zhang shuya

Directional prefixes, prevalent in Tangut and modern Qiangic languages, play a crucial role in expressing tense-aspect-modality and spatial meanings. While Tangut directional prefixes are classified into perfective (Dir1) and optative (Dir2) paradigms, certain polyfunctional members have puzzled scholars. Notably, the prefix 𗭊 jij 1-, traditionally viewed as optative, has been observed since Kepping (1985) to also express durative aspect. Drawing evidence from Tangut internal sources, particularly from an underexplored indigenous text, the Ode on Monthly Pleasures, this paper proposes the existence of a Dir1 prefix 𗭊 jij 1-, potentially linked to the palatal unspecified directionals found in modern Gyalrongic. The Dir1 prefix 𗭊 jij 1-, homophonous with the optative (Dir2) prefix 𗭊 jij 1-, serves as the source for the grammaticalization of durative. The proposal refines previous reconstructions of Tangut directional paradigms, and offers insights into the diachrony of tense-aspect-modality in Gyalrongic.

趨向前綴是西夏語被劃分為羌語支語言的重要依據之一。這些動詞前綴 不僅傳達一定的空間意義，也是構成羌語支語言動詞時體式範疇的重要組成部分。 西田龍雄注意到西夏語動詞與趨向前綴的搭配存在一定靈活性，但靈活程度似乎不 及現代羌語支語言。這一現象至今尚未有系統研究。本文將現代嘉絨語支語法中動 詞“趨向可易性”的概念引入西夏語趨向前綴與動詞搭配的研究, 並通過梳理西夏語 系列一趨向前綴的語義層次，將區分西夏語動詞趨向可易性的三種情況，即明晰空 間意義之交替、詞彙化彈性、特殊時體範疇之交替。通過外部比較，本文將揭示西 夏語與現代嘉絨語支趨向前綴來自一個共同原始系統。在此基礎上，文章將借助現 代嘉絨語材料，將西夏語動詞所呈現出的“受限趨向可易性”歸因爲兩方面。一方面，西夏語位移動詞趨向可易性降低，很有可能受文獻材料制約;另一方面非位移動詞 的有限趨向可易性則可部分歸因為嘉絨語支共有的詞彙化彈性。本項研究將幫助我 們理解趨向前綴在嘉絨語支動詞形態中的歷史地位及發展趨勢。

This paper re-examines previous hypotheses claiming the primacy of a perfect(ive) value in certain qusheng (*-s) derivations (in particular nominalization) in Old Chinese. First, it revisits examples previously cited as having been derived from the perfect(ive), and proposes to re-classify them as resulting from three different derivational processes, nominalization, verb argument demotion, and adverbialization. Second, it focuses on Sino-Tibetan comparative data, in particular from Situ Rgyalrong, a language with severe isomorphism across four -s suffixes. Then, on the basis of morphological (especially stem changes) and syntactic criteria, it sorts out the relationship between the different -s suffixes in Situ, while suggesting multiple sources to account for the diverse functions of qusheng (*-s) in Old Chinese.

趋向前缀作为西夏语体式范畴的主要表达手段，所涉及的空间与语法功能一直存在争议。本文集中 探讨系列一趋向前缀 𗞞4342 dja2- 的词汇及语法功能。在词汇层面, 本文将趋向前缀 𗞞4342 dja2- 所涉之空间意 义梳理为实际位移、虚拟位移、不透明空间意义三个层次，并整理与之搭配的动词语义类。上述三个层次 的空间意义与前缀 𗞞4342 dja2- 的完整体功能共现。除此之外, 趋向前缀 𗞞4342 dja2- 还发展出非完整体功能， 且不涉及空间意义。非完整体 𗞞4342 dja2- 仍处于语法化初期，常与存在动词共现，其语法化路径有迹可循: 它来自对完整体的重新分析，并以完成体解读为过渡阶段。基于形态存古的现代嘉绒语支材料，本文进一 步揭示出西夏语与现代嘉绒语支的完整体/非完整体同形还与过去时相联系。嘉绒语支语言中从过去完整体 到非过去非完整体的发展代表了一种新的时体范畴演化类型。

This paper focuses on the history of a polyfunctional case marker 𗗙 jij1 in Tangut, an extinct Rgyalrongic language (Sino-Tibetan). This versatile case morpheme is a typological rarity of maximum syncretism among several abstract case functions, including differential object marking, the genitive, and the oblique (which overlaps with the dative). For one thing, accusatives originating from datives or spatial sources are rarely found with additional genitive functions; for another, reported instances of accusative/ genitive syncretism seldom include other functions. The principal hypothesis of this paper is that the Tangut 𗗙 jij1 may be the result of multiple
grammaticalization processes stemming from a proto-locative source. These processes can be subsumed under two pathways, one leading from an allative to an accusative, with an intermediate oblique stage, and the other from a locative to a genitive. Although both of these development pathways are frequently attested, the Tangut 𗗙 jij1 remains a typological rarity due to their superposition.

The Rgyalrong languages are a group of unwritten non-Tibetic languages spoken in northwestern Sichuan Province, China. This paper provides an in-depth analysis of the Brag-bar (a dialect of Situ Rgyalrong) kinship terminology at the synchronic level, and then by using both internal reconstruction and comparative method, we attempt to explain the direc-tionality of both formal and semantic changes in the Brag-bar terminology. Thus we demonstrate that the present kinship system of Brag-bar (Situ) originates from a system with Omaha skewing.

This paper revisits the orientation systems in Situ Rgyalrong (Burmo-Qiangic, Sino-Tibetan). These systems reflect heliocentric (e.g., east/west) or topographic (e.g., upriver/downriver) orientation, typically within a frame of absolute reference. While scholars agree that the orientation systems of different Situ dialects are generalisable to a tri-axial model, the precise semantic values reflected by the three axes have always been controversial. In explaining synchronic semantic divergences among Situ orientation systems from a diachronic perspective, the present work first reveals historical layers within the three axes. Through internal reconstruction, it then identifies the original meanings of the two sets constituting the innovative Axis II. Finally, using typological parallelisms and local topographic features, this paper analyses the Proto-Situ orientation system as a tri-axial system of orthogonality, and infers the original meanings of the system's three axes. Importantly, this study shows how the comparative method can be applied to solving semantic problems in languages rich in morphology.