizations emerged as a self-conscious movements of individuals galvanized by their traumatic experience of state repression and demanding accountability from the bottom-up. In BiH accountability became a condition for re-establishing state political and legal authority but also international financing for reconstruction and progress towards EU accession. Victim organizations were part of the NGO sector which grew rapidly in response to the neoliberal governance model of selforganizing civil society to transform post-socialist and postwar BiH. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), run largely by professio...
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