Papers by Allison Emmerson
Journal of Roman Archaeology, 2010
Journal of Roman Archaeology, 2011
Journal of Roman Archaeology, 2014
Junian Latins, former slaves who had been freed informally and therefore had not received Roman c... more Junian Latins, former slaves who had been freed informally and therefore had not received Roman citizenship along with their manumission, existed in large numbers in both Italy and the provinces. Nevertheless, their lives and the ways in which their status differed from that of other freedmen remain little understood. This paper identifies fourteen tombs at Pompeii as belonging to Junian Latins, a group that has not previously been identified among the thousands of personal names preserved in the city's epigraphic record. The tombs suggest that Junian Latinity had an effect on social status: Junian Latins who were promoted to citizenship after manumission apparently held a higher status than other freedmen. Junian Latinity might also have impacted marriage patterns, with Junian Latins more likely to marry outside of their familiae. The distinction between Junian Latins and other freedmen at Pompeii points to the complexity of the Roman social system and adds a new dimension to the study of the Roman sub-elite.
As one of Pompeii’s most heavily trafficked gates, the Porta Stabia must have been a desirable an... more As one of Pompeii’s most heavily trafficked gates, the Porta Stabia must have been a desirable and high-status location for burial, and the roads around the gate must have been lined with densely packed tombs. Presently, four tombs stand outside the Porta Stabia: the two well-known semicircular benches (schola tombs) just outside the gate, and two lesser-known tomb podia located to the south, hidden behind an embankment and concealed under overgrowth. This situation does not reflect the ancient reality. This article repopulates the burial landscape around the Porta Stabia by examining the standing tombs as well as the excavation reports of tombs that were reburied following their discovery, concluding that the extensive necropolis around the Porta Stabia is not something that must be imagined; rather, it is well-documented and worthy of a place in future scholarship.
Talks by Allison Emmerson
"The catastrophic eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in 79 CE undoubtedly reshaped life in southern Campani... more "The catastrophic eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in 79 CE undoubtedly reshaped life in southern Campania. Theories on the lasting effects of the eruption, however, have varied greatly, with the return to economic vitality placed anywhere from the years immediately following the calamity to several centuries later. The relative scarcity of archaeological material and the almost complete silence of the literary sources have led to a general uncertainty regarding the state of the region during this important period.
This paper examines the most widely available evidence for life in southern Campania after the eruption, the funerary material, in order to trace post-eruption experiences in Stabiae, Nuceria, Surrentum, and Salernum, as well as in the territories of the destroyed cities Pompeii and Herculaneum. By bringing together the evidence of monumental tombs, individual burials, and independent grave markers from each city, I demonstrate the socio-economic complexity of the region in the years after 79 CE, highlighting the divergent experiences of various communities and of the people who lived within them. In each city, funerary culture reveals a marked economic downturn resulting from the eruption, but recovery rates varied from place to place, with certain towns revitalizing rapidly, and others lagging behind. Additionally, experiences varied within communities, as certain individuals and families suffered from the new economic environment while others found ways to thrive. The multifaceted picture presented by this new analysis of the funerary evidence indicates the inherent difficulty of attempting to fit all of southern Campania into a single mold, and helps to explain why the course of recovery has been subject to such variant interpretations. In treating the communities of the region as separate pieces of a larger whole, we are able to arrive at a more subtle, and ultimately a more satisfactory, understanding of the effects of one of the Roman period’s most devastating natural disasters.
"
"When August Mau published the first tract of tombs found outside Pompeii’s Porta Nocera, he spok... more "When August Mau published the first tract of tombs found outside Pompeii’s Porta Nocera, he spoke of monuments that were broken and collapsed, with ancient refuse piled in and around them. He determined that the necropolis was badly damaged in the earthquake of AD 62 and abandoned afterwards. As more tombs were revealed outside Pompeii’s gates, the “abandoned” designation spread: in fact, at every necropolis tombs were found collapsed, ruined, and filled with garbage. The evidence seemed clear: in the last 17 years of life at Pompeii, the city was surrounded by deserted and crumbling tombs, used for little more than trash disposal.
This picture contributed to the prevailing 20th century idea that Pompeii was in decline after AD 62. The theory held that what little wealth remained was devoted to more pragmatic measures than the maintenance of elaborate tombs. More recent scholarship on the last years of Pompeii, however, has rejected the idea of decline, instead demonstrating a city in a period of rejuvenation. How can we reconcile the thriving city with an abandoned, refuse filled burial landscape?
This paper refutes the idea that Pompeii’s necropoleis were abandoned by focusing on three key reasons for the state of the tombs at their discovery. Firstly and expectedly, much of the tombs’ ruined appearance can be attributed to the events of the eruption itself, a point unrecognized by the first excavators. Post-eruption activity also has had an effect: destructive human interaction with the site seems to have begun almost immediately after the eruption and has continued into the modern period. Most importantly, the presence of garbage in tomb precincts need not be attributed to abandonment, but to Roman attitudes towards funerary space. Tombs in active commemorative use, although considered sacred to the spirits of the dead, were also a part of the dynamic zone of the suburbium. As such, they were suitable for posting official notices, scratching graffiti, engaging in disreputable behavior, and even dumping garbage. Rather than necropoleis in neglect, Pompeii’s tombs were centers of mixed activity, not least of which was continued funerary ritual up to the moment of the eruption."
"The slaying of exotic beasts in Imperial Rome’s venationes, or staged animal hunts, communicated... more "The slaying of exotic beasts in Imperial Rome’s venationes, or staged animal hunts, communicated clear messages of Roman power and domination. Such entertainments were extremely popular in antiquity, and remain notorious today. Less well understood, however, are the venationes of cities beyond the capital. What types of animals were exhibited in smaller towns, and what messages did such shows convey?
This paper identifies and examines the evidence for venationes in Roman Pompeii to demonstrate the unmistakable dissimilarity between these shows and those of the capital, contending that the divergence implies a distinct societal role for Pompeii’s staged hunts. My argument brings together four types of evidence - artistic representations, the remains of structures in which spectacles were held, graffiti/inscriptions pertaining to entertainments, and faunal remains - to show that most Pompeian venationes featured local animals rather than exotic species. Without foreign animals, the recognized message of Roman domination was certainly less significant in Pompeii, and hunts here took on more localized meanings. In a town where elections were still the most important element of local politics, public entertainments like animal shows facilitated interaction between elites and the people, emphasizing social differences while drawing the entire community into a fantasy life that alluded to wealth, legend, and myth. At the same time, animal shows allowed Pompeii to position itself within the larger world: by staging venationes the Pompeians declared their Romanitas and connected themselves to the shared culture of the Roman Empire."
"Because the funerary monuments from Roman Dacia feature Latin inscriptions and bust length repre... more "Because the funerary monuments from Roman Dacia feature Latin inscriptions and bust length representations of the deceased and their families, scholars have argued that they are evidence for Romanization, the process by which indigenous peoples adopted or adapted Roman culture. Based on this evidence and other Roman material culture found in the region, it has become orthodox to consider Dacia a highly Romanized Province.
An examination of the funerary monuments in context shows that they do not express Romanization. The monuments were not adopted by the indigenous population but were used exclusively by Roman soldiers, veterans, and colonists who came to Dacia after Trajan's Wars. The projection of Romanitas on the monuments seems intended to differentiate Romans from natives; urban, Roman space from rural, native space; and Roman prosperity from native subjugation.
In contrast, the funerary monuments from Roman Dacia are evidence of Roman imperialism; they proclaim a separation of Roman and native while asserting Roman control in an unstable province. Dacia's imperial history is marked by internal and external conflicts, and there is no evidence that a secure Roman lifestyle was ever widespread in the province. The monuments proclaim Roman ideals such as prosperity, peace, and family stability in the face of constant threats to those very ideals. By emphasizing Roman control, the Dacian funerary monuments seem to invert, rather than reflect, the reality of life in the province; they advertise a stable Roman lifestyle that did not exist on the unstable Danube frontier."
Papers 2012 by Allison Emmerson
FOLD&R Fasti On Line Documents & Research, 262, 2012
This article provides a preliminary report on the 2011 excavations undertaken by the University o... more This article provides a preliminary report on the 2011 excavations undertaken by the University of Cincinnati’s ‘Pompeii Archaeological Research Project: Porta Stabia’. This was the 7th season of excavations for the project at Pompeii, during which four trenches were excavated within four separate properties across insula I.1. The report focuses on the stratified sequences uncovered in each trench, and outlines the phases of activity and how some of these relate to the development of other parts of the buildings already excavated by the project throughout insula I.1, as well as to the results from our excavations on the other side of the via Stabiana at insula VIII.7. The earliest sequence of activities begins in the 4th century BCE, with major developments occurring in the second half of the 2nd century BCE (the establishment of the standing buildings), the Augustan period (the replacement of light-industrial spaces with retail), and the last decades of habitation (the recovery from the earthquake/s).
Papers 2011 by Allison Emmerson
FOLD&R Fasti On Line Documents & Research, 220, 2011
Papers 2015 by Allison Emmerson
FOLD&R Fasti On Line Documents & Research, 328, 2015
This article provides a preliminary report on the 2012 field season of excavations undertaken by ... more This article provides a preliminary report on the 2012 field season of excavations undertaken by the University of Cincinnati’s ‘Pompeii Archaeological Research Project: Porta Stabia’. This was the eighth – and final – season of excavations for the project, during which four trenches were excavated within four separate properties across insula I.1. As the last of a series of preliminary reports published with FOLD&R, this article anticipates the final publication of the project’s research in a series of forthcoming monographs; the preparation of these volumes are currently underway. The focus of the present report is on the stratified sequences uncovered in each trench. It also outlines the phases of activity and how some of these relate to the development of other parts of the buildings already excavated by the project throughout insula I.1, as well as to the results from our excavations on the western side of the via Stabiana at insula VIII.7. The earliest sequence of activities begins in the 6th century BCE, with major developments occurring in the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE (the establishment of the standing buildings, one of which operated a pottery production facility), the Augustan period (the replacement of production spaces with retail, as well as some significant quarrying activities), and the last decades of habitation (the structural recovery from the earthquake/s).
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Papers by Allison Emmerson
Talks by Allison Emmerson
This paper examines the most widely available evidence for life in southern Campania after the eruption, the funerary material, in order to trace post-eruption experiences in Stabiae, Nuceria, Surrentum, and Salernum, as well as in the territories of the destroyed cities Pompeii and Herculaneum. By bringing together the evidence of monumental tombs, individual burials, and independent grave markers from each city, I demonstrate the socio-economic complexity of the region in the years after 79 CE, highlighting the divergent experiences of various communities and of the people who lived within them. In each city, funerary culture reveals a marked economic downturn resulting from the eruption, but recovery rates varied from place to place, with certain towns revitalizing rapidly, and others lagging behind. Additionally, experiences varied within communities, as certain individuals and families suffered from the new economic environment while others found ways to thrive. The multifaceted picture presented by this new analysis of the funerary evidence indicates the inherent difficulty of attempting to fit all of southern Campania into a single mold, and helps to explain why the course of recovery has been subject to such variant interpretations. In treating the communities of the region as separate pieces of a larger whole, we are able to arrive at a more subtle, and ultimately a more satisfactory, understanding of the effects of one of the Roman period’s most devastating natural disasters.
"
This picture contributed to the prevailing 20th century idea that Pompeii was in decline after AD 62. The theory held that what little wealth remained was devoted to more pragmatic measures than the maintenance of elaborate tombs. More recent scholarship on the last years of Pompeii, however, has rejected the idea of decline, instead demonstrating a city in a period of rejuvenation. How can we reconcile the thriving city with an abandoned, refuse filled burial landscape?
This paper refutes the idea that Pompeii’s necropoleis were abandoned by focusing on three key reasons for the state of the tombs at their discovery. Firstly and expectedly, much of the tombs’ ruined appearance can be attributed to the events of the eruption itself, a point unrecognized by the first excavators. Post-eruption activity also has had an effect: destructive human interaction with the site seems to have begun almost immediately after the eruption and has continued into the modern period. Most importantly, the presence of garbage in tomb precincts need not be attributed to abandonment, but to Roman attitudes towards funerary space. Tombs in active commemorative use, although considered sacred to the spirits of the dead, were also a part of the dynamic zone of the suburbium. As such, they were suitable for posting official notices, scratching graffiti, engaging in disreputable behavior, and even dumping garbage. Rather than necropoleis in neglect, Pompeii’s tombs were centers of mixed activity, not least of which was continued funerary ritual up to the moment of the eruption."
This paper identifies and examines the evidence for venationes in Roman Pompeii to demonstrate the unmistakable dissimilarity between these shows and those of the capital, contending that the divergence implies a distinct societal role for Pompeii’s staged hunts. My argument brings together four types of evidence - artistic representations, the remains of structures in which spectacles were held, graffiti/inscriptions pertaining to entertainments, and faunal remains - to show that most Pompeian venationes featured local animals rather than exotic species. Without foreign animals, the recognized message of Roman domination was certainly less significant in Pompeii, and hunts here took on more localized meanings. In a town where elections were still the most important element of local politics, public entertainments like animal shows facilitated interaction between elites and the people, emphasizing social differences while drawing the entire community into a fantasy life that alluded to wealth, legend, and myth. At the same time, animal shows allowed Pompeii to position itself within the larger world: by staging venationes the Pompeians declared their Romanitas and connected themselves to the shared culture of the Roman Empire."
An examination of the funerary monuments in context shows that they do not express Romanization. The monuments were not adopted by the indigenous population but were used exclusively by Roman soldiers, veterans, and colonists who came to Dacia after Trajan's Wars. The projection of Romanitas on the monuments seems intended to differentiate Romans from natives; urban, Roman space from rural, native space; and Roman prosperity from native subjugation.
In contrast, the funerary monuments from Roman Dacia are evidence of Roman imperialism; they proclaim a separation of Roman and native while asserting Roman control in an unstable province. Dacia's imperial history is marked by internal and external conflicts, and there is no evidence that a secure Roman lifestyle was ever widespread in the province. The monuments proclaim Roman ideals such as prosperity, peace, and family stability in the face of constant threats to those very ideals. By emphasizing Roman control, the Dacian funerary monuments seem to invert, rather than reflect, the reality of life in the province; they advertise a stable Roman lifestyle that did not exist on the unstable Danube frontier."
Papers 2012 by Allison Emmerson
Papers 2011 by Allison Emmerson
Papers 2015 by Allison Emmerson
This paper examines the most widely available evidence for life in southern Campania after the eruption, the funerary material, in order to trace post-eruption experiences in Stabiae, Nuceria, Surrentum, and Salernum, as well as in the territories of the destroyed cities Pompeii and Herculaneum. By bringing together the evidence of monumental tombs, individual burials, and independent grave markers from each city, I demonstrate the socio-economic complexity of the region in the years after 79 CE, highlighting the divergent experiences of various communities and of the people who lived within them. In each city, funerary culture reveals a marked economic downturn resulting from the eruption, but recovery rates varied from place to place, with certain towns revitalizing rapidly, and others lagging behind. Additionally, experiences varied within communities, as certain individuals and families suffered from the new economic environment while others found ways to thrive. The multifaceted picture presented by this new analysis of the funerary evidence indicates the inherent difficulty of attempting to fit all of southern Campania into a single mold, and helps to explain why the course of recovery has been subject to such variant interpretations. In treating the communities of the region as separate pieces of a larger whole, we are able to arrive at a more subtle, and ultimately a more satisfactory, understanding of the effects of one of the Roman period’s most devastating natural disasters.
"
This picture contributed to the prevailing 20th century idea that Pompeii was in decline after AD 62. The theory held that what little wealth remained was devoted to more pragmatic measures than the maintenance of elaborate tombs. More recent scholarship on the last years of Pompeii, however, has rejected the idea of decline, instead demonstrating a city in a period of rejuvenation. How can we reconcile the thriving city with an abandoned, refuse filled burial landscape?
This paper refutes the idea that Pompeii’s necropoleis were abandoned by focusing on three key reasons for the state of the tombs at their discovery. Firstly and expectedly, much of the tombs’ ruined appearance can be attributed to the events of the eruption itself, a point unrecognized by the first excavators. Post-eruption activity also has had an effect: destructive human interaction with the site seems to have begun almost immediately after the eruption and has continued into the modern period. Most importantly, the presence of garbage in tomb precincts need not be attributed to abandonment, but to Roman attitudes towards funerary space. Tombs in active commemorative use, although considered sacred to the spirits of the dead, were also a part of the dynamic zone of the suburbium. As such, they were suitable for posting official notices, scratching graffiti, engaging in disreputable behavior, and even dumping garbage. Rather than necropoleis in neglect, Pompeii’s tombs were centers of mixed activity, not least of which was continued funerary ritual up to the moment of the eruption."
This paper identifies and examines the evidence for venationes in Roman Pompeii to demonstrate the unmistakable dissimilarity between these shows and those of the capital, contending that the divergence implies a distinct societal role for Pompeii’s staged hunts. My argument brings together four types of evidence - artistic representations, the remains of structures in which spectacles were held, graffiti/inscriptions pertaining to entertainments, and faunal remains - to show that most Pompeian venationes featured local animals rather than exotic species. Without foreign animals, the recognized message of Roman domination was certainly less significant in Pompeii, and hunts here took on more localized meanings. In a town where elections were still the most important element of local politics, public entertainments like animal shows facilitated interaction between elites and the people, emphasizing social differences while drawing the entire community into a fantasy life that alluded to wealth, legend, and myth. At the same time, animal shows allowed Pompeii to position itself within the larger world: by staging venationes the Pompeians declared their Romanitas and connected themselves to the shared culture of the Roman Empire."
An examination of the funerary monuments in context shows that they do not express Romanization. The monuments were not adopted by the indigenous population but were used exclusively by Roman soldiers, veterans, and colonists who came to Dacia after Trajan's Wars. The projection of Romanitas on the monuments seems intended to differentiate Romans from natives; urban, Roman space from rural, native space; and Roman prosperity from native subjugation.
In contrast, the funerary monuments from Roman Dacia are evidence of Roman imperialism; they proclaim a separation of Roman and native while asserting Roman control in an unstable province. Dacia's imperial history is marked by internal and external conflicts, and there is no evidence that a secure Roman lifestyle was ever widespread in the province. The monuments proclaim Roman ideals such as prosperity, peace, and family stability in the face of constant threats to those very ideals. By emphasizing Roman control, the Dacian funerary monuments seem to invert, rather than reflect, the reality of life in the province; they advertise a stable Roman lifestyle that did not exist on the unstable Danube frontier."