In 2017, Chile enacted new legislation allowing access to legal abortion on three grounds, includ... more In 2017, Chile enacted new legislation allowing access to legal abortion on three grounds, including rape. This article summarizes a qualitative, exploratory study that examined the role of primary healthcare services in the treatment of rape survivors in order to identify challenges and strengths in accessing legal abortion. The relevant data was collected through 19 semi-structured interviews conducted with key informants. The angry legislative debate that preceded enactment of the 2017 abortion bill evidenced the presence of strong biases against survivors of sexual violence. At the time, abortion opponents sought, inter alia, to discredit women who report rape, arguing that such claims would be misused to secure illicit abortions. In actual fact, however, rape has turned out to be the least used of all grounds for abortion, with girls and teens making up the smallest group of seekers. This article presents our findings on rape-related issues, notably the biases and shortcomings ...
IntroductionAfter three decades of the absolute prohibition of abortion, Chile enacted Law 21,030... more IntroductionAfter three decades of the absolute prohibition of abortion, Chile enacted Law 21,030, which decriminalizes voluntary pregnancy termination when the person is at vital risk, when the embryo or fetus suffers from a congenital or genetic lethal pathology, and in pregnancy due to rape. The law incorporates conscientious objection as a broad right at the individual and institutional levels.ObjectivesThe aim of the study was to explore the exercise of conscientious objection in public health institutions, describing and analyzing its consequences and proposals to prevent it from operating as structural violence.Materials and methodsThis study uses a qualitative, post-positivist design. At the national level, according to the chain technique, people who were identified as key actors due to their direct participation in implementing the law were included. Grounded theory was used to analyze the information obtained through a semi-structured interview. The methodological rigor c...
Negli ultimi anni larichiesta di legalizzare e depenalizzare l' aborto è stata una delle lott... more Negli ultimi anni larichiesta di legalizzare e depenalizzare l' aborto è stata una delle lottecruciali dei movimenti femministi in alcuni dei paesi latinoamericani in cui lapratica è ancora vietata. Nonostante i divieti, perlo più sanzionati penalmente, e la condanna sociale e morale, l?aborto continuaad essere praticato, seppure in clandestinità, con la conseguenza di unaggravio delle disuguaglianze sociali implicite nell?accesso differenziato aprocedure sicure (Chaneton, Vacarezza, 2011).Il movimento femministain Argentina e Cile ha sviluppato varie strategie collettive che richiedono ladepenalizzazione dell aborto e la sua regolamentazione, garantendo però, inattesa delle riforme legislative necessarie, l' accesso all aborto sicuro,seppure ancora nella clandestinità. In questi processi diorganizzazione collettiva che vanno oltre la lotta per una legge, si sonoprodotti discorsi e pratiche innovative, mettendo in discussione alcunestrategie femministe tradizionali che ruota...
ABSTRACT The contribution of feminism, as a critique of social inequalities and as a complex way ... more ABSTRACT The contribution of feminism, as a critique of social inequalities and as a complex way to challenge neoliberalism and patriarchy, has been crucial in Chile – especially in the last few years. Various events have been particularly relevant: the plight of those seeking free, safe abortion; the feminist revolution of May 2018; and the performance by ‘Las Tesis’, as well as the expressions of other feminist organisations during the Chilean revolt in October 2019 (18-O). These events have been part of a key step in Chile: the process of changing Pinochet's Constitution. This process of change will have a commission with gender parity: for the first time in the world, the Constitution will be written equally by men and women. How feminist principles are incorporated in the new Magna Carta will be very important. By ‘feminist principles’ we mean, among other things, the recognition of different identities and rights – such as reproductive rights or reproductive work – that have remained historically hidden, and this denial has contributed to deepened inequalities. We will analyse this process using feminist perspectives and tools such as redistribution, which defends and favours a more just distribution of resources and wealth; recognition of different groups; and intersectionality, incorporating interconnected systems of discrimination and oppression. Another contribution in this revolutionary process is, following Butler, the invitation to consider vulnerability, not as a purely passive position that yields the site of agency to different forms of paternalism, but rather as the condition of possibility of resistance.
Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not... more Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not permit abortion under any circumstances. Although the Health Code had permitted therapeutic abortion (i.e., on health grounds) from 1931, this was repealed in 1989 as one of General Pinochet’s last acts in office. It took more than 25 years to reverse the ban. Finally, a new act was approved allowing abortion on three grounds: when a woman’s life is in danger, when there are fetal anomalies incompatible with life, and in the case of rape. Since the law allows abortion only in limited cases, most women must continue to seek illegal abortions, as previously. In this paper, we explore the historical context in which Chile’s 2017 bill was finally passed. We then analyze the legislative debate leading up to the passage of the law. Lastly, we present the results of a community-based participatory research effort carried out by an alliance between feminist and human rights organizations. Chile...
A partir de considerar las imagenes como tecnologias de genero, este articulo busca explorar las ... more A partir de considerar las imagenes como tecnologias de genero, este articulo busca explorar las campanas y representaciones visuales de activismos feministas en torno a la actual disputa por el derecho al aborto en Chile.. Analizaremos diversas iniciativas visuales y de performance del activismo feminista, lesbofeminista y de la disidencia sexual, dando cuenta de las problematizaciones y desplazamientos que desde estos sectores se ha hecho a ciertas politicas visuales y representacionales que consideramos como humanitaristas y victimizantes - tanto las contrarias al aborto como algunas de feminismos hegemonicos-. Nos interesa particularmente como han sido construidos y dislocados tres signos politicos: las mujeres como victimas, los uteros aislados y los fetos publicos.
This article examines how legal reform on abortion has been debated in Chile especially after 201... more This article examines how legal reform on abortion has been debated in Chile especially after 2012. Currently there are proposals to permit abortion underthree grounds and a bill introduced in the Senate to permit the interruption of the pregnancy prior to 12 weeks of gestation. As of yet, there is no public statement from Executive informing whether it will sponsor any of existing proposals or it will introduced its own initiative. It remains a challenge if women’s reproductive autonomy will be at the centre of the debate.
Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not... more Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not permit abortion under any circumstances. Although the Health Code had permitted therapeutic abortion (i.e., on health grounds) from 1931, this was repealed in 1989 as one of General Pinochet’s last acts in office. It took more than 25 years to reverse the ban. Finally, a new act was approved allowing abortion on three grounds: when a woman’s life is in danger, when there are fetal anomalies incompatible with life, and in the case of rape. Since the law allows abortion only in limited cases, most women must continue to seek illegal abortions, as previously. In this paper, we explore the historical context in which Chile’s 2017 bill was finally passed. We then analyze the legislative debate leading up to the passage of the law. Lastly, we present the results of a community-based participatory research effort carried out by an alliance between feminist and human rights organizations. Chile...
Capitulo 2 del Informe anual sobre derechos humanos en Chile 2013. Santiago: Universidad Diego Po... more Capitulo 2 del Informe anual sobre derechos humanos en Chile 2013. Santiago: Universidad Diego Portales, 2013
Chile allows abortion under no circumstances. Whether it's fetal anomaly incompatible with li... more Chile allows abortion under no circumstances. Whether it's fetal anomaly incompatible with life or congenital malformation resulting in little or no life expectancy, all Chilean women are expected to carry their pregnancies to term. In this context, in January 2015 the Chilean Congress began debating a bill to legalize abortion on three grounds, including fatal congenital malformation. The medical community, including midwives, has presented its views for and against, especially on how the law may affect clinical practices; in addition, women, many of whom have experienced a fatal congenital malformation diagnosis, have weighed in. This qualitative study draws on 22 semi-structured interviews with nine certified nurse-midwives, one neonatologist, nine obstetrician-gynecologists, one psychiatrist, one psychologist, and one sociologist who provide care during gestation, pregnancy, delivery, and post-delivery in the public and private sectors, plus three interviews with two women a...
In 2017, Chile enacted new legislation allowing access to legal abortion on three grounds, includ... more In 2017, Chile enacted new legislation allowing access to legal abortion on three grounds, including rape. This article summarizes a qualitative, exploratory study that examined the role of primary healthcare services in the treatment of rape survivors in order to identify challenges and strengths in accessing legal abortion. The relevant data was collected through 19 semi-structured interviews conducted with key informants. The angry legislative debate that preceded enactment of the 2017 abortion bill evidenced the presence of strong biases against survivors of sexual violence. At the time, abortion opponents sought, inter alia, to discredit women who report rape, arguing that such claims would be misused to secure illicit abortions. In actual fact, however, rape has turned out to be the least used of all grounds for abortion, with girls and teens making up the smallest group of seekers. This article presents our findings on rape- related issues, notably the biases and shortcomings of medical practitioners regarding the new abortion law. We noted with concern their failure to screen for sexual violence and propensity to stigmatize the victims, a phenomenon that becomes exacerbated when it involves particularly vulnerable populations, such as girls and women who are poor, homeless, migrant, or who abuse alcohol or drugs. We further noted that prevalent stereotypes based on the notion of the ideal victim can revictimize girls and women and work to defeat the intent of the law. In Chile, the primary healthcare system is a key point of entry for abortion. In this highly charged arena, however, lack of political will, compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic, have kept health care practitioners from undergoing timely, gender-sensitive training on the new law, a key requirement for ensuring dignified care and respect for women’s rights. We conclude that if government policy is to prevent multiple, intersectional discrimination, it must recognize the diversity of women and adapt to their specific contexts and singularities.
La pandemia del Covid-19, además de ser una crisis sanitaria, afecta distintos aspectos de nuest... more La pandemia del Covid-19, además de ser una crisis sanitaria, afecta distintos aspectos de nuestro sistema económico y social. La situación de vulneración que ya viven ciertos grupos se ve exacerbada en un contexto de crisis y son los grupos más vulnerables (considerando las variables de género, grupos racializados, edad, clase social, entre otros) los que sufren las consecuencias más dramáticas. La respuesta oportuna y efectiva desde el Estado para adoptar e implementar medidas que controlen la pandemia es de una importancia decisiva. En este artículo veremos, en primer lugar, los estados de excepción constitucional para analizar cómo han sido utilizados por el gobierno de Chile en la pandemia derivada del Covid-19. Luego analizaremos el Estado neoliberal de derecho y su incapacidad de dar respuestas adecuadas que otorguen bienestar y derechos mínimos a las personas. Defenderemos la idea de un Estado social de derecho como una alternativa para garantizar una vida digna y más justa. Por último, analizaremos la violencia de género en la pandemia y el deber del Estado de prevenir, sancionar y erradicar.
In 2017, Chile enacted new legislation allowing access to legal abortion on three grounds, includ... more In 2017, Chile enacted new legislation allowing access to legal abortion on three grounds, including rape. This article summarizes a qualitative, exploratory study that examined the role of primary healthcare services in the treatment of rape survivors in order to identify challenges and strengths in accessing legal abortion. The relevant data was collected through 19 semi-structured interviews conducted with key informants. The angry legislative debate that preceded enactment of the 2017 abortion bill evidenced the presence of strong biases against survivors of sexual violence. At the time, abortion opponents sought, inter alia, to discredit women who report rape, arguing that such claims would be misused to secure illicit abortions. In actual fact, however, rape has turned out to be the least used of all grounds for abortion, with girls and teens making up the smallest group of seekers. This article presents our findings on rape-related issues, notably the biases and shortcomings ...
IntroductionAfter three decades of the absolute prohibition of abortion, Chile enacted Law 21,030... more IntroductionAfter three decades of the absolute prohibition of abortion, Chile enacted Law 21,030, which decriminalizes voluntary pregnancy termination when the person is at vital risk, when the embryo or fetus suffers from a congenital or genetic lethal pathology, and in pregnancy due to rape. The law incorporates conscientious objection as a broad right at the individual and institutional levels.ObjectivesThe aim of the study was to explore the exercise of conscientious objection in public health institutions, describing and analyzing its consequences and proposals to prevent it from operating as structural violence.Materials and methodsThis study uses a qualitative, post-positivist design. At the national level, according to the chain technique, people who were identified as key actors due to their direct participation in implementing the law were included. Grounded theory was used to analyze the information obtained through a semi-structured interview. The methodological rigor c...
Negli ultimi anni larichiesta di legalizzare e depenalizzare l' aborto è stata una delle lott... more Negli ultimi anni larichiesta di legalizzare e depenalizzare l' aborto è stata una delle lottecruciali dei movimenti femministi in alcuni dei paesi latinoamericani in cui lapratica è ancora vietata. Nonostante i divieti, perlo più sanzionati penalmente, e la condanna sociale e morale, l?aborto continuaad essere praticato, seppure in clandestinità, con la conseguenza di unaggravio delle disuguaglianze sociali implicite nell?accesso differenziato aprocedure sicure (Chaneton, Vacarezza, 2011).Il movimento femministain Argentina e Cile ha sviluppato varie strategie collettive che richiedono ladepenalizzazione dell aborto e la sua regolamentazione, garantendo però, inattesa delle riforme legislative necessarie, l' accesso all aborto sicuro,seppure ancora nella clandestinità. In questi processi diorganizzazione collettiva che vanno oltre la lotta per una legge, si sonoprodotti discorsi e pratiche innovative, mettendo in discussione alcunestrategie femministe tradizionali che ruota...
ABSTRACT The contribution of feminism, as a critique of social inequalities and as a complex way ... more ABSTRACT The contribution of feminism, as a critique of social inequalities and as a complex way to challenge neoliberalism and patriarchy, has been crucial in Chile – especially in the last few years. Various events have been particularly relevant: the plight of those seeking free, safe abortion; the feminist revolution of May 2018; and the performance by ‘Las Tesis’, as well as the expressions of other feminist organisations during the Chilean revolt in October 2019 (18-O). These events have been part of a key step in Chile: the process of changing Pinochet's Constitution. This process of change will have a commission with gender parity: for the first time in the world, the Constitution will be written equally by men and women. How feminist principles are incorporated in the new Magna Carta will be very important. By ‘feminist principles’ we mean, among other things, the recognition of different identities and rights – such as reproductive rights or reproductive work – that have remained historically hidden, and this denial has contributed to deepened inequalities. We will analyse this process using feminist perspectives and tools such as redistribution, which defends and favours a more just distribution of resources and wealth; recognition of different groups; and intersectionality, incorporating interconnected systems of discrimination and oppression. Another contribution in this revolutionary process is, following Butler, the invitation to consider vulnerability, not as a purely passive position that yields the site of agency to different forms of paternalism, but rather as the condition of possibility of resistance.
Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not... more Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not permit abortion under any circumstances. Although the Health Code had permitted therapeutic abortion (i.e., on health grounds) from 1931, this was repealed in 1989 as one of General Pinochet’s last acts in office. It took more than 25 years to reverse the ban. Finally, a new act was approved allowing abortion on three grounds: when a woman’s life is in danger, when there are fetal anomalies incompatible with life, and in the case of rape. Since the law allows abortion only in limited cases, most women must continue to seek illegal abortions, as previously. In this paper, we explore the historical context in which Chile’s 2017 bill was finally passed. We then analyze the legislative debate leading up to the passage of the law. Lastly, we present the results of a community-based participatory research effort carried out by an alliance between feminist and human rights organizations. Chile...
A partir de considerar las imagenes como tecnologias de genero, este articulo busca explorar las ... more A partir de considerar las imagenes como tecnologias de genero, este articulo busca explorar las campanas y representaciones visuales de activismos feministas en torno a la actual disputa por el derecho al aborto en Chile.. Analizaremos diversas iniciativas visuales y de performance del activismo feminista, lesbofeminista y de la disidencia sexual, dando cuenta de las problematizaciones y desplazamientos que desde estos sectores se ha hecho a ciertas politicas visuales y representacionales que consideramos como humanitaristas y victimizantes - tanto las contrarias al aborto como algunas de feminismos hegemonicos-. Nos interesa particularmente como han sido construidos y dislocados tres signos politicos: las mujeres como victimas, los uteros aislados y los fetos publicos.
This article examines how legal reform on abortion has been debated in Chile especially after 201... more This article examines how legal reform on abortion has been debated in Chile especially after 2012. Currently there are proposals to permit abortion underthree grounds and a bill introduced in the Senate to permit the interruption of the pregnancy prior to 12 weeks of gestation. As of yet, there is no public statement from Executive informing whether it will sponsor any of existing proposals or it will introduced its own initiative. It remains a challenge if women’s reproductive autonomy will be at the centre of the debate.
Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not... more Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not permit abortion under any circumstances. Although the Health Code had permitted therapeutic abortion (i.e., on health grounds) from 1931, this was repealed in 1989 as one of General Pinochet’s last acts in office. It took more than 25 years to reverse the ban. Finally, a new act was approved allowing abortion on three grounds: when a woman’s life is in danger, when there are fetal anomalies incompatible with life, and in the case of rape. Since the law allows abortion only in limited cases, most women must continue to seek illegal abortions, as previously. In this paper, we explore the historical context in which Chile’s 2017 bill was finally passed. We then analyze the legislative debate leading up to the passage of the law. Lastly, we present the results of a community-based participatory research effort carried out by an alliance between feminist and human rights organizations. Chile...
Capitulo 2 del Informe anual sobre derechos humanos en Chile 2013. Santiago: Universidad Diego Po... more Capitulo 2 del Informe anual sobre derechos humanos en Chile 2013. Santiago: Universidad Diego Portales, 2013
Chile allows abortion under no circumstances. Whether it's fetal anomaly incompatible with li... more Chile allows abortion under no circumstances. Whether it's fetal anomaly incompatible with life or congenital malformation resulting in little or no life expectancy, all Chilean women are expected to carry their pregnancies to term. In this context, in January 2015 the Chilean Congress began debating a bill to legalize abortion on three grounds, including fatal congenital malformation. The medical community, including midwives, has presented its views for and against, especially on how the law may affect clinical practices; in addition, women, many of whom have experienced a fatal congenital malformation diagnosis, have weighed in. This qualitative study draws on 22 semi-structured interviews with nine certified nurse-midwives, one neonatologist, nine obstetrician-gynecologists, one psychiatrist, one psychologist, and one sociologist who provide care during gestation, pregnancy, delivery, and post-delivery in the public and private sectors, plus three interviews with two women a...
In 2017, Chile enacted new legislation allowing access to legal abortion on three grounds, includ... more In 2017, Chile enacted new legislation allowing access to legal abortion on three grounds, including rape. This article summarizes a qualitative, exploratory study that examined the role of primary healthcare services in the treatment of rape survivors in order to identify challenges and strengths in accessing legal abortion. The relevant data was collected through 19 semi-structured interviews conducted with key informants. The angry legislative debate that preceded enactment of the 2017 abortion bill evidenced the presence of strong biases against survivors of sexual violence. At the time, abortion opponents sought, inter alia, to discredit women who report rape, arguing that such claims would be misused to secure illicit abortions. In actual fact, however, rape has turned out to be the least used of all grounds for abortion, with girls and teens making up the smallest group of seekers. This article presents our findings on rape- related issues, notably the biases and shortcomings of medical practitioners regarding the new abortion law. We noted with concern their failure to screen for sexual violence and propensity to stigmatize the victims, a phenomenon that becomes exacerbated when it involves particularly vulnerable populations, such as girls and women who are poor, homeless, migrant, or who abuse alcohol or drugs. We further noted that prevalent stereotypes based on the notion of the ideal victim can revictimize girls and women and work to defeat the intent of the law. In Chile, the primary healthcare system is a key point of entry for abortion. In this highly charged arena, however, lack of political will, compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic, have kept health care practitioners from undergoing timely, gender-sensitive training on the new law, a key requirement for ensuring dignified care and respect for women’s rights. We conclude that if government policy is to prevent multiple, intersectional discrimination, it must recognize the diversity of women and adapt to their specific contexts and singularities.
La pandemia del Covid-19, además de ser una crisis sanitaria, afecta distintos aspectos de nuest... more La pandemia del Covid-19, además de ser una crisis sanitaria, afecta distintos aspectos de nuestro sistema económico y social. La situación de vulneración que ya viven ciertos grupos se ve exacerbada en un contexto de crisis y son los grupos más vulnerables (considerando las variables de género, grupos racializados, edad, clase social, entre otros) los que sufren las consecuencias más dramáticas. La respuesta oportuna y efectiva desde el Estado para adoptar e implementar medidas que controlen la pandemia es de una importancia decisiva. En este artículo veremos, en primer lugar, los estados de excepción constitucional para analizar cómo han sido utilizados por el gobierno de Chile en la pandemia derivada del Covid-19. Luego analizaremos el Estado neoliberal de derecho y su incapacidad de dar respuestas adecuadas que otorguen bienestar y derechos mínimos a las personas. Defenderemos la idea de un Estado social de derecho como una alternativa para garantizar una vida digna y más justa. Por último, analizaremos la violencia de género en la pandemia y el deber del Estado de prevenir, sancionar y erradicar.
Como veremos en este artículo, varios son los problemas y límites de la Constitución, entre ellos... more Como veremos en este artículo, varios son los problemas y límites de la Constitución, entre ellos el establecimiento de un modelo individualista que resguarda y protege libertades pero no derechos, y que ha impedido que podamos garantizar una vida digna para el pueblo de Chile. Además, es una Constitución en que se refuerzan roles determinados y se discrimina a las mujeres y personas LGTBIQ+, tanto de forma directa como indirecta. Pensar una nueva Constitución entonces, desde una perspectiva feminista, es un desafío clave.
Pléyade. Revista de humanidades y ciencias sociales, 2018
Judith Butler, Zeynep Gambetti y Leticia Sabsay, eds. Vulnerability in Resistance. Durham NC: Duk... more Judith Butler, Zeynep Gambetti y Leticia Sabsay, eds. Vulnerability in Resistance. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 2016. 352 pp. ISBN 9780822362906
Dai nostri corpi sotto attacco: Aborto e politica - Ediesse, 2019
Negli ultimi anni la richiesta di legalizzare e depenalizzare l'a-borto è stata una delle lotte c... more Negli ultimi anni la richiesta di legalizzare e depenalizzare l'a-borto è stata una delle lotte cruciali dei movimenti femministi in alcuni dei paesi latinoamericani in cui la pratica è ancora vietata. Nonostante i divieti, per lo più sanzionati penalmente, e la condanna sociale e morale, l'aborto continua ad essere praticato, seppure in clandestinità, con la conseguenza di un aggravio delle disuguaglianze sociali implicite nell'accesso differenziato a procedure sicure (Chaneton, Vacarezza, 2011). Il movimento femminista in Argentina e Cile ha sviluppato va-rie strategie collettive che richiedono la depenalizzazione dell'a-borto e la sua regolamentazione, garantendo però, in attesa delle riforme legislative necessarie, l'accesso all'aborto sicuro, seppure ancora nella clandestinità. In questi processi di organizzazione collettiva che vanno oltre la lotta per una legge, si sono prodotti discorsi e pratiche innovative, mettendo in discussione alcune strategie femministe tradizionali che ruotano per lo più intorno ai temi dell'autonomia delle scelte sul proprio corpo, con una prospettiva limitata rispetto alla complessità delle questioni poste dall'aborto con riguardo all'autonomia e alla politica delle emozioni.
Red de Estudios para la Profundización Democrática, 2020
La pandemia del coronavirus, además de ser una crisis sanitaria, pone en evidencia la crisis de n... more La pandemia del coronavirus, además de ser una crisis sanitaria, pone en evidencia la crisis de nuestro sistema económico y social, una crisis que ya venía planteándose fuertemente desde las masivas movilizaciones del 18 de octubre pasado en Chile. En un contexto como el actual, asimismo, la situación de vulneración que viven ciertos grupos se ve exacerbada, siendo los grupos más vulnerables quienes sufren las consecuencias mayores. Por ello, desde el Programa de Género, Derecho y Justicia Social de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad Alberto Hurtado, y con el apoyo de la decana Miriam Henríquez, nos pareció muy importante generar un espacio para discutir, con un enfoque interdisciplinario e interseccional, las consecuencias específicas de la pandemia en mujeres, disidencia sexual y niños, niñas y adolescentes. En este breve artículo se analizarán variados aspectos que fueron discutidos en las sesiones: la primera dedicada a violencia, la segunda a trabajo y crisis de los cuidados y la tercera a la salud. Si bien son temas muy diversos, todos se relacionan con la profundización de desigualdades ya existentes, que se acentúan según la clase, edad, género o/y raza de determinados grupos o personas.
LSE Department of Gender Studies and Engenderings , 2019
In this post I will discuss the anti-gender phenomenon in Chile, which has commonalities but also... more In this post I will discuss the anti-gender phenomenon in Chile, which has commonalities but also particularities with other countries of Latin America and also Europe. Specifically, I will explore the ways in which the attack toward ‘gender ideology’ have impacted upon the abortion debate and the implementation of the legislation in Chile, discussing some of the challenges feminist activists are facing today with regards the monitoring of the law and the fight for free abortion. En este artículo discutiré el fenómeno anti-género en Chile, el cual tiene similitudes y ciertas particularidades que lo diferencian de cómo se ha ido desarrollando en otros países latinoamericanos y europeos. Específicamente, exploraré las formas en que los ataques contra la denominada ‘ideología de género’ han influido sobre el debate y la implementación de la ley de aborto en Chile, discutiendo algunos de los desafíos que enfrentan lxs activistas feministas en la actualidad en relación al monitoreo de la ley y la lucha por el aborto libre.
The contribution of feminism, as a critique of social inequalities and as a complex way to challe... more The contribution of feminism, as a critique of social inequalities and as a complex way to challenge neoliberalism and patriarchy, has been crucial in Chile – especially in the last few years. Various events have been particularly relevant: the plight of those seeking free, safe abortion; the feminist revolution of May 2018; and the performance by ‘Las Tesis’, as well as the expressions of other feminist organisations during the Chilean revolt in October 2019 (18-O). These events have been part of a key step in Chile: the process of changing Pinochet's Constitution.
This process of change will have a commission with gender parity: for the first time in the world, the Constitution will be written equally by men and women. How feminist principles are incorporated in the new Magna Carta will be very important. By ‘feminist principles’ we mean, among other things, the recognition of different identities and rights – such as reproductive rights or reproductive work – that have remained historically hidden, and this denial has contributed to deepened inequalities. We will analyse this process using feminist perspectives and tools such as redistribution, which defends and favours a more just distribution of resources and wealth; recognition of different groups; and intersectionality, incorporating interconnected systems of discrimination and oppression. Another contribution in this revolutionary process is, following Butler, the invitation to consider vulnerability, not as a purely passive position that yields the site of agency to different forms of paternalism, but rather as the condition of possibility of resistance.
The recent appointment of the new Minister of Women and Gender Equality, Macarena Santelices, by ... more The recent appointment of the new Minister of Women and Gender Equality, Macarena Santelices, by President Sebastián Piñera is very worrying and this has been expressed not only by feminist organizations but also by politicians and activists from different sectors. After 54 days without an incumbent minister due to the resignation of the previous minister, Isabel Plá, this appointment was made generating an immediate response from civil society through the hashtag “we have no minister”, which became viral in Chile due to its lack of representation and the dangers it represents.
Los cuidados son imprescindibles. Todas las personas, en algún momento de nuestras vidas, hemos n... more Los cuidados son imprescindibles. Todas las personas, en algún momento de nuestras vidas, hemos necesitado, y volveremos a necesitar, ser cuidados; hemos dado y daremos cuidados a otra persona. Los cuidados son necesarios para la sostenibilidad de la vida, el bienestar de las personas y el desarrollo del país. Sin embargo, aun cuando benefician a toda la sociedad, actualmente sus costos son responsabilidad principal de las mujeres y sobrecargan excesivamente a las familias.
Uploads
Papers by Lieta Vivaldi
En este artículo veremos, en primer lugar, los estados de excepción constitucional para analizar cómo han sido utilizados por el gobierno de Chile en la pandemia derivada del Covid-19. Luego analizaremos el Estado neoliberal de derecho y su incapacidad de dar respuestas adecuadas que otorguen bienestar y derechos mínimos a las personas. Defenderemos la idea de un Estado social de derecho como una alternativa para garantizar una vida digna y más justa. Por último, analizaremos la violencia de género en la pandemia y el deber del Estado de prevenir, sancionar y erradicar.
En este artículo veremos, en primer lugar, los estados de excepción constitucional para analizar cómo han sido utilizados por el gobierno de Chile en la pandemia derivada del Covid-19. Luego analizaremos el Estado neoliberal de derecho y su incapacidad de dar respuestas adecuadas que otorguen bienestar y derechos mínimos a las personas. Defenderemos la idea de un Estado social de derecho como una alternativa para garantizar una vida digna y más justa. Por último, analizaremos la violencia de género en la pandemia y el deber del Estado de prevenir, sancionar y erradicar.
En este artículo discutiré el fenómeno anti-género en Chile, el cual tiene similitudes y ciertas particularidades que lo diferencian de cómo se ha ido desarrollando en otros países latinoamericanos y europeos. Específicamente, exploraré las formas en que los ataques contra la denominada ‘ideología de género’ han influido sobre el debate y la implementación de la ley de aborto en Chile, discutiendo algunos de los desafíos que enfrentan lxs activistas feministas en la actualidad en relación al monitoreo de la ley y la lucha por el aborto libre.
This process of change will have a commission with gender parity: for the first time in the world, the Constitution will be written equally by men and women. How feminist principles are incorporated in the new Magna Carta will be very important. By ‘feminist principles’ we mean, among other things, the recognition of different identities and rights – such as reproductive rights or reproductive work – that have remained historically hidden, and this denial has contributed to deepened inequalities. We will analyse this process using feminist perspectives and tools such as redistribution, which defends and favours a more just distribution of resources and wealth; recognition of different groups; and intersectionality, incorporating interconnected systems of discrimination and oppression. Another contribution in this revolutionary process is, following Butler, the invitation to consider vulnerability, not as a purely passive position that yields the site of agency to different forms of paternalism, but rather as the condition of possibility of resistance.