Esperanto movement by Javier Alcalde
Omnia, 2024
La sección "Cartas sobre la mesa" de la revista Omnia reproduce y contextualiza cartas históricas... more La sección "Cartas sobre la mesa" de la revista Omnia reproduce y contextualiza cartas históricas. En este caso, se trata de la carta de Zamenhof a Michaux del 21 de febrero de 1905; y la respuesta del 30 de junio de 1914 a la invitación a participar en la fundación de la Liga Hebrea de Esperanto
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Quaderns Esperantistes I, 2022
Als anys 1920 i 1930 pràcticament tots els ateneus llibertaris de ciutats com Barcelona o Valènci... more Als anys 1920 i 1930 pràcticament tots els ateneus llibertaris de ciutats com Barcelona o València tenien una secció d’esperanto, llengua que havia esdevingut un element essencial de l’ideari àcrata.
Com sorgeix aquest vincle? Per què s’interessen els llibertaris per l’esperanto? Aquest llibre presenta, per primera vegada, un estudi rigorós i sistemàtic sobre les bases històriques de la relació entre l’esperanto i l’anarquisme. Des dels socialistes utòpics fins a Malatesta, passant per Tolstoi, Pi i Margall, Reclus, Ramus, Landauer, Li o Sakae.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Kataluna Esperantisto, 2021
Enguany l’editorial Pagès ha publicat dos llibres molt recomanables a la «Col·lecció Divèrsia»: B... more Enguany l’editorial Pagès ha publicat dos llibres molt recomanables a la «Col·lecció Divèrsia»: Breu història de l’esperantisme als Països Catalans, de Xavier Margais; i Breu història de l’anarquisme als Països Catalans, de Dolors Marín Silvestre i Jordi Martí i Font. Evidentment, essent històries reduïdes, no poden tractar-ho tot. Aquest text té la intenció de complementar-los, buscant-hi possibles sinergies, encara que sigui telegràficament. I és que, fins a cert punt, l’anarquisme és un fet diferencial de l’esperantisme a les nostres contrades, de la mateixa manera que l’esperanto és probablement un dels fets diferencials de l’anarquisme català. Kataluna Esperantisto. Llengua Internacional i Drets Lingüístics 370, 2021, p. 28-38.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Multilingual Environments in the Great War, 2021
At the turn of the twentieth century, debates surrounding the possibility of an auxiliary languag... more At the turn of the twentieth century, debates surrounding the possibility of an auxiliary language were a main topic of international discussion, including the support of various Nobel Prize winners. Esperanto became an essential part of internationalism. In the absence of other types of transnational associations, Esperantists provided direct contact to different groups. Railway workers, doctors, vegetarians, Freemasons, Catholics, scientists, scouts, lawyers and pacifists of different nations took advantage of the Esperanto congresses to meet and debate. Their dimension as pioneers is highlighted by the fact that in some cases they created associations in absence of any other means of international contact between them. Moreover, encouraged by the possibilities offered by the neutral language, audacious individuals decided to embark on adventurous trips on foot, on horseback or by bicycle.
Esperanto’s expansion finished because of the war, a traumatic experience for all ideals of brotherhood and solidarity. Mostly pacifists, Esperantists had to adapt to the new context. They performed humanitarian acts in collaboration with the Red Cross, and they carried out information services via Esperanto publications. But what would have happened if there had been no war? Would diplomatic relations have been fraternized? Would a network of friendly cities have spread? Could a more humane economic system have been achieved?
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Historia National Geographic , 2020
A finales del s. XIX, un judío del oeste de Rusia elaboró una nueva lengua con el objetivo de que... more A finales del s. XIX, un judío del oeste de Rusia elaboró una nueva lengua con el objetivo de que personas de cualquier nacionalidad pudieran comunicarse fácilmente
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
A Ludwik Zamenhof okaze de la centa datreveno de la morto. Conferenze 141, 2018
Malsame ol centoj da similaj lingvo-projektoj, Esperanto iĝis vivanta lingvo, kiu travivis la mor... more Malsame ol centoj da similaj lingvo-projektoj, Esperanto iĝis vivanta lingvo, kiu travivis la morton de ĝia iniciatinto. Laŭ kelkaj fakuloj, tio ŝuldas al la fakto, ke ĝi enhavas etikajn valorojn, kiuj ebligis ĝiajn subtenantojn venki malfacilajn momentojn de dividoj kaj persekutoj. Tio estas, Zamanhof postlasis sian homisman kaj pacisman sintenon al socia movado kreita de la apogantoj de tiu ĉi internacia lingvo. Komprenita diversmaniere, tiu interna ideo influis politike en pluraj historiaj momentoj. Mi ne celas enciklopedie klarigi ĉiujn el ili. Tamen, mi prezentos aron da ekzemploj, kiuj kune montras kompleksan kaj nuanc-plenan soci-politikan bildon de la Esperanto-movado.
La strukturo de la artikolo estas jena. Unue, mi mencios la funkcion de Esperanto ene de la proleta movado. Due mi pritraktos la subpremadon, kiun multaj esperantistoj suferis en malsamaj diktaturoj. Trie, mi analizos iom pli detale la rolojn luditajn de tiu ĉi internacia lingvo dum la Hispana milito. Kvare, mi argumentos, ke esperantismo kaj pacismo estas tre proksimaj vortoj. Kvine, mi priskribos la humanan agadon de kelkaj esperantistoj, kiuj riskis siajn vivojn por konstrui mondon pli justan kaj dignan. Konklude,mi defendos, ke indas valorigi kaj de fakuloj, kaj de aktivuloj, la politikan dimension de Esperanto (kaj de ĝiaj subtenantoj).
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
A Ludwik Zamenhof nel centenario della morte. Atti del convegno Roma 11 dicembre 2017. Conferenze 141, 2018
A differenza di analoghi progetti di lingua, l'esperanto è diventato una lingua vivente che è sop... more A differenza di analoghi progetti di lingua, l'esperanto è diventato una lingua vivente che è sopravvissuta a chi l’ha concepita. Secondo alcuni esperti ciò è dovuto al fatto che possiede dei valori etici che hanno consentito ai suoi sostenitori di superare momenti difficili caratterizzati da divisioni e persecuzioni. Vale a dire che Zamenhof ha lasciato il suo approccio, con al centro l’uomo e la pace, al movimento generato da quanti hanno appoggiato questa lingua internazionale. Detto diversamente, questa “idea interna” ha influito politicamente in diversi momenti storici. Non voglio spiegarli tutti con un approccio enciclopedico. Tuttavia, presenterò degli esempi che, collegati fra loro, evidenziano la complessa, e ricca di sfumature, conformazione socio-politica del Movimento esperantista.
La struttura del mio articolo è la seguente. Innanzitutto evidenzierò la funzione dell’esperanto all’interno del movimento proletario. In secondo luogo tratterò l’oppressione sofferta da molti esperantisti in diverse dittature. Come terzo punto analizzerò più in dettaglio i ruoli giocati da questa lingua internazionale durante la guerra spagnola. Come quarto punto argomenterò sulla stretta vicinanza di esperantismo e pacifismo. Infine, come quinto punto, descriverò le attività di alcuni esperantisti che rischiarono la propria vita per costruire un mondo più giusto e dignitoso. Infine sosterrò come sia necessario che gli esperti, gli attivisti valorizzino la dimensione politica dell’esperanto (e dei suoi sostenitori) .
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
En la mondon venis nova lingvo. Festlibro por la 75-jariĝo de Ulrich Lins, 2018
Tiu ĉi teksto esploras la rilaton inter la germana ekonomikisto Silvio Gesell kaj la movado por i... more Tiu ĉi teksto esploras la rilaton inter la germana ekonomikisto Silvio Gesell kaj la movado por internacia helplingvo. Temas pri influa pensulo, kun proponoj de socia reformo proksimaj al tiuj de Henry George. Probable li neniam aktivis en la Esperanta movado. Tamen, plurfoje li defendis la utilecon de Esperanto. Tri malsamajn projektojn proponis Gesell, en kiuj ĉi tiu lingvo ludas ŝlosilan rolon. La unua, kiel internacia helplingvo, konceptiĝis komence de la Unua Mondmilito kaj ligiĝas al pacaj celoj. En la dua Esperanto estas lingvo de komunikado de io simila al tio, kio tridek jarojn poste iĝos Eŭropa Ekonomia Komunumo. Trie, Gesell imagis, ke Esperanto fariĝus oficiala lingvo de Supra Silezio, teritorio de Centra Eŭropo pri kiu post la Granda Milito batalis Germanio kaj Pollando. Post prezento de la tri projektoj, ni diskutas la rolon de Esperanto en la pensado de la germana reformisto, sugestante similaĵojn kun la Zamenhofaj ideoj. Krome, personaj rilatoj de Gesell kun konataj esperantistoj konfirmos lian ligon kun la Esperanta movado.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Belarta Rikolto 2017. Premiitaj Verkoj de la Belartaj Konkursoj de Universala Esperanto-Asocio, 2017
En bizara kofro ricevita el nekonata lando jus malkovriĝis antikva pergameno, detalanta ĉiujn laŭ... more En bizara kofro ricevita el nekonata lando jus malkovriĝis antikva pergameno, detalanta ĉiujn laŭreatojn de la plej grava honora titolo: La Esperantisto de la Jaro. Temas pri historia raporto, ekde 1887 ĝis 1997, kiu inkluzivas ankaŭ la pravigojn de la aljuĝanta komitato. Laŭ la reguloj, distingiĝas vivanta eminentulo, kiu je la koncerna jaro plej multe kontribuis al Esperanto. Ili malebligas, ke homo premiiĝos plurfoje. Mi decidis eldoni la dokumenton, esperante ke tio helpos estontajn esplorojn. Indas memorigi, ke kiel ĉiu premio, ankaŭ tiu ĉi esence maljustas, ĉar elstaraj kandidatoj neniam premiiĝis. Ĉiuj gajnintoj verŝajne tamen meritas ĝin. Interese estas, ke la evoluo de la laŭreatoj iom spegulas tiun de la ekstera mondo – ekzemple, aperas influo de mondaj okazaĵoj, kiel la dua mondmilito –, kaj kompreneble ankaŭ alian internan, pli intiman. Tiusence, eblas legi la raporton kiel neortodoksan koncizan historion de nia movado. La komitato ŝajnas celi komplikan ekvilibron, nur parte atingitan. Fakte, post surfaca analizo, evidentas kritikoj, kaj pri la redaktado, kaj pri la enhavo. Stile, la pravigoj tede ripetas la samajn lingvajn strukturojn, miksante malsamajn gradojn de lingva formaleco. Pri la gajnantaro, ĝi ne tute senpartias. Unue, virinoj malabundas. Ankaŭ ne multnombras klasbatalantoj. Aldone, oftegas kelkaj landoj, dum multaj aliaj eĉ ne menciiĝas. Foje la pravigo de la Komitato aspektas nur pretekston por valorigi la tutan agadon de la premiito dum ties vivo, sed aliajn fojojn la honora kialo ŝajnas kontraŭe pli grava ol la laŭreato mem. Rimarkeblas (mal)anakronismoj, ekzemple, ĉu la vorto ekumeno ekzistis en 1902? Kiel oni povis scii en 1899, ke Valdemar Langlet iĝos justulo inter la nacioj? Tio suspektigas nin pri falsaĵo aŭ pri paranormala fenomeno... Neniu spuro restas pri la anoj de tiu komitato kaj ne klaras ilia rilato kun la nuna teamo de ”La Ondo de Esperanto”, kiu prizorgas la hodiaŭan elekton de tiu premio ekde 1998. Strangas la fakto, ke Ludoviko Zamenhof ne aperas kiel premiito en 1887. Pro tio, iuj fakuloj kuraĝis imagi, ke la iniciatinto de Esperanto kuŝas malantaŭ la tutan projekton, almenaŭ ĝis 1917. Poste, temas certe pri mistero, kvankam spiritista amiko proponis seriozan teorion tiurilate. Sen kromaj pripensoj, jen la enhavo de la pergameno.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Belarta Rikolto 2017. Premiitaj Verkoj de la Belartaj Konkursoj de Universala Esperanto-Asocio, 2017
Tiu teksto klopodas respondi la jenan demandon: Ĉu Esperantistoj estas transhomistoj? Por tiu cel... more Tiu teksto klopodas respondi la jenan demandon: Ĉu Esperantistoj estas transhomistoj? Por tiu celo, unue enkondukiĝas ĝenerale la temo de transhomismo, nome la subteno de sciencaj ebloj por plibonigi la homan estaĵon. Sekve, prezentiĝas la ĉefaj argumentoj kontraŭ tiu intelekta movado. Kelkaj el la kritikoj similas la antaŭjuĝojn pri planita helplingvo, kiel ties artefariteco. Tio instigas al esploro el prilingva vidpunkto, sed ankaŭ el etika perspektivo, pri la rilato inter transhomismo kaj Esperanto kiel scienca antaŭeniro. Konklude, oni respondas negative la originan demandon, eĉ se agnoskante, ke pluraj signoj ŝajnas proksimigi nin al transhomaj estaĵoj.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
At the beginning of the 20th century, the rise of nationalism among European powers on the one ha... more At the beginning of the 20th century, the rise of nationalism among European powers on the one hand and the need for the internationalization of scientific research on the other had situated the debate about the auxiliary language among the main issues of the international agenda. It was a debate related to the intellectual dilemmas of the time that went from scientific to spiritual issues, from national or ethnic identity to the so-called Jewish problem and, especially, the possibility of peace in international relations. But war broke out and Esperantists had to adapt to the new situation and perform various tasks either through the press, through humanitarian actions or in pacifist organizations. Additionally, many of them were conscripted and many died in the conflict. In fact, the war dealt a severe blow to universalist ideals such as those of Esperanto, although it also presented multiple opportunities for new people to learn the language in the front or in prison, where a number of its passionate advocates diffused it and its values. Subsequently, the interwar period will provide new prosperity to them. The World Esperanto Congress planned for 1914. Because of the war, it never took place, although when the war began most of the participants, more than 3,000, were already in Paris. Most of these issues are tackled in a collective book that has just been published: Antaŭ unu jarcento. Esperanto kaj la granda milito [One century ago. Esperanto and the Great War], which I have had the pleasure to coordinate, together with José Rodríguez Salguero. This collection of texts reproduces contemporary documents and articles, unpublished diaries and familiar memories related to the war, but it also offers original essays covering different countries and different perspectives. Written in the so-called international language Esperanto, it shows the potential of addressing issues of history and memory from a transnational way. See the prologue in English here: https://languagesandthefirstworldwar.wordpress.com/2018/01/01/esperanto-and-the-first-world-war/
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
European Journal of Jewish Studies , 2017
In her last book, Princeton professor Esther Schor offers a Jewish perspective on the history of ... more In her last book, Princeton professor Esther Schor offers a Jewish perspective on the history of the Esperanto movement. By doing so, she contributes to different academic literatures, including Jewish studies, social movements’ sociology, interlinguistics and even political theory. (...) This ambitious book had to overcome multiple challenges to accomplish the Herculean task of explaining the political evolution of the movement, both externally (in relation to the outer world) and internally (with its own tensions). In addition, the text introduces Esperanto culture and the way its different international congresses work, including in-depth explorations of the demographics and the geography of the movement, its organisational dynamics and its power struggles. Written in a light style, this is a solid work, in many respects ground-breaking. A must-read for everyone interested in Jewish history, interlinguistics or social movements, but also for Esperantists themselves.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Humanitat Nova, 2017
Me gustó el artículo de Pedro Sanz en el primer número de Humanitat Nova. Con el contenido del ar... more Me gustó el artículo de Pedro Sanz en el primer número de Humanitat Nova. Con el contenido del artículo no tengo una discrepancia de fondo. Conozco al autor desde hace tiempo y, de hecho, colaboramos habitualmente. Es desde esta sintonía que he decidido expresar algunos matices a su texto: (a) existen numerosísimos casos de esperantistas admirables; (b) ello es así, porque el esperanto está ligado a un ideal humanista de solidaridad, lo que explica que haya sobrevivido a cismas, dictaduras y persecuciones diversas; (c) el esperanto tiene un potencial que no conviene subestimar: a menudo, aprender y usar la lengua es en sí mismo un acto revolucionario.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Today, the word Esperanto is linked to a failed attempt of an artificial language to become the g... more Today, the word Esperanto is linked to a failed attempt of an artificial language to become the global lingua franca. In stark contrast, there is also a success story. Among the hundreds of proposed international languages in history (Eco 1995), Esperanto is the only one that has survived the death of its creator and is still alive (Okrent 2008). In fact, this year marks the centenary of Ludwik Zamenhof‘s death (1859-1917), the creator of Esperanto. For this reason, Unesco honours his memory in 2017. Already in 1954 this institution noted the results attained by the Esperanto movement in the field of international intellectual relations and the rapprochement of the peoples of the world, recognizing that these results corresponded with its aims and ideals. Far from being a marginal topic, Esperanto played a relevant role in crucial discussions on literature (Sutton 2008), science (Gordin 2015), the so- called Jewish question (Schor 2016), the democratisation of totalitarian regimes (Lins 2016 and 2017) or the possibilities of peace in international relations (Alcalde and Salguero forthcoming).
The aim of this session is to analyse the Esperanto movement, both from a historical and a sociological perspective. Theoretical and empirical proposals will be considered, both comparative researches and (local and) national case studies. Potential historical topics include the relationship of the Esperanto movement with related movements (such as the peace movement), as well as the different proposals made by intellectuals and social activists on its behalf in their areas of expertise. Sociological approaches could tackle its political opportunities in the digital age, its resources and repertoire of contention, its collective identity or its impact on different dimensions. As Garvía (2015) has shown, in the battle of languages that took place at the beginning of the 20th century, the reasons for Esperanto’s victory lied in the movements’ organizational strategies and the ideology of its leadership. In fact, compared to other social movements’ leaders, here the role of the language creator was essential. His ideas were framed in a way that helped to mobilize followers, collect resources, and outline an organizational strategy based on participatory decision-making. For this reason, papers focusing on particular figures of the movement, including (but not necessarily) Zamenhof, are also welcomed.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Today, most readers will relate the word ‘Esperanto’ with a failed attempt of an artificial langu... more Today, most readers will relate the word ‘Esperanto’ with a failed attempt of an artificial language to become the global lingua franca. However, from a different perspective, this is also a success story. Among the hundreds of proposed international languages in history, Esperanto is the only one that has survived the death of its creator and that is still alive more than 125 years after its first grammar was published. To overcome the project stage and become a fully living language, its supporters had to win an extremely competitive contest.
This book deals with the battle of artificial languages that took place at the turn of the twentieth century and of the social movements that supported them. Far from being a marginal topic, it played a relevant role in crucial discussions on science, spirituality and religion, nationalism and collective identities, the so-called Jewish question or the possibilities of peace in international relations. The analysis focuses on the Esperanto movement, but it also studies (the successes and failures of) their competitors, mainly (but not only) Volapük and Ido. By doing so, it provides the most detailed and solid answer so far to one of the classic research questions within interlinguistics: did Esperanto win because it was the best language or because it had the best strategy? In order to tackle this issue, Roberto Garvía not only builds an interdisciplinary framework with analytical tools from the sociology of social movements, but also historical institutionalism and other subdisciplines of the social sciences, such as political theory or sociolinguistics.
According to the argument, the decline of Latin and the fight between English, French, and German to be the international language created a critical juncture and opened a window of (political) opportunity for the supporters of a non-ethnic lingua franca. Their aim was to limit national rivalries, while at the same time putting everyone on the same footing at the communicative level. In a context of multifold technological revolutions, such a language was perceived as a required technology of communication to face the first wave of globalization, which needed to go through a dynamic – or a battle – of standardization. Following the mechanisms of path dependence, the winning technology would depend on the decisions made at the beginning of the process by the social movements’ members (as a coordinated collective action), under conditions of uncertainty regarding the quality of the competitors. Garvía traces this story step by step in a remarkably well-informed way, full of anecdotes and colorful characters.
The author comprehensively examines each movement’s repertoire of contention, meticulously describes their different resources and analyzes their membership in demographic terms – including a not very frequent gender-based approach – going beyond consideration of movements as unitary actors. As far as the internal movement dynamics are concerned, these include coordination games between reformists and conservatives and debates about exit, voice, and loyalty, as well as different alternatives to solve the free rider problem and create the (imagined) community of speakers from a collection of social networks, individuals, and organizations.
The argument bases most of its explanatory power on two elements: the movements’ organizational strategies (including decision-making processes) and the ideology of their leadership. Compared to other social movements’ leaders, here the role of language creators is essential. Their ideas are framed in a way that help to mobilize followers, collect resources, and outline an organizational strategy. For this reason, Garvía dives into the social and political context which shaped the philosophy of each leader, seeking to put himself in their shoes, empathize with them, and understand the reasons behind their decisions. As is persuasively shown, the winner will be the one with the most democratic and participative strategy, as well as a social transformation message based on peace, justice, and mutual respect, which will allow it to successfully overcome the split that inevitably all three movements will have to face at a point in their history.
The book also deals with other research questions, although not all of them are examined to the same extent. For example, the analysis about why Esperanto has not overcome English as a global language deserves a deeper approach. Similarly, further investigation could tackle more thoroughly the relationship between the artificial language movement(s) and particular political ideologies, such as anarchism. Several aspects of the current debate on linguistic justice that are mentioned in the last chapter could also benefit from specific attention.
Narratively, the author has synthesized his extensive knowledge – backed by a precise selection of data and a complete collection of sources in multiple (natural and artificial) languages – through circuitous routes, producing a perfectly woven text which reads like a novel and contains fascinating stories and future avenues of research.
To sum up, this is probably the best book that has ever been written on the subject: original and courageous, coherently constructed, theoretically rich, methodologically rigorous, and empirically overflowing. A must for everyone interested in the role of leadership and organizational structures in social mobilization, as well as in process-tracing applied to social movement studies.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2016.1193431
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
A principios del siglo XX, el auge nacionalista de las potencias europeas por un lado y la necesi... more A principios del siglo XX, el auge nacionalista de las potencias europeas por un lado y la necesidad de la internacionalización de la investigación científica por otro, habían situado el debate sobre la lengua auxiliar entre las principales cuestiones de la agenda internacional. Era un debate que entroncaba con los dilemas intelectuales de la época, que iban desde cuestiones científicas a espirituales, de la identidad nacional o étnica al llamado problema judío y, sobre todo, a la posibilidad de la paz en las relaciones internacionales.
Según una investigación sociológica contemporánea, si había algo que caracterizaba a buena parte de un movimiento tan diverso y plural como el esperantista era su vocación pacifista. En este sentido, no es exagerado afirmar que, de haberse producido, el congreso mundial de París de 1914 habría sido la mayor concentración de pacifistas de toda la historia. Pero estalló la guerra y los esperantistas tuvieron que adaptarse a la nueva situación desarrollando funciones diversas, ya fuese a través de la prensa, mediante acciones humanitarias o participando en las organizaciones pacifistas.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
A començament del segle XX l’auge nacionalista de les potències europees, d’una banda, i la neces... more A començament del segle XX l’auge nacionalista de les potències europees, d’una banda, i la necessitat de la internacionalització de la investigació científca, de l’altra, havien situat el debat sobre la llengua auxiliar entre les principals qüestions de l’agenda internacional. Era un debat que entroncava amb els dilemes intel•lectuals de l’època, que anaven des de qüestions científques a espirituals, de la identitat nacional o ètnica
a l’anomenat problema jueu i, sobretot, a la possibilitat de la pau en les relacions internacionals.
Segons una investigació sociològica contemporània, si hi havia una cosa que caracteritzés a bona part d’un moviment tan divers i plural com l’esperantista era la seva vocació pacifsta. En aquest sentit, no és exagerat afrmar que, en cas d’haver-se produït, el congrés mundial de París de 1914 hauria estat la major concentració de pacifstes de tota la història (3). Però va esclatar la guerra i els esperantistes van haver d’adaptar-se a la nova situació tot desenvolupant funcions diverses, ja fos a través de
la premsa, mitjançant accions humanitàries o participant en les organitzacions pacifstes.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
At the beginning of the 20th century, the rise of nationalism among European powers on the one ha... more At the beginning of the 20th century, the rise of nationalism among European powers on the one hand and the need for the internationalization of scientific research on the other had situated the debate about the auxiliary language among the main issues of the international agenda. It was a debate related to the intellectual dilemmas of the time that went from scientific to spiritual issues, from national or ethnic identity to the so-called Jewish problem and, especially, the possibility of peace in international relations.
According to a contemporary sociological study, if there was something that characterized a large part of a movement as diverse and plural as the Esperantist movement, it was its pacifist nature. In this respect, it is no exaggeration to say that, had it taken place, the World Congress of Paris in 1914 would have been the largest gathering of pacifists in all of history.
But war broke out and Esperantists had to adapt to the new situation and perform various tasks either through the press, through humanitarian actions or in pacifist organizations.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Global Education Magazine, Jan 30, 2013
Actualmente, en la convergencia de agendas de los distintos movimientos sociales, los pioneros es... more Actualmente, en la convergencia de agendas de los distintos movimientos sociales, los pioneros esperantistas se reconocerían en la esencia de la noviolencia altermundista promovida por los activistas de la solidaridad internacional. Si consideramos el problema de la ausencia de una lengua auxiliar mundial unido a otras cuestiones sociales, llegaremos a la conclusión de que el destino del esperanto está ligado al establecimiento de un orden internacional más pacífico y justo. En definitiva, aunque podamos discutir la viabilidad de la apuesta lingüística, la aportación del esperanto a la teoría de la noviolencia es innegable.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Historically, we have committed an injustice by not including Esperanto and its founder, Ludwig L... more Historically, we have committed an injustice by not including Esperanto and its founder, Ludwig Lazarus Zamenhof, in most of the courses, seminars and anthologists on the theorists of nonviolence. Because he should be included, in a central role.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Uploads
Esperanto movement by Javier Alcalde
Com sorgeix aquest vincle? Per què s’interessen els llibertaris per l’esperanto? Aquest llibre presenta, per primera vegada, un estudi rigorós i sistemàtic sobre les bases històriques de la relació entre l’esperanto i l’anarquisme. Des dels socialistes utòpics fins a Malatesta, passant per Tolstoi, Pi i Margall, Reclus, Ramus, Landauer, Li o Sakae.
Esperanto’s expansion finished because of the war, a traumatic experience for all ideals of brotherhood and solidarity. Mostly pacifists, Esperantists had to adapt to the new context. They performed humanitarian acts in collaboration with the Red Cross, and they carried out information services via Esperanto publications. But what would have happened if there had been no war? Would diplomatic relations have been fraternized? Would a network of friendly cities have spread? Could a more humane economic system have been achieved?
La strukturo de la artikolo estas jena. Unue, mi mencios la funkcion de Esperanto ene de la proleta movado. Due mi pritraktos la subpremadon, kiun multaj esperantistoj suferis en malsamaj diktaturoj. Trie, mi analizos iom pli detale la rolojn luditajn de tiu ĉi internacia lingvo dum la Hispana milito. Kvare, mi argumentos, ke esperantismo kaj pacismo estas tre proksimaj vortoj. Kvine, mi priskribos la humanan agadon de kelkaj esperantistoj, kiuj riskis siajn vivojn por konstrui mondon pli justan kaj dignan. Konklude,mi defendos, ke indas valorigi kaj de fakuloj, kaj de aktivuloj, la politikan dimension de Esperanto (kaj de ĝiaj subtenantoj).
La struttura del mio articolo è la seguente. Innanzitutto evidenzierò la funzione dell’esperanto all’interno del movimento proletario. In secondo luogo tratterò l’oppressione sofferta da molti esperantisti in diverse dittature. Come terzo punto analizzerò più in dettaglio i ruoli giocati da questa lingua internazionale durante la guerra spagnola. Come quarto punto argomenterò sulla stretta vicinanza di esperantismo e pacifismo. Infine, come quinto punto, descriverò le attività di alcuni esperantisti che rischiarono la propria vita per costruire un mondo più giusto e dignitoso. Infine sosterrò come sia necessario che gli esperti, gli attivisti valorizzino la dimensione politica dell’esperanto (e dei suoi sostenitori) .
The aim of this session is to analyse the Esperanto movement, both from a historical and a sociological perspective. Theoretical and empirical proposals will be considered, both comparative researches and (local and) national case studies. Potential historical topics include the relationship of the Esperanto movement with related movements (such as the peace movement), as well as the different proposals made by intellectuals and social activists on its behalf in their areas of expertise. Sociological approaches could tackle its political opportunities in the digital age, its resources and repertoire of contention, its collective identity or its impact on different dimensions. As Garvía (2015) has shown, in the battle of languages that took place at the beginning of the 20th century, the reasons for Esperanto’s victory lied in the movements’ organizational strategies and the ideology of its leadership. In fact, compared to other social movements’ leaders, here the role of the language creator was essential. His ideas were framed in a way that helped to mobilize followers, collect resources, and outline an organizational strategy based on participatory decision-making. For this reason, papers focusing on particular figures of the movement, including (but not necessarily) Zamenhof, are also welcomed.
This book deals with the battle of artificial languages that took place at the turn of the twentieth century and of the social movements that supported them. Far from being a marginal topic, it played a relevant role in crucial discussions on science, spirituality and religion, nationalism and collective identities, the so-called Jewish question or the possibilities of peace in international relations. The analysis focuses on the Esperanto movement, but it also studies (the successes and failures of) their competitors, mainly (but not only) Volapük and Ido. By doing so, it provides the most detailed and solid answer so far to one of the classic research questions within interlinguistics: did Esperanto win because it was the best language or because it had the best strategy? In order to tackle this issue, Roberto Garvía not only builds an interdisciplinary framework with analytical tools from the sociology of social movements, but also historical institutionalism and other subdisciplines of the social sciences, such as political theory or sociolinguistics.
According to the argument, the decline of Latin and the fight between English, French, and German to be the international language created a critical juncture and opened a window of (political) opportunity for the supporters of a non-ethnic lingua franca. Their aim was to limit national rivalries, while at the same time putting everyone on the same footing at the communicative level. In a context of multifold technological revolutions, such a language was perceived as a required technology of communication to face the first wave of globalization, which needed to go through a dynamic – or a battle – of standardization. Following the mechanisms of path dependence, the winning technology would depend on the decisions made at the beginning of the process by the social movements’ members (as a coordinated collective action), under conditions of uncertainty regarding the quality of the competitors. Garvía traces this story step by step in a remarkably well-informed way, full of anecdotes and colorful characters.
The author comprehensively examines each movement’s repertoire of contention, meticulously describes their different resources and analyzes their membership in demographic terms – including a not very frequent gender-based approach – going beyond consideration of movements as unitary actors. As far as the internal movement dynamics are concerned, these include coordination games between reformists and conservatives and debates about exit, voice, and loyalty, as well as different alternatives to solve the free rider problem and create the (imagined) community of speakers from a collection of social networks, individuals, and organizations.
The argument bases most of its explanatory power on two elements: the movements’ organizational strategies (including decision-making processes) and the ideology of their leadership. Compared to other social movements’ leaders, here the role of language creators is essential. Their ideas are framed in a way that help to mobilize followers, collect resources, and outline an organizational strategy. For this reason, Garvía dives into the social and political context which shaped the philosophy of each leader, seeking to put himself in their shoes, empathize with them, and understand the reasons behind their decisions. As is persuasively shown, the winner will be the one with the most democratic and participative strategy, as well as a social transformation message based on peace, justice, and mutual respect, which will allow it to successfully overcome the split that inevitably all three movements will have to face at a point in their history.
The book also deals with other research questions, although not all of them are examined to the same extent. For example, the analysis about why Esperanto has not overcome English as a global language deserves a deeper approach. Similarly, further investigation could tackle more thoroughly the relationship between the artificial language movement(s) and particular political ideologies, such as anarchism. Several aspects of the current debate on linguistic justice that are mentioned in the last chapter could also benefit from specific attention.
Narratively, the author has synthesized his extensive knowledge – backed by a precise selection of data and a complete collection of sources in multiple (natural and artificial) languages – through circuitous routes, producing a perfectly woven text which reads like a novel and contains fascinating stories and future avenues of research.
To sum up, this is probably the best book that has ever been written on the subject: original and courageous, coherently constructed, theoretically rich, methodologically rigorous, and empirically overflowing. A must for everyone interested in the role of leadership and organizational structures in social mobilization, as well as in process-tracing applied to social movement studies.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2016.1193431
Según una investigación sociológica contemporánea, si había algo que caracterizaba a buena parte de un movimiento tan diverso y plural como el esperantista era su vocación pacifista. En este sentido, no es exagerado afirmar que, de haberse producido, el congreso mundial de París de 1914 habría sido la mayor concentración de pacifistas de toda la historia. Pero estalló la guerra y los esperantistas tuvieron que adaptarse a la nueva situación desarrollando funciones diversas, ya fuese a través de la prensa, mediante acciones humanitarias o participando en las organizaciones pacifistas.
a l’anomenat problema jueu i, sobretot, a la possibilitat de la pau en les relacions internacionals.
Segons una investigació sociològica contemporània, si hi havia una cosa que caracteritzés a bona part d’un moviment tan divers i plural com l’esperantista era la seva vocació pacifsta. En aquest sentit, no és exagerat afrmar que, en cas d’haver-se produït, el congrés mundial de París de 1914 hauria estat la major concentració de pacifstes de tota la història (3). Però va esclatar la guerra i els esperantistes van haver d’adaptar-se a la nova situació tot desenvolupant funcions diverses, ja fos a través de
la premsa, mitjançant accions humanitàries o participant en les organitzacions pacifstes.
According to a contemporary sociological study, if there was something that characterized a large part of a movement as diverse and plural as the Esperantist movement, it was its pacifist nature. In this respect, it is no exaggeration to say that, had it taken place, the World Congress of Paris in 1914 would have been the largest gathering of pacifists in all of history.
But war broke out and Esperantists had to adapt to the new situation and perform various tasks either through the press, through humanitarian actions or in pacifist organizations.
Com sorgeix aquest vincle? Per què s’interessen els llibertaris per l’esperanto? Aquest llibre presenta, per primera vegada, un estudi rigorós i sistemàtic sobre les bases històriques de la relació entre l’esperanto i l’anarquisme. Des dels socialistes utòpics fins a Malatesta, passant per Tolstoi, Pi i Margall, Reclus, Ramus, Landauer, Li o Sakae.
Esperanto’s expansion finished because of the war, a traumatic experience for all ideals of brotherhood and solidarity. Mostly pacifists, Esperantists had to adapt to the new context. They performed humanitarian acts in collaboration with the Red Cross, and they carried out information services via Esperanto publications. But what would have happened if there had been no war? Would diplomatic relations have been fraternized? Would a network of friendly cities have spread? Could a more humane economic system have been achieved?
La strukturo de la artikolo estas jena. Unue, mi mencios la funkcion de Esperanto ene de la proleta movado. Due mi pritraktos la subpremadon, kiun multaj esperantistoj suferis en malsamaj diktaturoj. Trie, mi analizos iom pli detale la rolojn luditajn de tiu ĉi internacia lingvo dum la Hispana milito. Kvare, mi argumentos, ke esperantismo kaj pacismo estas tre proksimaj vortoj. Kvine, mi priskribos la humanan agadon de kelkaj esperantistoj, kiuj riskis siajn vivojn por konstrui mondon pli justan kaj dignan. Konklude,mi defendos, ke indas valorigi kaj de fakuloj, kaj de aktivuloj, la politikan dimension de Esperanto (kaj de ĝiaj subtenantoj).
La struttura del mio articolo è la seguente. Innanzitutto evidenzierò la funzione dell’esperanto all’interno del movimento proletario. In secondo luogo tratterò l’oppressione sofferta da molti esperantisti in diverse dittature. Come terzo punto analizzerò più in dettaglio i ruoli giocati da questa lingua internazionale durante la guerra spagnola. Come quarto punto argomenterò sulla stretta vicinanza di esperantismo e pacifismo. Infine, come quinto punto, descriverò le attività di alcuni esperantisti che rischiarono la propria vita per costruire un mondo più giusto e dignitoso. Infine sosterrò come sia necessario che gli esperti, gli attivisti valorizzino la dimensione politica dell’esperanto (e dei suoi sostenitori) .
The aim of this session is to analyse the Esperanto movement, both from a historical and a sociological perspective. Theoretical and empirical proposals will be considered, both comparative researches and (local and) national case studies. Potential historical topics include the relationship of the Esperanto movement with related movements (such as the peace movement), as well as the different proposals made by intellectuals and social activists on its behalf in their areas of expertise. Sociological approaches could tackle its political opportunities in the digital age, its resources and repertoire of contention, its collective identity or its impact on different dimensions. As Garvía (2015) has shown, in the battle of languages that took place at the beginning of the 20th century, the reasons for Esperanto’s victory lied in the movements’ organizational strategies and the ideology of its leadership. In fact, compared to other social movements’ leaders, here the role of the language creator was essential. His ideas were framed in a way that helped to mobilize followers, collect resources, and outline an organizational strategy based on participatory decision-making. For this reason, papers focusing on particular figures of the movement, including (but not necessarily) Zamenhof, are also welcomed.
This book deals with the battle of artificial languages that took place at the turn of the twentieth century and of the social movements that supported them. Far from being a marginal topic, it played a relevant role in crucial discussions on science, spirituality and religion, nationalism and collective identities, the so-called Jewish question or the possibilities of peace in international relations. The analysis focuses on the Esperanto movement, but it also studies (the successes and failures of) their competitors, mainly (but not only) Volapük and Ido. By doing so, it provides the most detailed and solid answer so far to one of the classic research questions within interlinguistics: did Esperanto win because it was the best language or because it had the best strategy? In order to tackle this issue, Roberto Garvía not only builds an interdisciplinary framework with analytical tools from the sociology of social movements, but also historical institutionalism and other subdisciplines of the social sciences, such as political theory or sociolinguistics.
According to the argument, the decline of Latin and the fight between English, French, and German to be the international language created a critical juncture and opened a window of (political) opportunity for the supporters of a non-ethnic lingua franca. Their aim was to limit national rivalries, while at the same time putting everyone on the same footing at the communicative level. In a context of multifold technological revolutions, such a language was perceived as a required technology of communication to face the first wave of globalization, which needed to go through a dynamic – or a battle – of standardization. Following the mechanisms of path dependence, the winning technology would depend on the decisions made at the beginning of the process by the social movements’ members (as a coordinated collective action), under conditions of uncertainty regarding the quality of the competitors. Garvía traces this story step by step in a remarkably well-informed way, full of anecdotes and colorful characters.
The author comprehensively examines each movement’s repertoire of contention, meticulously describes their different resources and analyzes their membership in demographic terms – including a not very frequent gender-based approach – going beyond consideration of movements as unitary actors. As far as the internal movement dynamics are concerned, these include coordination games between reformists and conservatives and debates about exit, voice, and loyalty, as well as different alternatives to solve the free rider problem and create the (imagined) community of speakers from a collection of social networks, individuals, and organizations.
The argument bases most of its explanatory power on two elements: the movements’ organizational strategies (including decision-making processes) and the ideology of their leadership. Compared to other social movements’ leaders, here the role of language creators is essential. Their ideas are framed in a way that help to mobilize followers, collect resources, and outline an organizational strategy. For this reason, Garvía dives into the social and political context which shaped the philosophy of each leader, seeking to put himself in their shoes, empathize with them, and understand the reasons behind their decisions. As is persuasively shown, the winner will be the one with the most democratic and participative strategy, as well as a social transformation message based on peace, justice, and mutual respect, which will allow it to successfully overcome the split that inevitably all three movements will have to face at a point in their history.
The book also deals with other research questions, although not all of them are examined to the same extent. For example, the analysis about why Esperanto has not overcome English as a global language deserves a deeper approach. Similarly, further investigation could tackle more thoroughly the relationship between the artificial language movement(s) and particular political ideologies, such as anarchism. Several aspects of the current debate on linguistic justice that are mentioned in the last chapter could also benefit from specific attention.
Narratively, the author has synthesized his extensive knowledge – backed by a precise selection of data and a complete collection of sources in multiple (natural and artificial) languages – through circuitous routes, producing a perfectly woven text which reads like a novel and contains fascinating stories and future avenues of research.
To sum up, this is probably the best book that has ever been written on the subject: original and courageous, coherently constructed, theoretically rich, methodologically rigorous, and empirically overflowing. A must for everyone interested in the role of leadership and organizational structures in social mobilization, as well as in process-tracing applied to social movement studies.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2016.1193431
Según una investigación sociológica contemporánea, si había algo que caracterizaba a buena parte de un movimiento tan diverso y plural como el esperantista era su vocación pacifista. En este sentido, no es exagerado afirmar que, de haberse producido, el congreso mundial de París de 1914 habría sido la mayor concentración de pacifistas de toda la historia. Pero estalló la guerra y los esperantistas tuvieron que adaptarse a la nueva situación desarrollando funciones diversas, ya fuese a través de la prensa, mediante acciones humanitarias o participando en las organizaciones pacifistas.
a l’anomenat problema jueu i, sobretot, a la possibilitat de la pau en les relacions internacionals.
Segons una investigació sociològica contemporània, si hi havia una cosa que caracteritzés a bona part d’un moviment tan divers i plural com l’esperantista era la seva vocació pacifsta. En aquest sentit, no és exagerat afrmar que, en cas d’haver-se produït, el congrés mundial de París de 1914 hauria estat la major concentració de pacifstes de tota la història (3). Però va esclatar la guerra i els esperantistes van haver d’adaptar-se a la nova situació tot desenvolupant funcions diverses, ja fos a través de
la premsa, mitjançant accions humanitàries o participant en les organitzacions pacifstes.
According to a contemporary sociological study, if there was something that characterized a large part of a movement as diverse and plural as the Esperantist movement, it was its pacifist nature. In this respect, it is no exaggeration to say that, had it taken place, the World Congress of Paris in 1914 would have been the largest gathering of pacifists in all of history.
But war broke out and Esperantists had to adapt to the new situation and perform various tasks either through the press, through humanitarian actions or in pacifist organizations.
aportación del movimiento por la paz al debate actual sobre la soberanía en Euskadi. En ningún caso se pretende afirmar conclusiones firmes y sólidas, sino más bien sugerir una nueva línea de investigación. En este sentido, se propone una hipótesis central, especificada después en un argumento que consta de cuatro puntos. Posteriormente, se añaden algunas observaciones relativas a los actores considerados en este estudio, así como a su impacto en la resolución y transformación del conflicto vasco. Una conclusión sirve para sintetizar la idea principal de la investigación.
- Rosa Luxemburg: anticapitalismo hacia la eutopía pacifsta
- Reclutamiento obligatorio y objeción de conciencia en el Reino Unido
- “Nuestra patria es el mundo entero”: antimilitarismo anarquista
- Ilusión y visión: el pacifsmo científco de Alfred H. Fried
- El internacionalismo práctico del esperanto
Entrevista
- Entrevista a Joan Botam, sacerdote y capuchino catalán
- Rosa Luxemburg: anticapitalisme cap a l’eutopia pacifsta
- Reclutament obligatori i objecció de consciència al Regne Unit
- “La nostra pàtria és el món sencer”: antimilitarisme anarquista
- Il•lusió i visió: el pacifsme científc d’Alfred H. Fried
- L’internacionalisme pràctic de l’esperanto
- Entrevista a Joan Botam, sacerdot i caputxí català
civil la formen les entitats, les associacions, però també els mitjans de comunicació, els sindicats, el món acadèmic i la ciutadania no organitzada. La influència o el paper de tots aquests actors en un conflicte determinat es pot produir en totes les seves fases, des de la seva preparació i desenvolupament de la fase armada, fins la reconstrucció, els processos
de pau o la consolidació de la pau, entre d’altres.
what happened in between, when scientists needed to know several languages in order to do research in the sciences. For centuries. French, German and English coexisted without any of them dominating the field of
scientific writing, and Gordin tells this story masterfully, paying particular attention to chemistry.
es centra en el camp de la filosofia política. Una segona part presentarà diverses contribucions des de l’economia, la sociolingüística, la interlingüística i el dret. El propòsit de l’article no és avaluar la consistència interna de les diferents teories (sovint contraposades), ni tampoc tractar de trobar un terreny comú entre aquestes. La idea és posar l’accent en les recomanacions polítiques que es deriven dels diferents enfocaments.
- The Irish Language and the Long War in Northern Ireland
- Languages in the Ukrainian confict
- South Africa. End of a “linguistically divided” society?
- The linguistic division in India: a latent confict?
- On the need for a linguistic justice index
Coordinado por Javier Alcalde, incluye los siguientes artículos:
- El irlandés y la guerra larga en Irlanda del Norte
- Las lenguas en el conficto ucraniano
- Sudáfrica: ¿el fn de una sociedad lingüísticamente dividida?
- La división lingüística en la India: ¿un conficto latente?
- Sobre la necesidad de un índice de justícia lingüística
- L’irlandès i la guerra llarga a Irlanda del Nord
- Les llengües en el conficte ucraïnès
- Sudàfrica: la fi d’una societat lingüísticament dividida?
- La divisió lingüística a l’Índia: un conficte latent?
- Sobre la necessitat d’un índex de justícia lingüística
societats, proporcionant informació sistemàtica i rigorosa, pot ser un instrument molt útil a l’hora de dissenyar polítiques que contribueixin a reduir les tensions inherents en els estats multiculturals de l’era de la globalització.
El fet que un Premi Nobel d'Economia escrigui sobre filosofia no és massa freqüent. Estem parlant d'un autor que porta molts anys plantejant desafiaments al model econòmic dominant. Si aquest model situa l'interès propi com a factor primordial de la motivació humana, Amartya Sen, en canvi, n'emfatitza els valors de les persones. Estem parlant de l'economista que va demostrar que la fam no és conseqüència de la manca d'aliments, sinó de desigualtats en els mecanismes de la seva distribució. Estem parlant de la força inspiradora de l'Índex de Desenvolupament Humà de les Nacions Unides. Estem parlant del creador del concepte de 'capability' o capacitació. És a dir, un govern ha de ser jutjat en funció de les capacitats concretes dels seus ciutadans. Que en un país els ciutadans tinguin el dret constitucional a votar no significa res si no es reuneixen totes les condicions perquè els ciutadans puguin exercir la seva capacitat de vot, incloent-hi l'accés a l'educació o als mitjans de transport per accedir a les urnes. Només quan aquestes barreres han estat superades es pot dir que el ciutadà pot exercir la seva elecció personal.
Amb aquest nou llibre, la contribució d'Amartya Sen a un dels camps on hi ha hagut aportacions més interessants entre els filòsofs de la nostra era significa, ras i curt, un abans i després en aquesta disciplina. Així, la teoria de la justícia clàssica (Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, Rawls) s'havia preguntat com havien de ser les institucions més perfectes possibles, arribant sovint a respostes decebedores "mai podrem arribar-hi a aquest ideal de justícia, per tant no podem fer-hi res". Sen, compromès en situar la persona en el centre de la reflexió, assumint que som éssers socials i reconeixent que les injustícies que ens envolten també ens afecten, recupera la millor versió d'Adam Smith, Marx o Stuart Mill per a preguntar-se com hauríem de promoure la justícia, com podem resoldre les injustícies més flagrants, com podem fer aquest món una mica més just o, per ser més exacte, una mica menys injust. Sembla exagerat afirmar que mai abans un autor havia aconseguit aplicar la teoria de l'elecció social en profit d'altres ciències socials d'una manera tan efectiva. Tot i això, no ho és pas. I les conseqüències pràctiques d'aquesta forma d'entendre la justícia i la injustícia per tal de millorar aquest món són potencialment infinites.
With this new book, Amartya Sen's contribution to one of the fields which contains the most interesting works by philosophers of our age is nothing less than a milestone in this discipline. The classic theory of justice (Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, Rawls) asked what form the most perfect possible institution should take, and reached the disappointing conclusion that "we will never be able to obtain (at) this ideal of justice, so there is nothing that can be done about it". Sen believes in placing the individual at the centre of his theories, and assumes that as social beings, we recognize that the injustices that surround us also affect us. He turns to the best of Adam Smith, Marx and Stuart Mill to ask how we should foster justice, how we can resolve the most flagrant injustices, how we can make the world a little more just, or to be precise, a little less unjust. It seems incredible that no author had ever succeeded in applying the theory of social choice to the benefit of other social sciences in such an effective way. Incredible, but true. And the practical consequences of this way of considering justice and injustice in order to improve the world are potentially infinite.
This paper discusses how sovereignty is asserted, contested, and disputed in Catalonia, and what happened on 9 November 2014, when more than two million citizens went to the polls to vote on the independence of Catalonia in a referendum deemed illegal by the Spanish authorities.
When the Spanish government denied the Catalans the opportunity to organise a legal referendum, a majority of Catalans decided to defy the authorities of Spain and exercise what they viewed as their 'right to decide'.
The exact turnout to the referendum could not be established, but according to figures provided by the Catalan government 2,305,290 votes were cast on the day of the referendum, of which 80.8% were in support of an independent Catalan state.
As argued here, the 2014 Catalan referendum was a performance of simulated sovereignty, as confirmed by subsequent events in which Spanish courts exercised their real sovereignty by taking legal action against the Catalan President Artur Mas and two counsellors for organizing the referendum.
Regardless of the legal or political consequences, a 'real' referendum is scheduled for September 2017. The Spanish Government, on its part, has announced that it is open to negotiate on any issue, except the organization of a referendum.
D'aquesta manera, la idea de Seguretat Humana ha estat capaç d'aglutinar moviments socials, intel·lectuals i diplomàtics a l'hora de situar les persones en el centre dels debats i també de les polítiques, i en ella conflueixen diferents perspectives com el desarmament, el desenvolupament o els drets humans. En aquesta monografia, de manera rigorosa però també molt propera a la realitat dels col·lectius afectats, s'analitza el concepte de Seguretat Humana i Construcció de Pau a Colòmbia a través d'una sèrie d'articles que tracten de forma àmplia totes les propostes i alternatives que s'estan donant avui dia al país. Així, s'analitzen, entre altres temes, la política de Seguretat Democràtica, la seguretat ciutadana i les estratègies d'intervenció policial, la militarització de la societat amb la irrupció d'actors poc visualitzats com els mercenaris, la seguretat alimentària i mediambiental, amb especial incidència en els recursos hídrics, la participació de la societat civil en els processos de pau, i les propostes dels pobles indígenes del Cauca i afrodescendents del Pacífic en Construcció de Pau i Drets Humans.
Since the early 1990s, the UN has been increasingly active in the policy area of human security. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) first used the concept of human security in its 1994 Human Development Report. The report argued that the scope of global security should be expanded to include threats in seven areas: economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security and political security. Human security was thus put forward to describe new security concerns and to emphasize the shift from a state concerned security to a people centered approach to security.
The EU has presented itself as an important actor in the promotion of concrete actions on several human security issues, such as the prohibition of landmines and the current negotiation process on cluster bombs. This paper examines the coherence of the EU as an actor at the UN and whether coherence issues affected the EU’s effectiveness in a specific case of human security negotiations:3 the 2006 UN Small Arms Review Conference. The paper suggests that although the EU appeared to show some consistency (horizontal, vertical and institutional) the EU was unsuccessful at the Review Conference. To the EU, the NGOs and other actors’ disappointment, the Review Conference failed to adopt a final document.
The paper begins by proposing an analytical framework based on a multilevel game approach to explore the link between the coherence of the EU and its effectiveness at the Review Conference. It explores the ways in which a complex web of actors and institutions interact at three different levels: UN, EU and domestic. By using this analytical framework and various qualitative methods such as expert interviews, documentary analysis and participant observation, this paper aims to examine the factors which might have hindered the effectiveness of the EU at the 2006 Small Arms Review Conference. Finally, the paper discusses whether these factors are linked to problems of coherence within the EU.
Nuestras principales hipótesis plantean que el discurso público zapatista varía diacrónicamente, en función de la estructura de oportunidades políticas, es decir, de los distintos contextos estratégicos que afronta el EZLN; y sincrónicamente, en función de los distintos destinatarios a los que se dirigen los comunicados. En el presente trabajo, planteamos un diseño de investigación basado en el análisis sistemático del discurso público zapatista asistido por el programa Atlas/ti y aportamos evidencia empírica acerca de la variación existente en dos categorías formales del análisis: fecha de emisión y destinatario. Incluimos gráficos de frecuencias que reflejan los resultados de esta primera fase del análisis y una detallada clasificación de las familias de destinatario. Se trata, pues, de un primer acercamiento, con el objetivo de establecer las bases para una investigación posterior en profundidad sobre estas cuestiones.
that what does not appear in the media does not exist, and that our worldview is highly conditioned by what the media shows us. They are often
our only source of information. In the area of armed conflicts, this is most
apparent ... and most unfair. It is for this reason that we decided that the
relationship between the media and armed conflicts required an in-depth
analysis.
Why do some conflicts never appear in the media? Why do some appear
in the headlines for a while, before languishing on the inside pages and
eventually disappearing?
¿Por qué determinados conflictos no aparecen nunca en los medios de comunicación? ¿Por qué algunos lo hacen en portada durante un tiempo para después ir languideciendo en las páginas interiores y, finalmente, desaparecer?
Policy Implications:
•The set of rules and procedures of the process determine the success of the campaigns. Effective processes should have flexible rules allowing decision-making by majority voting and participatory procedures that include the activists as partners. This would strengthen partnerships with like-minded states.
•Coalitions deal with conflictive interests among the actors, and between larger professionalised organisations (who have large resources) and those smaller and more locally based ones (who do not). Coalitions should find a way to satisfy both demands: effective coordination and decentralised participation.
•Individuals have the capacity to affect change at various levels. Actors in these processes should not be understood as unitary entities, but comprising individuals who can exert high levels of agency.
•Research has focused on collaboration among NGOs from different sectors inside a single coalition, and the potential for synergies among different networks on interrelated topics remains underresearched. Strategies should be designed to facilitate cooperation among networks with related objectives.
- Negotiating the Arms Trade Treaty
- United for an effective Arms Trade Treaty
- From 4077 M*A*S*H to 2012 UN-ATT
- Arms Control and Civil Society: Some Retrospect
- Africa needs a Robust Arms Trade Treaty
- Interview with Roberto García Moritán, chairman of the Global Arms Trade Treaty Diplomatic Conference
La Fundació per la Pau ha participat activament en aquest procés, conegut com a Procés d’Oslo, com a membre de la coalició Cluster Munition Coalition, que aplega més de 200 organitzacions i entitats d’arreu del món, i també com a membre fundador de la CMC Barcelona, la branca espanyola de la coalició.
Una bomba de dispersió l’hem d’imaginar com si fos una bomba contenidor que, una vegada ha estat llançada, s’obre i deixa caure centenars de bombes. Cadascuna pot arribar a disseminar 200 càrregues explosives en un radi d’uns 400 metres, l’equivalent a gairebé quatre camps de futbol, on queden espargides com si fossin mines antipersones.
Normalment, les càrregues haurien d’esclatar quan arriben a terra però sovint no ho fan i romanen actives durant anys, amb el conseqüent impacte humanitari negatiu sobre la vida de les persones i sobre les activitats quotidianes de les comunitats. Des de la dècada dels anys setanta, aquest tipus d’armes ha tingut una presència molt destacada en conflictes d’arreu del món. Per exemple, a Kosovo (1999), l’Afganistan (2001), l’Iraq (2003), el Líban (2006) i el més recent a Geòrgia, l’agost de 2008. Es calcula que més de 360 milions d’aquestes bombes s’haurien llançat sobre més d’una vintena de països, on com a mínim 33 milions de càrregues encara romanen sense esclatar.
El Procés d’Oslo és una iniciativa impulsada pel govern de Noruega arran del fracàs de la convenció internacional que havia de regular aquest tipus d’armament, la Convenció de l’ONU sobre Armes Inhumanes (CAI), on va ser impossible acordar accions urgents per evitar l’impacte humanitari que causen les bombes de dispersió. Davant d’aquesta situació, el Govern noruec va anunciar la seva intenció d’iniciar un procés internacional per crear un tractat que prohibís aquest tipus d’armament.
Sortosament, aquest procés ha culminat amb un gran èxit assolit de forma visible en la conferència que es va celebrar del 19 al 30 de maig de 2008 a Dublín i confirmat amb la signatura del tractat el 3 de desembre a Oslo. La cimera de Dublín, la darrera del procés de negociacions, s’havia clausurat amb el consens de 111 països sobre el text del Tractat, que ha estat signat per 94 països a Oslo. Aquest èxit obtingut en un temps rècord (el Procés d’Oslo s’inicià oficialment el febrer de 2007) però, no ha estat fruit de la improvisació. Al darrere hi ha mesos de feina intensa a nivell local i nacional, de reunions regionals i de conferències internacionals.
L’Estat espanyol ha participat en el Procés d’Oslo des de la primera conferència. Tot i la seva implicació, en un primer moment va manifestar reticències a l’aprovació d’un text que prohibís totes les bombes de dispersió donat que dues empreses espanyoles n’eren fabricants. No obstant això, a la conferència diplomàtica celebrada a Dublín el maig de 2008, l’executiu espanyol, igual que la resta dels governs presents a la capital irlandesa, va donar suport al text final del Tractat. A més, es va comprometre a signar-lo el mes de desembre i a ser un dels primers països a ratificar-lo.
El 17 d’abril de 2007, la Fundació per la Pau demanava al Govern espanyol que, d’acord amb la declaració signada a Oslo el febrer de 2007, prohibís l’ús, la fabricació, l’emmagatzematge, i la venda de les bombes de dispersió. El mes de juliol de 2008, el Govern espanyol va aprovar una moratòria unilateral sobre l’ús, producció, emmagatzematge, compra i transferència de les bombes de dispersió. El dia 2 de desembre de 2008 el Govern va començar la destrucció dels seus estocs.
Fins a aquell moment, a l’Estat espanyol s’havien fabricat dues bombes (la BME-330 d’Expal i la MAT-120 d’Instalaza) i se n’havia importat un tercer tipus que, a partir de l’entrada en vigor del tractat, quedaran prohibides. També l’exèrcit, que havia declarat mesos abans que considerava aquestes bombes “necessàries per a les Forces Armades” i, per tant, “no considera convenient la prohibició de la seva fabricació”, ha començat a desfer-se dels seus arsenals.
Des de la Fundació per la Pau sempre s’ha afirmat que si el Govern espanyol volia ser realment actiu en la protecció de la població civil dels efectes dels conflictes armats, havia d’avançar cap a la prohibició d’aquest tipus de bombes, cosa que finalment ha acabar fent.
Per tal de contribuir a la regulació i control de les bombes de dispersió, la Fundació per la Pau es va incorporar el mes d’abril de 2007 a la Cluster Munition Coalition (CMC), una aliança internacional d’organitzacions que va néixer l’any 2003 a Dublín. Davant la manca d’una legislació internacional que tractés el problema de les bombes de dispersió i dels seus efectes devastadors per a la població civil, les ONG van decidir crear aquesta coalició a nivell internacional.
Com a conseqüència del tractat aprovat a Dublín i signat a Oslo, totes les bombes de dispersió que es van usar en conflictes internacionals, de Laos al Líban, passant per Cambotja, Iraq i Kosovo, quedaran prohibides quan trenta països ratifiquin la Convenció i aquesta entri així en vigor. Es calcula que donat el temps rècord en el qual s’ha desenvolupat el procés de negociacions, en sis mesos podria assolir-se aquesta xifra.
Pel que fa al text del Tractat i tot i les reticències d’alguns països, no es van incloure períodes de transició que permetrien seguir utilitzant aquestes armes durant un cert temps. Tampoc existeix la possibilitat que algun país expressi reserves sobre algunes de les disposicions del Tractat, ja que aquest ho prohibeix explícitament.
El Tractat estableix mesures i terminis de destrucció dels arsenals: ha de ser al més aviat possible, i mai després de vuit anys a partir de la seva ratificació. Qualsevol possible retard s’ha de justificar amb informació exhaustiva davant de les Nacions Unides. Pel que fa a l’apartat d’assistència a les víctimes, s’estableix l’obligació de proporcionar assistència mèdica, rehabilitació i suport psicològic, i de tenir en compte les consideracions de sexe i edat. En aquest sentit, els estats membres contrauen obligacions clares en matèria de cooperació i assistència internacional per a les víctimes i els països afectats, que desenvoluparan plans específics per a cada realitat nacional.
Un dels apartats més ambiciosos és el que fa referència a mesures de transparència. Així, cada estat membre, en un termini màxim de 180 dies des de la ratificació del Tractat, lliurarà un informe de situació al Secretari General de l’ONU. Allà ha de detallar el nombre de bombes de dispersió que té i les seves característiques tècniques; els programes de reconversió o desmantellament de les seves instal·lacions i fàbriques, els progressos realitzats en la destrucció, etc. Aquest informe s’ha d’actualitzar anualment.
Pel contrari, un dels aspectes més controvertits fins al final de les negociacions ha estat el de la interoperabilitat, és a dir, el de les maniobres militars conjuntes entre estats membres del Tractat i els que no ho són (un tema sensible especialment pel que fa referència als EUA i les seves aliances militars). En aquest assumpte no ha estat possible aconseguir tots els avenços desitjats, tot i que les garanties que serien necessàries per utilitzar aquestes armes en maniobres i operacions conjuntes fan que aquest ús sigui molt costós, tant políticament com pel que fa a l’opinió pública, cada vegada més sensibilitzada amb aquest tema.
Com acostuma a passar després de la signatura i ratificació d’un tractat internacional, el principal objectiu esdevé la seva implementació. Per aquest motiu, les ONG part de la coalició internacional CMC vigilaran que els governs compleixin el text signat de manera que aquestes bombes desapareguin progressivament dels arsenals dels exèrcits i dels terrenys minats, assegurant a més que totes les víctimes i supervivents rebin tot l’ajut que necessiten. Al mateix temps, un objectiu paral·lel a partir d’ara serà apropar el tractat als actors armats no estatals, per tal que es facin seu l’esperit i abandonin l’ús d’aquestes armes, considerades inhumanes per la comunitat internacional.
agenda for peace research and action for peace.
Per obtenir el material empíric, l’autor ha participat en trobades internacionals com ara la Conferència de Revisió del Programa d’Acció d’Armes Lleugeres (Nova York, juny-juliol del 2006) i la Conferència d’Oslo sobre les Bombes de Dispersió (febrer del 2007), i ha fet entrevistes semiestructurades amb alguns dels actors principals en aquests processos.
En primer lloc, es presenten diversos conceptes teòrics que poden ser útils per entendre aquest tipus d’iniciatives de la societat civil, tant des del punt de vista dels moviments socials i l’acció col·lectiva com d’algunes escoles de les relacions internacionals. Un element aglutinador d’aquestes campanyes són les referències al dret internacional humanitari. Un altre és el concepte de seguretat humana aplicat a la nova diplomàcia, desenvolupat, per exemple, des de l’Institut de l’ONU d’Investigació per al Desarmament (UNIDIR).
Tot seguit s’expliquen els quatre casos que s’analitzen en profunditat en aquesta recerca: les campanyes internacionals contra les mines antipersones, les municions de dispersió (o de fragmentació), els nens soldat i la proliferació d’armes lleugeres (transparència i control del comerç d’armes). Concretament, se’n descriu la problemàtica, s’explica l’evolució del procés internacional i dels objectius de la campanya, i s’avalua el nivell d’assoliment. Tots són casos interrelacionats, impulsats des de la Crida de l’Haia l’any 1999 (excepte el de les bombes de fragmentació, perquè la campanya pròpiament dita va començar més tard), que es poden interpretar tant de de l’òptica del desarmament com dels drets humans, i que van néixer amb l’objectiu comú d’aconseguir un nou tractat internacional.
A les conclusions, l’estudi fa una recapitulació de les dades presentades i una reflexió sobre una sèrie de preguntes que permeten aprofundir tant en l’anàlisi sincrònica (entre campanyes) com en la diacrònica (al llarg del temps). Així, es pretén aportar informació sobre com són i com funcionen aquestes campanyes. Són similars o diferents? Té això algun impacte respecte de l’objectiu que persegueixen? Quina influència real tenen en les negociacions? Què passa quan s’ha assolit l’objectiu principal, és a dir, el tractat internacional? Canvien, s’expandeixen, desapareixen? En aquest context, què vol dir èxit? És suficient la signatura d’un tractat? Fins a quin punt és important la implementació?
D’altra banda, es pretén mostrar que una coordinació més gran entre aquestes campanyes podria contribuir a un augment de la seva efectivitat. En aquest sentit, es presenten casos de bones pràctiques en què aquest tipus de cooperació ha donat fruits.
L’estudi es va redactar durant l’estiu del 2007. Per tant, aquest és el límit temporal de la recerca; és a dir, s’analitza l’evolució de les campanyes fins al setembre del 2007.
"
- What has the Arms Trade Treaty done for us?
- Is the Arms Trade Treaty a failure?
- Will the Arms Trade Treaty Stop the Next Viktor Bout?
- The relationship between the UN Programme of Action on Small Arms and the Arms Trade Treaty
- Lessons learned: How NGOs contributed to the ATT success
negotiations will take place a few months after the diplomatic conference of July 2012, which came close to achieving a consensus. Since then, the international context has changed; the stability of domestic politics in the United States, the largest producer and exporter of weapons, means we can be moderately optimistic about an agreement being reached. The biggest obstacle to be faced by supporters of the treaty will be the rules of
the game and, in particular, the need for consensus for decisions to be taken. This text includes 11 recommendations aimed at helping civil society activists increase their influence."
- Catalonia participated actively in the negotiations for the ATT. Why?
- How, specifically, have we contributed to the fact that we now have this treaty?
- Did you also have contact with the Andorran government?
- At an institutional level, what was the role of city councils and the Catalan Parliament?
- What is the relationship between the ATT campaign and previous campaigns?
- What were the demands of "There are secrets that kill"?
- Going back to the idea with which we started this conversation, do you think that there's consensus among the Catalan political parties about the foreign policy that should be implemented from here?
- What advantages could public policies for peace bring us? Will we become the Norway of southern Europe?
Armas (TCA). La nueva ronda negociadora tendrá lugar pocos meses después de la
Conferencia Diplomática de Julio 2012, cuando se estuvo muy cerca de lograr el
consenso. Desde entonces, el contexto internacional ha cambiado y la estabilidad en la
política doméstica de Estados Unidos, el principal productor y exportador mundial de
armas, permite ser moderadamente optimistas de cara a la consecución del acuerdo.
El mayor obstáculo que se encontrarán los partidarios del tratado son las reglas del
juego y, en concreto, la necesidad del consenso para la toma de decisiones. Este texto
incluye 11 recomendaciones a los activistas de la sociedad civil para incrementar su
influencia.
- On the Scientific and Ideological Nature of the Social Sciences
- How to talk about wars in the classroom
- The culture of peace in the classroom
- The construction of peace for citizenship and human rights: main
indicators
http://storieinmovimento.org/2020/09/03/cinquantaduesimo-numero/