Books by Dan Heidt
The Advisory Committee on Northern Development (ACND), a high-level interdepartmental committee, ... more The Advisory Committee on Northern Development (ACND), a high-level interdepartmental committee, was responsible for coordinating federal Arctic policies and programs from 1948-1971. The minutes of its main meetings provide unparalleled insight into how high-ranking civil servants in Ottawa grappled with what they perceived to be the most pressing issues of the era, including Canadian-American relations, sovereignty, security, Aboriginal affairs, socio-economic development, scientific research, and governance. As this volume reveals, the ACND represented an early example of the “Whole of Government” approach to policy deliberations, revealing the myriad activities that constituted the “Arctic revolution” during this pivotal quarter-century.
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Papers by Dan Heidt
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During the Second World War Howard Charles Green (Progressive Conservative MP for Vancouver-South... more During the Second World War Howard Charles Green (Progressive Conservative MP for Vancouver-South) advocated the evacuation, as well as subsequent repatriation of Japanese Canadians and continued to support restrictionist immigration policies well after the war’s completion. In 2007 the Canadian Federal Government named a new tower at 401 Burrard St. in Vancouver for Green, only to rename it following public opposition alleging Green’s “relentless hatred” of Japanese Canadians. This article challenges this characterisation by demonstrating that Green’s peacetime antipathy to Japanese Canadians was soon eclipsed by security concerns. Although these concerns continued after Japan’s defeat, Green’s beliefs did moderate. Labelling Green a racist fails to capture this complexity and change.
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Weatherwise, 1971
... Temperatures during the winter night hover in the range -20" F. to -40" F.,... more ... Temperatures during the winter night hover in the range -20" F. to -40" F., very seldom falling below -63" F. One seems to become conditioned to ... ally rise above zero, and the airstrips are still solidly frozen, making this the best time of the year to resupply the remote stations by air ...
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International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis, 2015
This article reviews Joseph Jockel's classic study of bilateral Canadian–American defence arr... more This article reviews Joseph Jockel's classic study of bilateral Canadian–American defence arrangements during the early Cold War: No Boundaries Upstairs. It considers the political context in which Jockel wrote and highlights the bilateral experiences that contributed to his unique perspective. It also reviews Jockel's account and analysis of the evolution of Canadian–American continental defence cooperation from 1945 to 1958. Finally, this article describes the longevity of Jockel's analysis as well as how historians and political scientists continue to build on his research.
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... 6 Albert Legault and Michel Fortmann, A Diplomacy of Hope: Canada and Disarmament 1945-1988, ... more ... 6 Albert Legault and Michel Fortmann, A Diplomacy of Hope: Canada and Disarmament 1945-1988, (Trans Derek Ellington. Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1992), 170-194. ... intended Commanding Officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Mahlon Davis, asking for a commission. It ...
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International Journal, 2015
This article reviews Joseph Jockel’s classic study of bilateral Canadian–American defence arrange... more This article reviews Joseph Jockel’s classic study of bilateral Canadian–American defence arrangements during the early Cold War: No Boundaries Upstairs. It considers the pol- itical context in which Jockel wrote and highlights the bilateral experiences that con- tributed to his unique perspective. It also reviews Jockel’s account and analysis of the evolution of Canadian–American continental defence cooperation from 1945 to 1958. Finally, this article describes the longevity of Jockel’s analysis as well as how historians and political scientists continue to build on his research.
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American Review of Canadian Studies, Aug 2012
Canada's atomic arms debate has attracted considerable scholarship, yet one of the debate's chief... more Canada's atomic arms debate has attracted considerable scholarship, yet one of the debate's chief protagonists, Canada's Secretary of State for External Affairs Howard Green, has received comparatively little attention. In the fall of 1959 Green abruptly moved against further nuclear testing, and began a crusade against Canadian acquisition of atomic weapons. By exploring Howard Green's understanding of nuclear fallout and subsequent actions regarding nuclear testing, this article examines the validity of existing explanations for Green's abrupt change of heart and proposes a new primary motivation: that advancements in science's understanding of the environmental impact of nuclear fallout led Green to redraw his “mental map” of Canada's interests.
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Canadian Arctic Sovereignty and Security: Historical Perspectives, 2011
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BC Studies, 2009
During the Second World War Howard Charles Green (Progressive Conservative MP for Vancouver-South... more During the Second World War Howard Charles Green (Progressive Conservative MP for Vancouver-South) advocated the evacuation, as well as subsequent repatriation of Japanese Canadians and continued to support restrictionist immigration policies well after the war’s completion. In 2007 the Canadian Federal Government named a new tower at 401 Burrard St. in Vancouver for Green, only to rename it following public opposition alleging Green’s “relentless hatred” of Japanese Canadians. This article challenges this characterisation by demonstrating that Green’s peacetime antipathy to Japanese Canadians was soon eclipsed by security concerns. Although these concerns continued after Japan’s defeat, Green’s beliefs did moderate. Labelling Green a racist fails to capture this complexity and change.
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Graduate Research by Dan Heidt
This dissertation explores how the Upper Canadian and Ontarian belief that their province could p... more This dissertation explores how the Upper Canadian and Ontarian belief that their province could preponderate within Confederation impacted the dominion of Canada’s political development. It reveals that federalism in Upper Canada remained weak until Reformers recognized that their province could exercise preponderant influence in a federation where representation in the national legislature was based upon population. After this realization, Reformers increasingly believed that they could best serve their province and country by using their potential parliamentary preponderance to quash policy demands from the rest of Canada that did not align with their national vision. This was not, however, the only way Upper Canadians interpreted their colony’s role within Confederation. As 1 July 1867 neared, many Upper Canadians acknowledged their province’s potential power but doubted its ability to dominate national policy debates. They also argued that opposing initiatives from the rest of Canada would destabilize Confederation. This second group, therefore, cautioned against opposing the rest of Canada or suggested using their province’s political muscle to support the passage of compromise policies that accommodated demands from other parts of the country.
The dissertation explores how the ebb and flow of these two preponderant federalisms in Ontario impacted Canadian political debates from 1867 to 1896. The sense of power and entitlement that underlay preponderant federalisms often emboldened Ontarians to foment national political crises by rallying their province’s politicians to oppose policy initiatives from other parts of the country. The willingness of other Ontarians to withhold their support from these agitations or to stand behind compromise policies, however, frequently divided Ontario’s voice and limited the effectiveness of attempts to pit the province against other parts of Canada. The dissertation also challenges several bodies of research. First, contrary to the assumptions of political scientists, the House of Commons can be analysed as an intrastate institution when studying the development and significance of asymmetrically populous provinces within federations. It also proves that the inhabitants and politicians of Ontario rarely acted with the unity that many political scientists passingly suggest. Disagreements among Ontarians concerning the use of their province’s preponderance often fractured its potential influence. Second, the dissertation challenges several historiographical assertions regarding Ontario political culture. The provincial consciousness inherent to suggestions that Ontario’s preponderant potential required it to desist from antagonizing the rest of Canada, or to use its potential influence to facilitate compromise, calls into question the centralists’ contention that Ontario Conservatives supported nation-building policies because they subordinated their provincial identity to national imperatives. The willingness of provincial rights politicians and newspaper editorialists to advocate using Ontario’s influence to safeguard provincial autonomy overturns the scholarly contention that pursuing preponderant influence and provincial autonomy were contradictory goals. Lastly, by examining the role Ontarians wanted their province to play in Confederation, instead of focusing on their policy demands, this dissertation also questions the propensity of regional alienation scholars to contend that Ontarians were apathetic to policy initiatives from the rest of Canada.
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This thesis follows the development of Howard Charles Green’s (1895-1989) views on war and disarm... more This thesis follows the development of Howard Charles Green’s (1895-1989) views on war and disarmament as both a private citizen and as a Member of Parliament. It draws its conclusions from a large archival base. Beginning with Green’s experiences in the First World War, this thesis charts Green’s views on war through to the United Nations Irish Resolution on disarmament of December 20, 1960. Contrary to current historiography examining the Diefenbaker period, it proves that Green’s beliefs about war only changed after his appointment as Secretary of State for External Affairs in June 1959, and even then it took time for his new ideals to “harden.” Prior to his “conversion” he believed that war remained a viable aspect of foreign policy and often encouraged its fuller prosecution.
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Conference Presentations by Dan Heidt
The Joint Arctic Weather Stations (JAWS) were the first intentionally permanent state presence on... more The Joint Arctic Weather Stations (JAWS) were the first intentionally permanent state presence on Canada's arctic archipelago. Recent geographic and historical scholarship focusing on arctic science has greatly increased our understanding of scientific culture and the challenges of arctic fieldwork. In particular, this scholarship emphasizes the contemporary desire, and failure, to turn the arctic into a laboratory-like environment, where controlled experiments could be conducted systematically.
tists, however, held graduate degrees, and remained transient visitors at sites such as the JAWS. Our research, including over 20 oral history interviews with JAWS veterans, combined with extensive archival research compels us to rethink and democratize the boundaries of Cold War scientific culture. JAWS personnel remained in the arctic for a year or more at a time, creating a very different scientific culture. While station personnel embraced scientific objectivity, understood the importance of sound methodology, and were often fascinated by the research of their guests, they were not trained scientists. Instead, they were weather “observers” who, lacking university degrees, cultivated professionalism when collecting data to be sent south for analysis. Moreover, station culture never assumed “laboratory” aspirations, and instead often adopted rugged and masculine qualities. Long-term isolation from the south, especially during the dark season, created administrative, safety, and personal challenges for JAWS personnel. Conversely, the spring and fall resupply season created buzzing activity that disrupted station routines. Despite this very different scientific culture, the JAWS program collected decades of reliable meteorological data.
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The dichotomy of interests vs. values has long categorized foreign policy discussions. Historian... more The dichotomy of interests vs. values has long categorized foreign policy discussions. Historians such as Sean Maloney cast disarmament advocates as moralizing crusaders, while describing deterrence subscribers as being more in tune with the measures necessary to generate lasting peace. While such categorizations sometimes provide explanatory power, scholars such as Erika Simpson are increasingly challenging this dichotomy. Using SSHRC funded Master’s thesis research concerning Howard Charles Green (1895-1989), this paper will argue that his advocacy of disarmament was largely grounded within a “mental-map” of Canadian interests, rather than values.
Howard Green was appointed Secretary of State for External Affairs in June 1959 in Prime Minister John G. Diefenbaker’s government. Despite being one of Canada’s most informed parliamentarians concerning nuclear technology for over a decade, Green showed absolutely no disposition against war in general or atomic weaponry prior to his appointment. Yet by August 1960 Green suddenly became an ardent disarmament advocate, began to push for Canadian disarmament resolutions at United Nations bodies, and tried to undermine Canada’s commitment to deploying American nuclear weapons for the Canadian Forces. Past scholars have argued that Green’s attitude was due to his experiences in the First World War and therefore not based on an assessment of Canadian interests. Instead, this paper will argue that Howard’s changing views derived from advances in science’s understanding of radiation, weather patterns, and fallout in general. Howard was no neutralist, he was committed to alliances such as NATO, but these advances caused him to worry that atomic weaponry particularly endangered Canada.
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Of the numerous Arctic initiatives resulting from the bipolarity of the Cold War, none was more s... more Of the numerous Arctic initiatives resulting from the bipolarity of the Cold War, none was more significant than the Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line. A triumph of scientific design and logistical planning completed in the late 1950s, the DEW Line ultimately stretched from Alaska to Greenland, conscripting the high Arctic into service for continental defence. Although the project was joint, the United States dominated much of the program and a variety of past journalists and present scholars have argued that Canada was too parsimonious to protect its sovereignty.
The majority of scholarship focuses on government/military personnel and equipment sent to DEW Line stations. Even today the Harper government emphasizes a requirement for a strong Canadian military presence in the Arctic to “defend” our legal sovereignty. This mentality overlooks alternatives, particularly opportunities for the Air Force to draw upon civilian assets to accomplish its Arctic mission. The vast commercial aspects of DEW Line operations are often forgotten, even though civilian aircraft played a pivotal role in re-supplying remote radar installations. To do so, the limited pre-existing northern airlift capacity had to be dramatically expanded and fierce competition ensued for these lucrative contracts. The Canadian government, conscious of nation-building possibilities, secured guarantees from the US that Canadian companies would be utilized “to the fullest extent practicable.” Canadian companies such as Maritime Central Airways expanded to meet the new increased demand. It and other companies had to fight to keep these contracts from American and Canadian rivals. Investments in new aircraft and the need for continued work ensured that Canadian companies jealously guarded and policed American airlift competition independently of Ottawa. American DEW Line contract dollars therefore assisted in the expansion and policing of Canadian Arctic “sovereignty,” yet the “lessons learned” from this exercise in civil-military relations remain to be clarified. This story has particular relevance today as Air Force and Joint Task Force North planners assess the feasibility of contracting civilian aircraft to fulfil defence requirements in the Far North.
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Books by Dan Heidt
Papers by Dan Heidt
Graduate Research by Dan Heidt
The dissertation explores how the ebb and flow of these two preponderant federalisms in Ontario impacted Canadian political debates from 1867 to 1896. The sense of power and entitlement that underlay preponderant federalisms often emboldened Ontarians to foment national political crises by rallying their province’s politicians to oppose policy initiatives from other parts of the country. The willingness of other Ontarians to withhold their support from these agitations or to stand behind compromise policies, however, frequently divided Ontario’s voice and limited the effectiveness of attempts to pit the province against other parts of Canada. The dissertation also challenges several bodies of research. First, contrary to the assumptions of political scientists, the House of Commons can be analysed as an intrastate institution when studying the development and significance of asymmetrically populous provinces within federations. It also proves that the inhabitants and politicians of Ontario rarely acted with the unity that many political scientists passingly suggest. Disagreements among Ontarians concerning the use of their province’s preponderance often fractured its potential influence. Second, the dissertation challenges several historiographical assertions regarding Ontario political culture. The provincial consciousness inherent to suggestions that Ontario’s preponderant potential required it to desist from antagonizing the rest of Canada, or to use its potential influence to facilitate compromise, calls into question the centralists’ contention that Ontario Conservatives supported nation-building policies because they subordinated their provincial identity to national imperatives. The willingness of provincial rights politicians and newspaper editorialists to advocate using Ontario’s influence to safeguard provincial autonomy overturns the scholarly contention that pursuing preponderant influence and provincial autonomy were contradictory goals. Lastly, by examining the role Ontarians wanted their province to play in Confederation, instead of focusing on their policy demands, this dissertation also questions the propensity of regional alienation scholars to contend that Ontarians were apathetic to policy initiatives from the rest of Canada.
Conference Presentations by Dan Heidt
tists, however, held graduate degrees, and remained transient visitors at sites such as the JAWS. Our research, including over 20 oral history interviews with JAWS veterans, combined with extensive archival research compels us to rethink and democratize the boundaries of Cold War scientific culture. JAWS personnel remained in the arctic for a year or more at a time, creating a very different scientific culture. While station personnel embraced scientific objectivity, understood the importance of sound methodology, and were often fascinated by the research of their guests, they were not trained scientists. Instead, they were weather “observers” who, lacking university degrees, cultivated professionalism when collecting data to be sent south for analysis. Moreover, station culture never assumed “laboratory” aspirations, and instead often adopted rugged and masculine qualities. Long-term isolation from the south, especially during the dark season, created administrative, safety, and personal challenges for JAWS personnel. Conversely, the spring and fall resupply season created buzzing activity that disrupted station routines. Despite this very different scientific culture, the JAWS program collected decades of reliable meteorological data.
Howard Green was appointed Secretary of State for External Affairs in June 1959 in Prime Minister John G. Diefenbaker’s government. Despite being one of Canada’s most informed parliamentarians concerning nuclear technology for over a decade, Green showed absolutely no disposition against war in general or atomic weaponry prior to his appointment. Yet by August 1960 Green suddenly became an ardent disarmament advocate, began to push for Canadian disarmament resolutions at United Nations bodies, and tried to undermine Canada’s commitment to deploying American nuclear weapons for the Canadian Forces. Past scholars have argued that Green’s attitude was due to his experiences in the First World War and therefore not based on an assessment of Canadian interests. Instead, this paper will argue that Howard’s changing views derived from advances in science’s understanding of radiation, weather patterns, and fallout in general. Howard was no neutralist, he was committed to alliances such as NATO, but these advances caused him to worry that atomic weaponry particularly endangered Canada.
The majority of scholarship focuses on government/military personnel and equipment sent to DEW Line stations. Even today the Harper government emphasizes a requirement for a strong Canadian military presence in the Arctic to “defend” our legal sovereignty. This mentality overlooks alternatives, particularly opportunities for the Air Force to draw upon civilian assets to accomplish its Arctic mission. The vast commercial aspects of DEW Line operations are often forgotten, even though civilian aircraft played a pivotal role in re-supplying remote radar installations. To do so, the limited pre-existing northern airlift capacity had to be dramatically expanded and fierce competition ensued for these lucrative contracts. The Canadian government, conscious of nation-building possibilities, secured guarantees from the US that Canadian companies would be utilized “to the fullest extent practicable.” Canadian companies such as Maritime Central Airways expanded to meet the new increased demand. It and other companies had to fight to keep these contracts from American and Canadian rivals. Investments in new aircraft and the need for continued work ensured that Canadian companies jealously guarded and policed American airlift competition independently of Ottawa. American DEW Line contract dollars therefore assisted in the expansion and policing of Canadian Arctic “sovereignty,” yet the “lessons learned” from this exercise in civil-military relations remain to be clarified. This story has particular relevance today as Air Force and Joint Task Force North planners assess the feasibility of contracting civilian aircraft to fulfil defence requirements in the Far North.
The dissertation explores how the ebb and flow of these two preponderant federalisms in Ontario impacted Canadian political debates from 1867 to 1896. The sense of power and entitlement that underlay preponderant federalisms often emboldened Ontarians to foment national political crises by rallying their province’s politicians to oppose policy initiatives from other parts of the country. The willingness of other Ontarians to withhold their support from these agitations or to stand behind compromise policies, however, frequently divided Ontario’s voice and limited the effectiveness of attempts to pit the province against other parts of Canada. The dissertation also challenges several bodies of research. First, contrary to the assumptions of political scientists, the House of Commons can be analysed as an intrastate institution when studying the development and significance of asymmetrically populous provinces within federations. It also proves that the inhabitants and politicians of Ontario rarely acted with the unity that many political scientists passingly suggest. Disagreements among Ontarians concerning the use of their province’s preponderance often fractured its potential influence. Second, the dissertation challenges several historiographical assertions regarding Ontario political culture. The provincial consciousness inherent to suggestions that Ontario’s preponderant potential required it to desist from antagonizing the rest of Canada, or to use its potential influence to facilitate compromise, calls into question the centralists’ contention that Ontario Conservatives supported nation-building policies because they subordinated their provincial identity to national imperatives. The willingness of provincial rights politicians and newspaper editorialists to advocate using Ontario’s influence to safeguard provincial autonomy overturns the scholarly contention that pursuing preponderant influence and provincial autonomy were contradictory goals. Lastly, by examining the role Ontarians wanted their province to play in Confederation, instead of focusing on their policy demands, this dissertation also questions the propensity of regional alienation scholars to contend that Ontarians were apathetic to policy initiatives from the rest of Canada.
tists, however, held graduate degrees, and remained transient visitors at sites such as the JAWS. Our research, including over 20 oral history interviews with JAWS veterans, combined with extensive archival research compels us to rethink and democratize the boundaries of Cold War scientific culture. JAWS personnel remained in the arctic for a year or more at a time, creating a very different scientific culture. While station personnel embraced scientific objectivity, understood the importance of sound methodology, and were often fascinated by the research of their guests, they were not trained scientists. Instead, they were weather “observers” who, lacking university degrees, cultivated professionalism when collecting data to be sent south for analysis. Moreover, station culture never assumed “laboratory” aspirations, and instead often adopted rugged and masculine qualities. Long-term isolation from the south, especially during the dark season, created administrative, safety, and personal challenges for JAWS personnel. Conversely, the spring and fall resupply season created buzzing activity that disrupted station routines. Despite this very different scientific culture, the JAWS program collected decades of reliable meteorological data.
Howard Green was appointed Secretary of State for External Affairs in June 1959 in Prime Minister John G. Diefenbaker’s government. Despite being one of Canada’s most informed parliamentarians concerning nuclear technology for over a decade, Green showed absolutely no disposition against war in general or atomic weaponry prior to his appointment. Yet by August 1960 Green suddenly became an ardent disarmament advocate, began to push for Canadian disarmament resolutions at United Nations bodies, and tried to undermine Canada’s commitment to deploying American nuclear weapons for the Canadian Forces. Past scholars have argued that Green’s attitude was due to his experiences in the First World War and therefore not based on an assessment of Canadian interests. Instead, this paper will argue that Howard’s changing views derived from advances in science’s understanding of radiation, weather patterns, and fallout in general. Howard was no neutralist, he was committed to alliances such as NATO, but these advances caused him to worry that atomic weaponry particularly endangered Canada.
The majority of scholarship focuses on government/military personnel and equipment sent to DEW Line stations. Even today the Harper government emphasizes a requirement for a strong Canadian military presence in the Arctic to “defend” our legal sovereignty. This mentality overlooks alternatives, particularly opportunities for the Air Force to draw upon civilian assets to accomplish its Arctic mission. The vast commercial aspects of DEW Line operations are often forgotten, even though civilian aircraft played a pivotal role in re-supplying remote radar installations. To do so, the limited pre-existing northern airlift capacity had to be dramatically expanded and fierce competition ensued for these lucrative contracts. The Canadian government, conscious of nation-building possibilities, secured guarantees from the US that Canadian companies would be utilized “to the fullest extent practicable.” Canadian companies such as Maritime Central Airways expanded to meet the new increased demand. It and other companies had to fight to keep these contracts from American and Canadian rivals. Investments in new aircraft and the need for continued work ensured that Canadian companies jealously guarded and policed American airlift competition independently of Ottawa. American DEW Line contract dollars therefore assisted in the expansion and policing of Canadian Arctic “sovereignty,” yet the “lessons learned” from this exercise in civil-military relations remain to be clarified. This story has particular relevance today as Air Force and Joint Task Force North planners assess the feasibility of contracting civilian aircraft to fulfil defence requirements in the Far North.
This research was conducted as part of a SSHRC-funded study on the history of the DEW Line for which Dan Heidt was hired as a research assistant. Part of the oral paper will explain the methodology adopted by the primary investigator (Whitney Lackenbauer) and outline how a research assistant mentoring process can – and should - include opportunities for students to participate in the presentation and co-publication of research findings.