The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) enables investment from outside of Global North, such as the G... more The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) enables investment from outside of Global North, such as the Gulf countries and Latin America, to enter the Chinese market. China’s local governments play an important role in facilitating FDI by new actors. This research uses a case study of three Turkish companies to explore the motivations of companies from developing countries to localize their operations in China, and the motivations for local officials to diversify their FDI portfolios. The results show that local governments are significantly more receptive to investments by developing countries due to inter-regional rivalry within China. The central government’s strategy of prioritizing high-technology industries works against developing countries, as their investments usually come from low-technology heavy industry companies. Turkish companies feel unwelcome by local governments except for the relatively large size of the capital they bring in. The findings demonstrate the transnational relations of China’s local governments and contribute to the multiscalar analysis of the spatialization of industrial strategies in Global Production Networks.
Regional integration changes domestic decision-making structures, relations among social forces, ... more Regional integration changes domestic decision-making structures, relations among social forces, and power distribution in different ways. China influences Turkey’s domestic dynamics through involvement in economic cooperation, geostrategic alliances, and factional alliances. Concurrent and conflicting decision-making processes and foreign policy informality shape Turkey’s engagement with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This research conceptualizes political informality as an authoritarian governance tool within the legal boundaries but outside of bureaucratic rationality. Turkey’s attempts to be involved in the BRI have contributed to informalization as an authoritarian strategy of the ruling party (AKP). This research concerns a case study on the now Chinese-owned Kumport to demonstrate how informalization of state-business relations shapes Turkey’s transnational relations. The findings point out to the negative consequences of this informalization on the Chinese investments in Turkey’s logistics sector. The decrease in the power of the relatively Weberian bureaucracy of Turkey under the new presidential system led to the marginalization of Kumport in global shipping routes.
Neighborhood governance has been the center of attention in
urban politics and public policy for ... more Neighborhood governance has been the center of attention in urban politics and public policy for many decades. Although wide-ranging literature explores the favorable effects of public participation on neighborhood governance, it is only relatively recently that attention has been directed to the manner in which effective participation develops and the consequent implications for participatory democracy. This article examines how local states encourage public participation in neighborhood governance using social networks in contemporary China. Based on a case study of the Minor Facts program, our findings demonstrate that even when participation mechanisms are introduced by the Party, horizontal networks also play a role in participation. Moreover, we present two forms of social networks and their mechanisms to illustrate how local states strategically mobilize them. These social networks also increase the social status and moral authority of Party members and political elites in ways they find useful for strengthening local government capacity to ensure political compliance. This article provides an important qualitative insight into network- related activators of participatory behaviors in the community.
This paper investigates Türkiye’s evolving relations with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI),... more This paper investigates Türkiye’s evolving relations with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a large-scale program of infrastructure investment and project financing proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. The paper digs deeply into cases from two sectors—transportation and energy—focusing on how heightened and changing local expectations among Turks for these prospective BRI projects have shaped choices and outcomes, including China’s. In so doing, it explores how these shifting Turkish perceptions affect the implementation of BRI projects in Türkiye. This paper has several goals: it seeks to understand the reasons behind these local changes, the role of the state and private sector in Türkiye in these changes, and the way China has responded so far. Of course, domestic factors are not the only ones that shape the implementation of BRI projects in Türkiye or elsewhere; regional and global trends have had an impact too.
This article aims to analyse the social history and
political economy of two imperial port-cities... more This article aims to analyse the social history and political economy of two imperial port-cities of İzmir and Shanghai from the perspective of laissez faire transnationalism since the mid-19th century. We show that transnationalism is the key transformative global phenomenon that promoted both the rise and fall of İzmir and Shanghai to a global city status and connected the social history of both cities with global history, international relations and international political economy. We deal with the questions of whether İzmir and Shanghai, despite their distant geographical locations and cultural settings, respond in a similar way to the transnational penetration and whether they ended up with similar economic, political and social outcomes/consequences. We also demonstrate the legacy of transnationalism in both cities at present and discuss the prospects for the future.
The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated the importance of state
capacity and organizational structure ... more The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated the importance of state capacity and organizational structure in responding to public health emergencies. The variegated outcome of response mechanisms across the world requires a comparative approach to policy response and learning as well as public governance. The Chinese case has so far been discussed in the literature with regard to its initial delay in launching pandemic management process, and later effectiveness in providing healthcare solutions at the epicenter of the pandemic. This research offers a three-dimensional approach to pandemic management: patient treatment, case containment, and welfare provision to compensate for public health measures. The variable policy processes of local governments outside the epicenter aimed at slowing down the spread of COVID-19 and alleviating the burden of lockdown. The research question is whether these policies were central government-led or cases of local variation? The dataset is composed of over 1000 documents published in the initial stages of the pandemic. The documents include local government policies for patient treatment, case containment and welfare provision from 10 provinces and 10 provincial-level cities across China, excluding the autonomous regions. Analysis of the data indicates that localities selectively implemented central directives and those localities that are critical in terms of geography, demography or economics took initiative for policy innovation. Interlocality rivalry also played a role in the policy process. This research contributes to the literature on central-local relations in China, and public policy and governance in the post-pandemic era. China, Covid-19, local governance, local variation, emergency governance.
The 6th edition of TÜSİAD’s annual event “Understanding and Doing Business with China” took place... more The 6th edition of TÜSİAD’s annual event “Understanding and Doing Business with China” took place as a webinar due to the restrictions caused by the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. Within this context, an online meeting titled “China and Global Economic Order: Perspectives from EU, Germany and Turkey” was held by TÜSİAD in partnership with the Federation of German Industries (BDI), where an international line-up of prominent experts from the academia and the business community shared their views on the changing dynamics of the global economic order with a focus on the role of China.
China’s Role in the Geopolitical Ecology of Decarbonisation in the Eastern Mediterranean, 2022
The new geopolitics of energy in the Eastern Mediterranean is not determined by hydrocarbons anym... more The new geopolitics of energy in the Eastern Mediterranean is not determined by hydrocarbons anymore. A significant expansion of renewables is underway. Driven by a surge in ‘Green Finance’ and decarbonization policies, this development changes conventional relationships of dependency. This takes place in an environment, where Asian and Western energy security strategies rapidly evolve in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. North Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean play a central role in this repositioning. China, far from merely being a dinosaur, is the largest producer of renewable energy. It also invests in infrastructure abroad, including Egypt. The largest Arab nation not only seeks to become a global energy hub, but also a decarbonization champion, as reflected in the hosting of COP27 in Sharm El Sheikh. This article will look at these developments, including its internal and external contradictions to understand the motivation behind China’s commitment to Egyptian solar expansion. It will demonstrate that, while part of a global political economy of decarbonization, China’s main motivation for investing in renewables in the Eastern Mediterranean remains geostrategic, tied to its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This, in turn, informs how we think of the Geo-Political Ecology of Decarbonization in the region.
Regional studies in Turkey have long focused on Europe and the Middle East, with which Turkey has... more Regional studies in Turkey have long focused on Europe and the Middle East, with which Turkey has traditionally been associated. East Asian studies seem to remain out of the spotlight. This study claims firstly that different phases of Asian studies scholarship in Turkey have all been geared towards confirmation and validation of the process of Turkish national identity formation. Secondly, this process also reflects the Western-centrism of Turkish academic knowledge production. This paper presents a periodization of Asian Studies in Turkey in three phases to contextualize and demonstrate these claims. During the first phase of the early republican years, the first Sinology departments were expected to actively contribute to writing Turkish national history. Throughout the second phase of the Cold War years, Turkey found itself in both political and intellectual isolation. In the final phase of post-Cold War globalization, the scope of regional studies scholarship expanded to include East Asia. Despite this development, academic scholarship in Turkey still suffers from Western-centrism and it is not able to directly communicate with East Asia. Knowledge production on East Asia in Turkey is still filtered through the theoretical framework of the Western Anglophone academic world.
The China Question Contestations and Adaptations (ed Pavlicevic and Talmacs), 2022
Regional integration changes domestic decision-making structures, relations among social forces, ... more Regional integration changes domestic decision-making structures, relations among social forces, and power distribution in different ways. While the EU and ASEAN constitute two different models of institutional regionalization, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers a test case for a new form of informal regionalization. The official discourse of BRI emphasizes economic interdependency over normative political coherence, but this paper claims that China’s BRI involvement leads to state transformation in target countries. Instead of binding legal frameworks, China facilitates alliances with non-state mediators to allocate official funds and therefore tips the balance of power among sub-state level social forces and political factions domestically. The state practice in target countries also changes in the face of this amalgamation of the formal and informal.
The changes in the global neoliberal order leading up to the 2008 financial crisis shaped individ... more The changes in the global neoliberal order leading up to the 2008 financial crisis shaped individual countries' political-administrative transformations. One of the most important trends in politics since then has been the (re)centralization of scalar politics. Urban financialization, which was proposed as a solution for the economic contraction in the post-crisis era, required fast and centralized decisionmaking without leaving much room for citizen participation and local variation. Turkey is a case in point for this global trend. Amid such rapid urban growth, we identify two parallel processes that weaken the local institutions and localized development in Turkey: the shifting of decision-making powers from municipalities to central state organs, especially with regard to the real estate industry; and the shifting of decision-making powers from the elected members of the city councils to the mayors themselves. We attempt to demonstrate the (re)centralization of urban decision-making process in Turkey by looking at the decisions and the processes within which those decisions were taken at Ankara Metropolitan Municipality City Council between 2014 and 2016. We argue that the rise of neoliberal authoritarianism is reinforced by the centralization of urban decision-making processes.
The institutional setting for transnational education has gradually evolved from practices that p... more The institutional setting for transnational education has gradually evolved from practices that provide limited exposure to those that offer a globalized experience, such as branch campuses or join...
China’s new Silk Road policy, titled “One Belt, One Road,” signals a proactive turn in China’s re... more China’s new Silk Road policy, titled “One Belt, One Road,” signals a proactive turn in China’s regional policy towards Central and West Asia. The policy has two dimensions: First, China aims to revitalize the old Silk Road exchange of goods, ideas, and people with trade, energy, and transportation projects. Second, armed with these new connections, China aims to redefine the territories the old Silk Road encompasses as a region in the contemporary international system. Turkey, as one of the countries at the westernmost end of the historic Silk Road, and one of the target countries of China’s new Silk Road diplomacy, welcomes the increasing economic and technological exchange with China. Establishing better contacts with China fits suitably in Turkey’s new foreign policy orientation. While the foreign policies of the two countries seem to be compatible, Turkish domestic political dynamics and public opinion hinder further engagement between the two ends of the Silk Road. The negative public opinion towards China manifests itself in the form of media coverage, protests and lobbying and, at times, it derails bilateral relations. This paper assesses the prospects for bilateral relations in the light of these developments. The paper starts with a historical analysis of Sino-Turkish relations and proceeds with various dimensions of the current relations. Then, it provides an analysis of various public opinion surveys in order to grasp the nature of the Turkish public opinion towards China, and it offers a media framing analysis in order to decipher the specific ways the image of China is constructed in Turkish public opinion. The last part of the paper discusses the domestic political actors that have a role in the perceptions and policies toward China in Turkey.
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) enables investment from outside of Global North, such as the G... more The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) enables investment from outside of Global North, such as the Gulf countries and Latin America, to enter the Chinese market. China’s local governments play an important role in facilitating FDI by new actors. This research uses a case study of three Turkish companies to explore the motivations of companies from developing countries to localize their operations in China, and the motivations for local officials to diversify their FDI portfolios. The results show that local governments are significantly more receptive to investments by developing countries due to inter-regional rivalry within China. The central government’s strategy of prioritizing high-technology industries works against developing countries, as their investments usually come from low-technology heavy industry companies. Turkish companies feel unwelcome by local governments except for the relatively large size of the capital they bring in. The findings demonstrate the transnational relations of China’s local governments and contribute to the multiscalar analysis of the spatialization of industrial strategies in Global Production Networks.
Regional integration changes domestic decision-making structures, relations among social forces, ... more Regional integration changes domestic decision-making structures, relations among social forces, and power distribution in different ways. China influences Turkey’s domestic dynamics through involvement in economic cooperation, geostrategic alliances, and factional alliances. Concurrent and conflicting decision-making processes and foreign policy informality shape Turkey’s engagement with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This research conceptualizes political informality as an authoritarian governance tool within the legal boundaries but outside of bureaucratic rationality. Turkey’s attempts to be involved in the BRI have contributed to informalization as an authoritarian strategy of the ruling party (AKP). This research concerns a case study on the now Chinese-owned Kumport to demonstrate how informalization of state-business relations shapes Turkey’s transnational relations. The findings point out to the negative consequences of this informalization on the Chinese investments in Turkey’s logistics sector. The decrease in the power of the relatively Weberian bureaucracy of Turkey under the new presidential system led to the marginalization of Kumport in global shipping routes.
Neighborhood governance has been the center of attention in
urban politics and public policy for ... more Neighborhood governance has been the center of attention in urban politics and public policy for many decades. Although wide-ranging literature explores the favorable effects of public participation on neighborhood governance, it is only relatively recently that attention has been directed to the manner in which effective participation develops and the consequent implications for participatory democracy. This article examines how local states encourage public participation in neighborhood governance using social networks in contemporary China. Based on a case study of the Minor Facts program, our findings demonstrate that even when participation mechanisms are introduced by the Party, horizontal networks also play a role in participation. Moreover, we present two forms of social networks and their mechanisms to illustrate how local states strategically mobilize them. These social networks also increase the social status and moral authority of Party members and political elites in ways they find useful for strengthening local government capacity to ensure political compliance. This article provides an important qualitative insight into network- related activators of participatory behaviors in the community.
This paper investigates Türkiye’s evolving relations with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI),... more This paper investigates Türkiye’s evolving relations with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a large-scale program of infrastructure investment and project financing proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. The paper digs deeply into cases from two sectors—transportation and energy—focusing on how heightened and changing local expectations among Turks for these prospective BRI projects have shaped choices and outcomes, including China’s. In so doing, it explores how these shifting Turkish perceptions affect the implementation of BRI projects in Türkiye. This paper has several goals: it seeks to understand the reasons behind these local changes, the role of the state and private sector in Türkiye in these changes, and the way China has responded so far. Of course, domestic factors are not the only ones that shape the implementation of BRI projects in Türkiye or elsewhere; regional and global trends have had an impact too.
This article aims to analyse the social history and
political economy of two imperial port-cities... more This article aims to analyse the social history and political economy of two imperial port-cities of İzmir and Shanghai from the perspective of laissez faire transnationalism since the mid-19th century. We show that transnationalism is the key transformative global phenomenon that promoted both the rise and fall of İzmir and Shanghai to a global city status and connected the social history of both cities with global history, international relations and international political economy. We deal with the questions of whether İzmir and Shanghai, despite their distant geographical locations and cultural settings, respond in a similar way to the transnational penetration and whether they ended up with similar economic, political and social outcomes/consequences. We also demonstrate the legacy of transnationalism in both cities at present and discuss the prospects for the future.
The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated the importance of state
capacity and organizational structure ... more The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated the importance of state capacity and organizational structure in responding to public health emergencies. The variegated outcome of response mechanisms across the world requires a comparative approach to policy response and learning as well as public governance. The Chinese case has so far been discussed in the literature with regard to its initial delay in launching pandemic management process, and later effectiveness in providing healthcare solutions at the epicenter of the pandemic. This research offers a three-dimensional approach to pandemic management: patient treatment, case containment, and welfare provision to compensate for public health measures. The variable policy processes of local governments outside the epicenter aimed at slowing down the spread of COVID-19 and alleviating the burden of lockdown. The research question is whether these policies were central government-led or cases of local variation? The dataset is composed of over 1000 documents published in the initial stages of the pandemic. The documents include local government policies for patient treatment, case containment and welfare provision from 10 provinces and 10 provincial-level cities across China, excluding the autonomous regions. Analysis of the data indicates that localities selectively implemented central directives and those localities that are critical in terms of geography, demography or economics took initiative for policy innovation. Interlocality rivalry also played a role in the policy process. This research contributes to the literature on central-local relations in China, and public policy and governance in the post-pandemic era. China, Covid-19, local governance, local variation, emergency governance.
The 6th edition of TÜSİAD’s annual event “Understanding and Doing Business with China” took place... more The 6th edition of TÜSİAD’s annual event “Understanding and Doing Business with China” took place as a webinar due to the restrictions caused by the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. Within this context, an online meeting titled “China and Global Economic Order: Perspectives from EU, Germany and Turkey” was held by TÜSİAD in partnership with the Federation of German Industries (BDI), where an international line-up of prominent experts from the academia and the business community shared their views on the changing dynamics of the global economic order with a focus on the role of China.
China’s Role in the Geopolitical Ecology of Decarbonisation in the Eastern Mediterranean, 2022
The new geopolitics of energy in the Eastern Mediterranean is not determined by hydrocarbons anym... more The new geopolitics of energy in the Eastern Mediterranean is not determined by hydrocarbons anymore. A significant expansion of renewables is underway. Driven by a surge in ‘Green Finance’ and decarbonization policies, this development changes conventional relationships of dependency. This takes place in an environment, where Asian and Western energy security strategies rapidly evolve in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. North Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean play a central role in this repositioning. China, far from merely being a dinosaur, is the largest producer of renewable energy. It also invests in infrastructure abroad, including Egypt. The largest Arab nation not only seeks to become a global energy hub, but also a decarbonization champion, as reflected in the hosting of COP27 in Sharm El Sheikh. This article will look at these developments, including its internal and external contradictions to understand the motivation behind China’s commitment to Egyptian solar expansion. It will demonstrate that, while part of a global political economy of decarbonization, China’s main motivation for investing in renewables in the Eastern Mediterranean remains geostrategic, tied to its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This, in turn, informs how we think of the Geo-Political Ecology of Decarbonization in the region.
Regional studies in Turkey have long focused on Europe and the Middle East, with which Turkey has... more Regional studies in Turkey have long focused on Europe and the Middle East, with which Turkey has traditionally been associated. East Asian studies seem to remain out of the spotlight. This study claims firstly that different phases of Asian studies scholarship in Turkey have all been geared towards confirmation and validation of the process of Turkish national identity formation. Secondly, this process also reflects the Western-centrism of Turkish academic knowledge production. This paper presents a periodization of Asian Studies in Turkey in three phases to contextualize and demonstrate these claims. During the first phase of the early republican years, the first Sinology departments were expected to actively contribute to writing Turkish national history. Throughout the second phase of the Cold War years, Turkey found itself in both political and intellectual isolation. In the final phase of post-Cold War globalization, the scope of regional studies scholarship expanded to include East Asia. Despite this development, academic scholarship in Turkey still suffers from Western-centrism and it is not able to directly communicate with East Asia. Knowledge production on East Asia in Turkey is still filtered through the theoretical framework of the Western Anglophone academic world.
The China Question Contestations and Adaptations (ed Pavlicevic and Talmacs), 2022
Regional integration changes domestic decision-making structures, relations among social forces, ... more Regional integration changes domestic decision-making structures, relations among social forces, and power distribution in different ways. While the EU and ASEAN constitute two different models of institutional regionalization, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers a test case for a new form of informal regionalization. The official discourse of BRI emphasizes economic interdependency over normative political coherence, but this paper claims that China’s BRI involvement leads to state transformation in target countries. Instead of binding legal frameworks, China facilitates alliances with non-state mediators to allocate official funds and therefore tips the balance of power among sub-state level social forces and political factions domestically. The state practice in target countries also changes in the face of this amalgamation of the formal and informal.
The changes in the global neoliberal order leading up to the 2008 financial crisis shaped individ... more The changes in the global neoliberal order leading up to the 2008 financial crisis shaped individual countries' political-administrative transformations. One of the most important trends in politics since then has been the (re)centralization of scalar politics. Urban financialization, which was proposed as a solution for the economic contraction in the post-crisis era, required fast and centralized decisionmaking without leaving much room for citizen participation and local variation. Turkey is a case in point for this global trend. Amid such rapid urban growth, we identify two parallel processes that weaken the local institutions and localized development in Turkey: the shifting of decision-making powers from municipalities to central state organs, especially with regard to the real estate industry; and the shifting of decision-making powers from the elected members of the city councils to the mayors themselves. We attempt to demonstrate the (re)centralization of urban decision-making process in Turkey by looking at the decisions and the processes within which those decisions were taken at Ankara Metropolitan Municipality City Council between 2014 and 2016. We argue that the rise of neoliberal authoritarianism is reinforced by the centralization of urban decision-making processes.
The institutional setting for transnational education has gradually evolved from practices that p... more The institutional setting for transnational education has gradually evolved from practices that provide limited exposure to those that offer a globalized experience, such as branch campuses or join...
China’s new Silk Road policy, titled “One Belt, One Road,” signals a proactive turn in China’s re... more China’s new Silk Road policy, titled “One Belt, One Road,” signals a proactive turn in China’s regional policy towards Central and West Asia. The policy has two dimensions: First, China aims to revitalize the old Silk Road exchange of goods, ideas, and people with trade, energy, and transportation projects. Second, armed with these new connections, China aims to redefine the territories the old Silk Road encompasses as a region in the contemporary international system. Turkey, as one of the countries at the westernmost end of the historic Silk Road, and one of the target countries of China’s new Silk Road diplomacy, welcomes the increasing economic and technological exchange with China. Establishing better contacts with China fits suitably in Turkey’s new foreign policy orientation. While the foreign policies of the two countries seem to be compatible, Turkish domestic political dynamics and public opinion hinder further engagement between the two ends of the Silk Road. The negative public opinion towards China manifests itself in the form of media coverage, protests and lobbying and, at times, it derails bilateral relations. This paper assesses the prospects for bilateral relations in the light of these developments. The paper starts with a historical analysis of Sino-Turkish relations and proceeds with various dimensions of the current relations. Then, it provides an analysis of various public opinion surveys in order to grasp the nature of the Turkish public opinion towards China, and it offers a media framing analysis in order to decipher the specific ways the image of China is constructed in Turkish public opinion. The last part of the paper discusses the domestic political actors that have a role in the perceptions and policies toward China in Turkey.
Communications in Contemporary China Orchestrating Thinking, 2023
Participatory governance in local China allows select members of the public to come and ask quest... more Participatory governance in local China allows select members of the public to come and ask questions, voice their opinions, and more generally, advocate for their rights and interests in policy and law-making processes. Therefore, the public deliberative and consultative processes that do take place provide an opportunity for different segments of society to engage in a form of political representation. In some cases, this provides the public with a political voice. In others, however, the participatory mechanisms rather turn into orchestrated performances of political consultation and participation overseen by leaders. This chapter analyzes the production and contestation of the legitimizing discourses of these participatory mechanisms by both state and societal actors. The case study presented in this chapter analyzes deliberative and consultative mechanisms including public hearings, town hall meetings, and expert meetings at the city level. The findings in this chapter draw from interviews with the organizers and participants of participatory events in Hangzhou and Wuhan in 2014, and Suzhou and Changsha in 2019. The analysis demonstrates the differences between the framing of the participatory experience by the central and local state on the one hand, and the participants and the local and national media on the other.
The scholarship on local China has grown in two epistemic directions: (i) the analysis of the loc... more The scholarship on local China has grown in two epistemic directions: (i) the analysis of the local political elite, the relevant bureaucratic hierarchies and the local policy process; and, (ii) the analysis of societal relations, societal hierarchies and identities. This handbook of local governance aims to bridge the gap between these two threads, and provide an overview and the methodological tools to understand state-society relations at the local level. Empowered by the methodological pluralism of public policy studies, this handbook moves further in the direction of interdisciplinarity. This handbook is motivated with the conviction that issues that are not typically within the realm of public policy should be discussed within the local governance framework. This handbook also problematizes the local as a scale in China. While this handbook also has contributions that discusses the ways in which provincial governments are involved in local governance, the provincial level is regarded as a top-level decision-maker that does not directly involve any immediate local stakeholders to shape the policy process.
Uluslar her ne kadar modern zamanların tek tip toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme formu ise de, dünya u... more Uluslar her ne kadar modern zamanların tek tip toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme formu ise de, dünya uluslarının neredeyse her birinin ayrı bir uluslaşma hikâyesi, tarzı ve yolu vardır. Bununla birlikte ulus-inşa süreçlerini milliyetçiliği de tetikleyen tecrübeler bağlamında kabaca altı başlık altında incelemek mümkündür. Bunlardan ilki din adamı ile tüccarın öncülüğünde bir toplumsal iç gerilim, savaş, mücadele, rekabet, toplumsal iletişim, diyalog ve nihayet istikrarlı bir barış tesis edilmesi aşamaları sonucunda kurumsallaştırılan vatandaş-devlet bağı ve ilişkisi anlamında bir uluslaşmadır. Bu ilk örnek daha çok ulus-inşasının sivil yollarla meydana gelen türüdür ve öncelikle Kuzey-Batı Avrupa’da ve Kuzey Amerika’da kendini göstermiştir. Özellikle İngiltere ve Fransa bu ilk örneğin öncülerinden sayılabilir. İkinci tür ulus-inşa süreci iç toplumsal gelişmelerin yanı sıra komşu devletlerin tehdidi altında şekillenmiştir. Avrupa’da Napolyon liderliğinde Fransızların tehdidiyle Almanlar, Almanların tehdidiyle Polonyalılar, İspanyolların tehdidiyle Hollandalı ulus inşa süreçleri bu ikinci tip ulus-inşa süreçlerine örnek gösterilebilir. Avrupa’daki büyük topluluklardan İtalyanlar ve İspanyolların uluslaşması da tümüyle iç sivil toplumsal gelişmeler ile komşu devletlerin tehditleri altında gelişmiş, çevredeki gelişmelerden etkilenerek şekillenen üçüncü bir tip ve Avrupa’ya özgü uluslaşma diyalektiğinin örnekleridirler. Avrupa’daki diğer örneklerin çoğu bu üç önemli uluslaşma tipolojisinin gölgesinde gelişen çevresel etkilerin ve yayılma etkisinin ürünü uluslaşmalardır. Yani Avrupa tipi tek bir ulus-inşa sürecinden bahsetmek çok mümkün değildir. Dördüncü bir tip ulus-inşa süreci beklenebileceği üzere saldırgan, mandacı ve dominyoncu büyük göçlere karşı ulusal bağımsızlık, onur ve itibar savaşı veren Türkiye gibi toplumların başını çektiği ve örneğini sunduğu ulus-inşa sürecidir. Birçok açıdan Çin, İran ve Japonya gibi ülkeler de bu gruba konulabilir. Beşinci tip ulus-inşa süreci müstemleke ülkelerinin uzun on yıllar belki yüzyıllar boyunca sömürge altında kaldıktan sonra, sömürgeci güçlerle geliştirdikleri özel ilişkiler sonucu bağımsız ulus-devletlerini kurdukları ve uluslarını inşa ettikleri tipolojidir. Ne var ki, bu tipoloji kendi içinde iki alt tipolojiye ayrılmak durumundadır. Bunlardan ilki sömürgeci güçlerle kıran kırana güç mücadelesi vererek ve doğrudan savaşarak bağımsızlığını elde eden ülkelerin örneğini sunduğu ulus inşa süreçleridir. Bu grubun içine Cezayir ve Pakistan gibi ülkeler konulabilir. Bu grubun ikinci alt tipolojisinde ise, sömürgeci güçlerin daha çok İkinci Dünya Savaşından dolayı kendi evlerinde başları darda ve dertte olduğu için istemeden de olsa yumuşak anlaşmalarla ve ufak sıyrıklarla ama görünürde sömürgeci devletin lütfuyla bağımsızlığını elde eden, bu bağımsızlığı özel anlaşmalar sayesinde eski ilişkileri yumuşak bir şekilde sürdürmeye devam eden ülkelerin ulus inşa süreçleri bulunmaktadır. Bu ülkelerin içine Avustralya, Yeni Zelenda, Hindistan, Filipinler, Endonezya ve Malezya gibi ülkeler konulabilir. İngiliz Milletler Topluluğu bu yumuşak geçişin, anlaşmanın ve özel ilişkilerin somut tezahürlerinden biridir. Devletlerin ulus-inşa süreçleri temelde milliyetçiliğin de kaynağı olan bu altı tipolojinin gölgesinde oluşur. Milliyetçiliğin gelişimini tetikleyen olaylar birçok toplum için onların kendi tarihi, sosyal ve kültürel fay hatlarıdır. Her toplum geleceğini ve bu arada ulusunu bu fay hatları boyunca ve tabir caizse travmalar üzerinden kurgular, tasarımlar ve tatbik eder. Hepsinde devlet eliyle yapılan kamusal mecburi eğitim, tarih yazımı faaliyetleri, milliyetçi dil politikaları, basın-yayın faaliyetleri, çeşitli propagandalar ulus-inşasının ana gövdesini oluşturur. Bununla birlikte, özelde her devlet farklı konuları öne çıkarır. Kuzey-batı Avrupa, Kuzey Amerika ülkeleri, Avustralya ve Yeni Zelenda gibi ülkeler demokrasi kültürünü içselleştirmeleri ölçüsünde sivil ulus-inşa araçlarını öne çıkaran ülkelerdir. Sivil ulus-inşa araçlarının tümüyle otantik, doğaçlama, kendiliğinden veya masum olduğu söylenemese de, diğer araçlara göre çok daha demokratik olduğu ve yumuşak bir geçişi öngördüğü söylenebilir. Dünyanın geri kalan ülkeleri, ulus-inşa süreçlerinde benimsenen araçlar, yol ve yöntem bakımından derece derece daha sert örnekler sunmaktadır. Asya, Afrika, ve Güney Amerika kıtalarında bulunan devletler ulus-inşasını gerçekleştirmek üzere derece derece sert yöntemler benimseyebilmektedirler. Gerek Avrupa’da ve gerek geri kalan dünyada ulus-inşasını gerçekleştirmek üzere benimsenen yöntemlerin temelde zorunlu ve ücretsiz eğitim, tarih yazımı, milliyetçi dil politikaları ve propagandası, algı çalışmaları ve sair yöntemlerden oluştuğu yukarıda belirtilmişti. Bunların içini her ülke kendi gerçekleriyle doldurabilmekte, belli konulara öncelik verebilmektedir. Mesela Amerika Birleşik Devletleri eğitiminin içini Amerika’nın özgürlükler ülkesi oluşuyla, İngiltere sanayi, teknoloji ve ekonomide öncü olduklarıyla, Almanlar köklü ve güçlü tarihi geçmişlerine ve disiplinli toplumsal yapılarıyla, Fransızlar inceliğin, zerafetin ve modern kültürün beşiği olmalarına vurgu yaparak doldurabilmektedirler. Benzer bir şekilde İngilizler dillerinin evrenselliğine, Fransızlar kültürel çalışmalara, törenlere ve merasimlere; Almanlar ise tarih yazımına ve geçmişe uzanan kimlik vurgusuna ağırlık verebilmektedirler. Tarihi gelişimi itibariyle ulus-inşasında dini verimli bir araç görüp, dine vurgu yapan toplumlar da vardır. Malezya bunların başında gelmektedir. Zira Malaylar tarihi geçmişleri çok eskiye gitmediği için toplumsal psikolojinin köken, ait olma ve bağlanma ihtiyacını İslam dini üzerinden tatmin edebilmektedirler. Malezya yarımadasında en eski Malay politik oluşumu olan Malaka Sultanlığı’nın kuruluşu 16.yy.ın başlarına gidebilmektedir. Oysa İslami sosyal ve kültürel geçmiş bundan bin yıl daha eskiye götürülebilmektedir. Benzer bir şekilde ulus-inşası için milli felaketleri kullanışlı birer araç olarak gören ülkeler de vardır. İsrail ve Ukrayna bunlardan sadece ikisidir. İsrail için Holokost ve Ukrayna için 1930’larda yaşanan kıtlık ve toplu ölümlere işaretle Holodomor hadisesi çağdaş Ukrayna için ulus-inşasının en etkili unsurlarından birini temsil etmektedir. Bu çalışmada sırasıyla Amerika Birleşik Devletleri, İngiltere, Almanya, Fransa, İspanya, Rusya, Çin, İran, Nijerya, Lübnan, Ukrayna, Makedonya ve Irak’tan oluşan 13 ülkenin ulus inşa süreci incelenmiştir. Görüldüğü üzere seçilen örnekler büyük ve öncü ülkeler ve Türkiye’yi çevreleyen örneklerdir. Kitap bölümlerini hazırlayan yazarların her biri yazdığı ülke çerçevesinde tez yazmış, makale ve kitap yayımlamış uzman bilim insanlarıdırlar. Eserin ortaya çıkmasında en büyük katkı kendilerine aittir. Bu vesileyle hepsine tek tek teşekkür ederim. Ellerine ve emeklerine sağlık. Aynı şekilde Nobel Yayınları bu eseri basmayı Kabul ederek bizleri çalışmaya teşvik ettiler. Nihayet eserin baskıya hazırlanması sürecinde büyük bir emek ve özveri ortaya koydular. Emeği geçen ve katkısı olan bütün çalışanlara ve yetkililere teşekkür ederim. Bu eser ülkemizde bu konuyu işleyen ilk çalışmadır. Bilgi, düşünce ve yazın kabiliyeti ancak üzerine koyularak, birikimli bir şekilde gelişip, ilerleyebilmektedir. Bu çalışmanın ulus-inşası konusunda müstakbel çalışmaları özendiren bir çalışma olmasını diliyorum.
Dizi editoru: Umit Kurt
Derleyenler: Ceren Ergenc ve Derya Gocer Akder
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Giri... more Dizi editoru: Umit Kurt
Derleyenler: Ceren Ergenc ve Derya Gocer Akder
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Giriş: “Uluslararası” Kavramını Yeniden Düşünmek
Ceren Ergenc ve Derya Gocer Akder
Bir Kavram ve Yöntem olarak Bağlantılılık: Nedir, Nasıl Çalışılır?
Akder, Ergenc, Mucen, Bodursky, Asal
‘Uluslararasi’ Kavramina Kuramsal Yaklasimlar
Uluslararası İlişkiler Disiplini’nde Transnasyonalizm Düşüncesinin Doğuşu ve 1970-1990 Arası Dönemde “Paradoksal”Evrimi
Funda Hulagu
Uluslara Dayalı Küresel Mıntıka Rejiminde Beklenmedik ve Tekinsiz İki Kırılma olarak Rakka ve Rojava
Besim Can Zirh
Dispolitika analizine buyuk kavramlar ile yaklasmak
Veysel Tekdal
Türkiye Dış Politikasının Toplumsal-Tarihsel Kökenleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme
Cemil Boyraz
Dış Politikanın ve Uluslararası İlişkilerin Tarihsel Sosyolojisi
Clemens Hoffman ve Can Cemgil
Ulusötesi Kavramsallaşmasında Kesişimselliğin Yeri
Nurten Cevik ve Ali Bilgic
‘Uluslararasi’ Kavramina Yontemsel Yaklasimlar
Dünyada Modern Genç Kadın ve Bağlantılı Karşılaştırmalar
Sirma Altun
“Orada Bir Köy Var Uzakta”: Sahada Uluslararası Kavramını Konuşmak
Kubra Oguz
Nesneleri ‘Uluslararası’laştırmak
Burak Erdinc
Gezegensel Kentleşme ve Siyasi İmkanları
Duygu Toprak
Bölge Çalışmaları: Küreselleşmeye Bölgeden Bakış
Zeynep Tuba Sungur
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Papers by Ceren Ergenc
urban politics and public policy for many decades. Although
wide-ranging literature explores the favorable effects of public
participation on neighborhood governance, it is only relatively
recently that attention has been directed to the manner in which
effective participation develops and the consequent implications
for participatory democracy. This article examines how local states
encourage public participation in neighborhood governance using
social networks in contemporary China. Based on a case study of
the Minor Facts program, our findings demonstrate that even
when participation mechanisms are introduced by the Party, horizontal
networks also play a role in participation. Moreover, we
present two forms of social networks and their mechanisms to
illustrate how local states strategically mobilize them. These social
networks also increase the social status and moral authority of
Party members and political elites in ways they find useful for
strengthening local government capacity to ensure political compliance.
This article provides an important qualitative insight into network-
related activators of participatory behaviors in the community.
large-scale program of infrastructure investment and project financing proposed by Chinese President
Xi Jinping in 2013. The paper digs deeply into cases from two sectors—transportation and
energy—focusing on how heightened and changing local expectations among Turks for these prospective
BRI projects have shaped choices and outcomes, including China’s. In so doing, it explores
how these shifting Turkish perceptions affect the implementation of BRI projects in Türkiye.
This paper has several goals: it seeks to understand the reasons behind these local changes, the role of
the state and private sector in Türkiye in these changes, and the way China has responded so far. Of
course, domestic factors are not the only ones that shape the implementation of BRI projects in
Türkiye or elsewhere; regional and global trends have had an impact too.
political economy of two imperial port-cities of
İzmir and Shanghai from the perspective of laissez
faire transnationalism since the mid-19th century.
We show that transnationalism is the key transformative
global phenomenon that promoted both
the rise and fall of İzmir and Shanghai to a global
city status and connected the social history of
both cities with global history, international relations
and international political economy. We deal
with the questions of whether İzmir and Shanghai,
despite their distant geographical locations and
cultural settings, respond in a similar way to the
transnational penetration and whether they ended up with similar economic, political and social outcomes/consequences. We also demonstrate the legacy of transnationalism in both cities at present and discuss the prospects for the future.
capacity and organizational structure in responding to public
health emergencies. The variegated outcome of response mechanisms
across the world requires a comparative approach to policy
response and learning as well as public governance. The Chinese
case has so far been discussed in the literature with regard to its
initial delay in launching pandemic management process, and later
effectiveness in providing healthcare solutions at the epicenter of
the pandemic. This research offers a three-dimensional approach to
pandemic management: patient treatment, case containment, and
welfare provision to compensate for public health measures. The
variable policy processes of local governments outside the epicenter
aimed at slowing down the spread of COVID-19 and alleviating
the burden of lockdown. The research question is whether these
policies were central government-led or cases of local variation?
The dataset is composed of over 1000 documents published in the
initial stages of the pandemic. The documents include local government
policies for patient treatment, case containment and welfare
provision from 10 provinces and 10 provincial-level cities across
China, excluding the autonomous regions. Analysis of the data
indicates that localities selectively implemented central directives
and those localities that are critical in terms of geography, demography
or economics took initiative for policy innovation. Interlocality
rivalry also played a role in the policy process. This research
contributes to the literature on central-local relations in China, and
public policy and governance in the post-pandemic era. China,
Covid-19, local governance, local variation, emergency
governance.
urban politics and public policy for many decades. Although
wide-ranging literature explores the favorable effects of public
participation on neighborhood governance, it is only relatively
recently that attention has been directed to the manner in which
effective participation develops and the consequent implications
for participatory democracy. This article examines how local states
encourage public participation in neighborhood governance using
social networks in contemporary China. Based on a case study of
the Minor Facts program, our findings demonstrate that even
when participation mechanisms are introduced by the Party, horizontal
networks also play a role in participation. Moreover, we
present two forms of social networks and their mechanisms to
illustrate how local states strategically mobilize them. These social
networks also increase the social status and moral authority of
Party members and political elites in ways they find useful for
strengthening local government capacity to ensure political compliance.
This article provides an important qualitative insight into network-
related activators of participatory behaviors in the community.
large-scale program of infrastructure investment and project financing proposed by Chinese President
Xi Jinping in 2013. The paper digs deeply into cases from two sectors—transportation and
energy—focusing on how heightened and changing local expectations among Turks for these prospective
BRI projects have shaped choices and outcomes, including China’s. In so doing, it explores
how these shifting Turkish perceptions affect the implementation of BRI projects in Türkiye.
This paper has several goals: it seeks to understand the reasons behind these local changes, the role of
the state and private sector in Türkiye in these changes, and the way China has responded so far. Of
course, domestic factors are not the only ones that shape the implementation of BRI projects in
Türkiye or elsewhere; regional and global trends have had an impact too.
political economy of two imperial port-cities of
İzmir and Shanghai from the perspective of laissez
faire transnationalism since the mid-19th century.
We show that transnationalism is the key transformative
global phenomenon that promoted both
the rise and fall of İzmir and Shanghai to a global
city status and connected the social history of
both cities with global history, international relations
and international political economy. We deal
with the questions of whether İzmir and Shanghai,
despite their distant geographical locations and
cultural settings, respond in a similar way to the
transnational penetration and whether they ended up with similar economic, political and social outcomes/consequences. We also demonstrate the legacy of transnationalism in both cities at present and discuss the prospects for the future.
capacity and organizational structure in responding to public
health emergencies. The variegated outcome of response mechanisms
across the world requires a comparative approach to policy
response and learning as well as public governance. The Chinese
case has so far been discussed in the literature with regard to its
initial delay in launching pandemic management process, and later
effectiveness in providing healthcare solutions at the epicenter of
the pandemic. This research offers a three-dimensional approach to
pandemic management: patient treatment, case containment, and
welfare provision to compensate for public health measures. The
variable policy processes of local governments outside the epicenter
aimed at slowing down the spread of COVID-19 and alleviating
the burden of lockdown. The research question is whether these
policies were central government-led or cases of local variation?
The dataset is composed of over 1000 documents published in the
initial stages of the pandemic. The documents include local government
policies for patient treatment, case containment and welfare
provision from 10 provinces and 10 provincial-level cities across
China, excluding the autonomous regions. Analysis of the data
indicates that localities selectively implemented central directives
and those localities that are critical in terms of geography, demography
or economics took initiative for policy innovation. Interlocality
rivalry also played a role in the policy process. This research
contributes to the literature on central-local relations in China, and
public policy and governance in the post-pandemic era. China,
Covid-19, local governance, local variation, emergency
governance.
İkinci tür ulus-inşa süreci iç toplumsal gelişmelerin yanı sıra komşu devletlerin tehdidi altında şekillenmiştir. Avrupa’da Napolyon liderliğinde Fransızların tehdidiyle Almanlar, Almanların tehdidiyle Polonyalılar, İspanyolların tehdidiyle Hollandalı ulus inşa süreçleri bu ikinci tip ulus-inşa süreçlerine örnek gösterilebilir. Avrupa’daki büyük topluluklardan İtalyanlar ve İspanyolların uluslaşması da tümüyle iç sivil toplumsal gelişmeler ile komşu devletlerin tehditleri altında gelişmiş, çevredeki gelişmelerden etkilenerek şekillenen üçüncü bir tip ve Avrupa’ya özgü uluslaşma diyalektiğinin örnekleridirler. Avrupa’daki diğer örneklerin çoğu bu üç önemli uluslaşma tipolojisinin gölgesinde gelişen çevresel etkilerin ve yayılma etkisinin ürünü uluslaşmalardır. Yani Avrupa tipi tek bir ulus-inşa sürecinden bahsetmek çok mümkün değildir.
Dördüncü bir tip ulus-inşa süreci beklenebileceği üzere saldırgan, mandacı ve dominyoncu büyük göçlere karşı ulusal bağımsızlık, onur ve itibar savaşı veren Türkiye gibi toplumların başını çektiği ve örneğini sunduğu ulus-inşa sürecidir. Birçok açıdan Çin, İran ve Japonya gibi ülkeler de bu gruba konulabilir.
Beşinci tip ulus-inşa süreci müstemleke ülkelerinin uzun on yıllar belki yüzyıllar boyunca sömürge altında kaldıktan sonra, sömürgeci güçlerle geliştirdikleri özel ilişkiler sonucu bağımsız ulus-devletlerini kurdukları ve uluslarını inşa ettikleri tipolojidir. Ne var ki, bu tipoloji kendi içinde iki alt tipolojiye ayrılmak durumundadır. Bunlardan ilki sömürgeci güçlerle kıran kırana güç mücadelesi vererek ve doğrudan savaşarak bağımsızlığını elde eden ülkelerin örneğini sunduğu ulus inşa süreçleridir. Bu grubun içine Cezayir ve Pakistan gibi ülkeler konulabilir. Bu grubun ikinci alt tipolojisinde ise, sömürgeci güçlerin daha çok İkinci Dünya Savaşından dolayı kendi evlerinde başları darda ve dertte olduğu için istemeden de olsa yumuşak anlaşmalarla ve ufak sıyrıklarla ama görünürde sömürgeci devletin lütfuyla bağımsızlığını elde eden, bu bağımsızlığı özel anlaşmalar sayesinde eski ilişkileri yumuşak bir şekilde sürdürmeye devam eden ülkelerin ulus inşa süreçleri bulunmaktadır. Bu ülkelerin içine Avustralya, Yeni Zelenda, Hindistan, Filipinler, Endonezya ve Malezya gibi ülkeler konulabilir. İngiliz Milletler Topluluğu bu yumuşak geçişin, anlaşmanın ve özel ilişkilerin somut tezahürlerinden biridir.
Devletlerin ulus-inşa süreçleri temelde milliyetçiliğin de kaynağı olan bu altı tipolojinin gölgesinde oluşur. Milliyetçiliğin gelişimini tetikleyen olaylar birçok toplum için onların kendi tarihi, sosyal ve kültürel fay hatlarıdır. Her toplum geleceğini ve bu arada ulusunu bu fay hatları boyunca ve tabir caizse travmalar üzerinden kurgular, tasarımlar ve tatbik eder. Hepsinde devlet eliyle yapılan kamusal mecburi eğitim, tarih yazımı faaliyetleri, milliyetçi dil politikaları, basın-yayın faaliyetleri, çeşitli propagandalar ulus-inşasının ana gövdesini oluşturur. Bununla birlikte, özelde her devlet farklı konuları öne çıkarır. Kuzey-batı Avrupa, Kuzey Amerika ülkeleri, Avustralya ve Yeni Zelenda gibi ülkeler demokrasi kültürünü içselleştirmeleri ölçüsünde sivil ulus-inşa araçlarını öne çıkaran ülkelerdir. Sivil ulus-inşa araçlarının tümüyle otantik, doğaçlama, kendiliğinden veya masum olduğu söylenemese de, diğer araçlara göre çok daha demokratik olduğu ve yumuşak bir geçişi öngördüğü söylenebilir. Dünyanın geri kalan ülkeleri, ulus-inşa süreçlerinde benimsenen araçlar, yol ve yöntem bakımından derece derece daha sert örnekler sunmaktadır. Asya, Afrika, ve Güney Amerika kıtalarında bulunan devletler ulus-inşasını gerçekleştirmek üzere derece derece sert yöntemler benimseyebilmektedirler.
Gerek Avrupa’da ve gerek geri kalan dünyada ulus-inşasını gerçekleştirmek üzere benimsenen yöntemlerin temelde zorunlu ve ücretsiz eğitim, tarih yazımı, milliyetçi dil politikaları ve propagandası, algı çalışmaları ve sair yöntemlerden oluştuğu yukarıda belirtilmişti. Bunların içini her ülke kendi gerçekleriyle doldurabilmekte, belli konulara öncelik verebilmektedir. Mesela Amerika Birleşik Devletleri eğitiminin içini Amerika’nın özgürlükler ülkesi oluşuyla, İngiltere sanayi, teknoloji ve ekonomide öncü olduklarıyla, Almanlar köklü ve güçlü tarihi geçmişlerine ve disiplinli toplumsal yapılarıyla, Fransızlar inceliğin, zerafetin ve modern kültürün beşiği olmalarına vurgu yaparak doldurabilmektedirler. Benzer bir şekilde İngilizler dillerinin evrenselliğine, Fransızlar kültürel çalışmalara, törenlere ve merasimlere; Almanlar ise tarih yazımına ve geçmişe uzanan kimlik vurgusuna ağırlık verebilmektedirler.
Tarihi gelişimi itibariyle ulus-inşasında dini verimli bir araç görüp, dine vurgu yapan toplumlar da vardır. Malezya bunların başında gelmektedir. Zira Malaylar tarihi geçmişleri çok eskiye gitmediği için toplumsal psikolojinin köken, ait olma ve bağlanma ihtiyacını İslam dini üzerinden tatmin edebilmektedirler. Malezya yarımadasında en eski Malay politik oluşumu olan Malaka Sultanlığı’nın kuruluşu 16.yy.ın başlarına gidebilmektedir. Oysa İslami sosyal ve kültürel geçmiş bundan bin yıl daha eskiye götürülebilmektedir. Benzer bir şekilde ulus-inşası için milli felaketleri kullanışlı birer araç olarak gören ülkeler de vardır. İsrail ve Ukrayna bunlardan sadece ikisidir. İsrail için Holokost ve Ukrayna için 1930’larda yaşanan kıtlık ve toplu ölümlere işaretle Holodomor hadisesi çağdaş Ukrayna için ulus-inşasının en etkili unsurlarından birini temsil etmektedir.
Bu çalışmada sırasıyla Amerika Birleşik Devletleri, İngiltere, Almanya, Fransa, İspanya, Rusya, Çin, İran, Nijerya, Lübnan, Ukrayna, Makedonya ve Irak’tan oluşan 13 ülkenin ulus inşa süreci incelenmiştir. Görüldüğü üzere seçilen örnekler büyük ve öncü ülkeler ve Türkiye’yi çevreleyen örneklerdir.
Kitap bölümlerini hazırlayan yazarların her biri yazdığı ülke çerçevesinde tez yazmış, makale ve kitap yayımlamış uzman bilim insanlarıdırlar. Eserin ortaya çıkmasında en büyük katkı kendilerine aittir. Bu vesileyle hepsine tek tek teşekkür ederim. Ellerine ve emeklerine sağlık. Aynı şekilde Nobel Yayınları bu eseri basmayı Kabul ederek bizleri çalışmaya teşvik ettiler. Nihayet eserin baskıya hazırlanması sürecinde büyük bir emek ve özveri ortaya koydular. Emeği geçen ve katkısı olan bütün çalışanlara ve yetkililere teşekkür ederim.
Bu eser ülkemizde bu konuyu işleyen ilk çalışmadır. Bilgi, düşünce ve yazın kabiliyeti ancak üzerine koyularak, birikimli bir şekilde gelişip, ilerleyebilmektedir. Bu çalışmanın ulus-inşası konusunda müstakbel çalışmaları özendiren bir çalışma olmasını diliyorum.
Derleyenler: Ceren Ergenc ve Derya Gocer Akder
Icindekiler
Önsöz
Giriş: “Uluslararası” Kavramını Yeniden Düşünmek
Ceren Ergenc ve Derya Gocer Akder
Bir Kavram ve Yöntem olarak Bağlantılılık: Nedir, Nasıl Çalışılır?
Akder, Ergenc, Mucen, Bodursky, Asal
‘Uluslararasi’ Kavramina Kuramsal Yaklasimlar
Uluslararası İlişkiler Disiplini’nde Transnasyonalizm Düşüncesinin Doğuşu ve 1970-1990 Arası Dönemde “Paradoksal”Evrimi
Funda Hulagu
Uluslara Dayalı Küresel Mıntıka Rejiminde Beklenmedik ve Tekinsiz İki Kırılma olarak Rakka ve Rojava
Besim Can Zirh
Dispolitika analizine buyuk kavramlar ile yaklasmak
Veysel Tekdal
Türkiye Dış Politikasının Toplumsal-Tarihsel Kökenleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme
Cemil Boyraz
Dış Politikanın ve Uluslararası İlişkilerin Tarihsel Sosyolojisi
Clemens Hoffman ve Can Cemgil
Ulusötesi Kavramsallaşmasında Kesişimselliğin Yeri
Nurten Cevik ve Ali Bilgic
‘Uluslararasi’ Kavramina Yontemsel Yaklasimlar
Dünyada Modern Genç Kadın ve Bağlantılı Karşılaştırmalar
Sirma Altun
“Orada Bir Köy Var Uzakta”: Sahada Uluslararası Kavramını Konuşmak
Kubra Oguz
Nesneleri ‘Uluslararası’laştırmak
Burak Erdinc
Gezegensel Kentleşme ve Siyasi İmkanları
Duygu Toprak
Bölge Çalışmaları: Küreselleşmeye Bölgeden Bakış
Zeynep Tuba Sungur