In recent years there has been increased participation amongst British Columbia’s Aboriginals in ... more In recent years there has been increased participation amongst British Columbia’s Aboriginals in the management of forests (and other natural resources). An advance toward Aboriginal self-determination in British Columbia was achieved with the signing of the Nisga’a Treaty in 1998 by the Nisga’a, the Federal Government, and the Provincial Government. Similar agreements have started to come to fruition through the B.C. Treaty Process. Interim measures agreements will continue to be signed while treaties are being negotiated. There will also be increased Aboriginal participation in resource management and self-government through alternative processes in both British Columbia, as well as in other jurisdictions in Canada. The objective of the book is to provide the reader with an opportunity to learn more about Aboriginal issues relating to politics, culture, forest resource use, and land ethics – so that they may will have a better understanding of the challenges and opportunities that will arise in the coming years from increased Aboriginal self-government, and increased Aboriginal land management. These events mean that professionals – in the private sector, public sector, or not for profit sector – working in forestry and conservation will need to understand the context of Aboriginal participation in resource management.
Oxford Encyclopedia of Climate Change Communication, 2017
The immense geographical and cultural breadth of Canada includes a significant Arctic region and ... more The immense geographical and cultural breadth of Canada includes a significant Arctic region and many distinct indigenous and rurally located peoples who are profoundly affected by climate change. However, most of Canada’s population is located in the urban south, in major cities. While Canadian media coverage of climate change has been more than the global average, it has generally tended to focus on policymaking at the national level, with a secondary focus on energy and economics. Unlike its close neighbor, the United States, Canada has had consistently positive public attitudes and media coverage toward climate change, but this hasn’t necessarily translated to policy or action. Canada’s steadily increasing greenhouse gas emissions are among the highest per capita in the world.
Canada is the home base for highly visible environmental organizations like Greenpeace and the David Suzuki Foundation, which have successfully framed and mobilized on many issues, including climate change. Canada’s resource-based economy includes the controversial oil sands in the western province of Alberta. Scholars note that media coverage of both the oil sands and the proposed and existing pipelines through British Columbia to tidewater are complex because of the way that oil interests have been represented by think tanks and aligned politicians, and, in some regions, because of lingering skepticism and doubts about the ability of political institutions to address climate change. Regional differences on all these points matter immensely, as does framing by environmental groups, indigenous groups, media, and industry proponents.
A further complication for Canadian media coverage relates to both the Arctic and indigenous peoples. The Arctic has not been central to Canadian coverage of climate change, nor have the climate justice issues associated with the disproportionate impacts that this region will experience. Most of the Canadian north is inhabited by indigenous peoples, who have been the primary representatives of climate justice and human rights as frames for media coverage. However, Canadian media has usually either not represented or misrepresented indigenous peoples. Emerging self-representation through Internet-based media provides some hopeful alternatives. In general, taking into account the vast structural changes that are sweeping Canadian media is a key area that new scholarship should attend to, particularly given that most scholarship to date on climate change and media in Canada has focused on national newspapers.
Résumé/Abstract I review and discuss the articles in this issue by Henry A. Walker, by David G. W... more Résumé/Abstract I review and discuss the articles in this issue by Henry A. Walker, by David G. Wagner, and by Joanna Heidtman et al. There are three main themes that appear in all three papers; these flow from the shared commitment among these authors to understanding and promoting scientific theory construction within sociology, and to dispelling some common misconceptions about scientific sociological theory, The common themes that run through the three papers can be put in the form of questions:(1) What is a theory?(2) How ...
We examine climate change news coverage from 1997 to 2010 in two Canadian national newspapers: th... more We examine climate change news coverage from 1997 to 2010 in two Canadian national newspapers: the Globe and Mail and the National Post. The following questions guide our analysis: Why did the volume of climate change coverage rise and fall during the period? Focusing on the key period of 2007–2008, what kinds of issue categories, thematic frames, and rhetorical frames dominate the news discourse? Canadian news coverage of climate change is characterized by a series of peaks and troughs, combined with an overall increase in coverage. The volume of coverage appears to be primarily driven by national and international political events, more than by changes to national or global carbon emissions, or by other ecological factors. The Canadian news discourse about climate change is dominated by themes of government responsibility, policymaking, policy measures for mitigation, and ways to mitigate climate change.
Links between national news outlets (Globe and Mail and National Post) and climate-change discour... more Links between national news outlets (Globe and Mail and National Post) and climate-change discourse are examined in order better to understand the cultural politics of Canadian involvement in climate governance. National news media use a narrow range of issue categories to interpret climate change to the public. Both news outlets also privilege national and international political spheres, with less attention to climate governance at the sub-national level. However, there are important differences between them. The Globe and Mail tends to focus on government responsibility, while the National Post tends to focus on climate science and the economic costs of addressing climate change. Four key periods (1999, 2002, 2006, and 2010) are examined in order to trace shifts in climate-change discourse. There has been a shift towards greater issue complexity over time, coupled with a growing polarisation of climate discourse across the two national news outlets.
The authors examine environmentalists’ attribution of responsibility for addressing climate chang... more The authors examine environmentalists’ attribution of responsibility for addressing climate change and their beliefs about solutions to this problem. Their analysis is based on responses to open-ended questions completed by 1,227 members of nine different environmental organizations. For these environmental movement participants, the federal government is seen as most responsible for addressing climate change. Government leadership is necessary because it has the
power to set regulations and lead corporations and citizens toward pro-environmental behavior. However, a substantial number of participants also assert that “individuals are the driving
force” in dealing with climate change. In this framework, individuals can take responsibility either through making lifestyle changes, or through applying pressure to government and businesses as citizens and consumers. Corporations are interpreted as unwilling to change on their own but must be coerced into becoming more environmentally sustainable by a strong state.
Abstract 1. 93 undergraduates simulated a" commons dilemma"(a s... more Abstract 1. 93 undergraduates simulated a" commons dilemma"(a social dilemma in which individuals must decide how much of a shared resource they should take for themselves) by playing a fishing game for money in groups of 3. After each fishing trial, Ss were asked for their perceptions of their own and of the other players' behavior. Generally, they considered both themselves and others to be quite cooperative, when in fact they were not cooperative. This finding could account for the sometimes low correspondence between environmental ...
In this article, findings from a study of a forestry curriculum are used to identify current gaps... more In this article, findings from a study of a forestry curriculum are used to identify current gaps and potential avenues of pedagogical contributions pertaining to social science content. In setting a context for this analysis a brief review of the potential contributions of social science to forestry, and a description of current social science research on forestry in BC and the surrounding region is provided. Survey results from: 1) stakeholders in forestry, 2) forestry undergraduate students, and 3) forestry faculty all point to the need for incorporating more ...
Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie, 2008
Dynamics of Contention-written by three of the leading scholars of social movements and “contenti... more Dynamics of Contention-written by three of the leading scholars of social movements and “contentious politics”-is undoubtedly the most ambitious, and arguably the most important, book on social movements (and related phenomena) written in the past two decades.'The book provided the unifying theme for a recent workshop sponsored by the Collective Behavior and Social Movements section of the American Sociological Association (which included a paper by David Snow that provided a insightfully critical examination of the ...
In recent years there has been increased participation amongst British Columbia’s Aboriginals in ... more In recent years there has been increased participation amongst British Columbia’s Aboriginals in the management of forests (and other natural resources). An advance toward Aboriginal self-determination in British Columbia was achieved with the signing of the Nisga’a Treaty in 1998 by the Nisga’a, the Federal Government, and the Provincial Government. Similar agreements have started to come to fruition through the B.C. Treaty Process. Interim measures agreements will continue to be signed while treaties are being negotiated. There will also be increased Aboriginal participation in resource management and self-government through alternative processes in both British Columbia, as well as in other jurisdictions in Canada. The objective of the book is to provide the reader with an opportunity to learn more about Aboriginal issues relating to politics, culture, forest resource use, and land ethics – so that they may will have a better understanding of the challenges and opportunities that will arise in the coming years from increased Aboriginal self-government, and increased Aboriginal land management. These events mean that professionals – in the private sector, public sector, or not for profit sector – working in forestry and conservation will need to understand the context of Aboriginal participation in resource management.
Oxford Encyclopedia of Climate Change Communication, 2017
The immense geographical and cultural breadth of Canada includes a significant Arctic region and ... more The immense geographical and cultural breadth of Canada includes a significant Arctic region and many distinct indigenous and rurally located peoples who are profoundly affected by climate change. However, most of Canada’s population is located in the urban south, in major cities. While Canadian media coverage of climate change has been more than the global average, it has generally tended to focus on policymaking at the national level, with a secondary focus on energy and economics. Unlike its close neighbor, the United States, Canada has had consistently positive public attitudes and media coverage toward climate change, but this hasn’t necessarily translated to policy or action. Canada’s steadily increasing greenhouse gas emissions are among the highest per capita in the world.
Canada is the home base for highly visible environmental organizations like Greenpeace and the David Suzuki Foundation, which have successfully framed and mobilized on many issues, including climate change. Canada’s resource-based economy includes the controversial oil sands in the western province of Alberta. Scholars note that media coverage of both the oil sands and the proposed and existing pipelines through British Columbia to tidewater are complex because of the way that oil interests have been represented by think tanks and aligned politicians, and, in some regions, because of lingering skepticism and doubts about the ability of political institutions to address climate change. Regional differences on all these points matter immensely, as does framing by environmental groups, indigenous groups, media, and industry proponents.
A further complication for Canadian media coverage relates to both the Arctic and indigenous peoples. The Arctic has not been central to Canadian coverage of climate change, nor have the climate justice issues associated with the disproportionate impacts that this region will experience. Most of the Canadian north is inhabited by indigenous peoples, who have been the primary representatives of climate justice and human rights as frames for media coverage. However, Canadian media has usually either not represented or misrepresented indigenous peoples. Emerging self-representation through Internet-based media provides some hopeful alternatives. In general, taking into account the vast structural changes that are sweeping Canadian media is a key area that new scholarship should attend to, particularly given that most scholarship to date on climate change and media in Canada has focused on national newspapers.
Résumé/Abstract I review and discuss the articles in this issue by Henry A. Walker, by David G. W... more Résumé/Abstract I review and discuss the articles in this issue by Henry A. Walker, by David G. Wagner, and by Joanna Heidtman et al. There are three main themes that appear in all three papers; these flow from the shared commitment among these authors to understanding and promoting scientific theory construction within sociology, and to dispelling some common misconceptions about scientific sociological theory, The common themes that run through the three papers can be put in the form of questions:(1) What is a theory?(2) How ...
We examine climate change news coverage from 1997 to 2010 in two Canadian national newspapers: th... more We examine climate change news coverage from 1997 to 2010 in two Canadian national newspapers: the Globe and Mail and the National Post. The following questions guide our analysis: Why did the volume of climate change coverage rise and fall during the period? Focusing on the key period of 2007–2008, what kinds of issue categories, thematic frames, and rhetorical frames dominate the news discourse? Canadian news coverage of climate change is characterized by a series of peaks and troughs, combined with an overall increase in coverage. The volume of coverage appears to be primarily driven by national and international political events, more than by changes to national or global carbon emissions, or by other ecological factors. The Canadian news discourse about climate change is dominated by themes of government responsibility, policymaking, policy measures for mitigation, and ways to mitigate climate change.
Links between national news outlets (Globe and Mail and National Post) and climate-change discour... more Links between national news outlets (Globe and Mail and National Post) and climate-change discourse are examined in order better to understand the cultural politics of Canadian involvement in climate governance. National news media use a narrow range of issue categories to interpret climate change to the public. Both news outlets also privilege national and international political spheres, with less attention to climate governance at the sub-national level. However, there are important differences between them. The Globe and Mail tends to focus on government responsibility, while the National Post tends to focus on climate science and the economic costs of addressing climate change. Four key periods (1999, 2002, 2006, and 2010) are examined in order to trace shifts in climate-change discourse. There has been a shift towards greater issue complexity over time, coupled with a growing polarisation of climate discourse across the two national news outlets.
The authors examine environmentalists’ attribution of responsibility for addressing climate chang... more The authors examine environmentalists’ attribution of responsibility for addressing climate change and their beliefs about solutions to this problem. Their analysis is based on responses to open-ended questions completed by 1,227 members of nine different environmental organizations. For these environmental movement participants, the federal government is seen as most responsible for addressing climate change. Government leadership is necessary because it has the
power to set regulations and lead corporations and citizens toward pro-environmental behavior. However, a substantial number of participants also assert that “individuals are the driving
force” in dealing with climate change. In this framework, individuals can take responsibility either through making lifestyle changes, or through applying pressure to government and businesses as citizens and consumers. Corporations are interpreted as unwilling to change on their own but must be coerced into becoming more environmentally sustainable by a strong state.
Abstract 1. 93 undergraduates simulated a" commons dilemma"(a s... more Abstract 1. 93 undergraduates simulated a" commons dilemma"(a social dilemma in which individuals must decide how much of a shared resource they should take for themselves) by playing a fishing game for money in groups of 3. After each fishing trial, Ss were asked for their perceptions of their own and of the other players' behavior. Generally, they considered both themselves and others to be quite cooperative, when in fact they were not cooperative. This finding could account for the sometimes low correspondence between environmental ...
In this article, findings from a study of a forestry curriculum are used to identify current gaps... more In this article, findings from a study of a forestry curriculum are used to identify current gaps and potential avenues of pedagogical contributions pertaining to social science content. In setting a context for this analysis a brief review of the potential contributions of social science to forestry, and a description of current social science research on forestry in BC and the surrounding region is provided. Survey results from: 1) stakeholders in forestry, 2) forestry undergraduate students, and 3) forestry faculty all point to the need for incorporating more ...
Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie, 2008
Dynamics of Contention-written by three of the leading scholars of social movements and “contenti... more Dynamics of Contention-written by three of the leading scholars of social movements and “contentious politics”-is undoubtedly the most ambitious, and arguably the most important, book on social movements (and related phenomena) written in the past two decades.'The book provided the unifying theme for a recent workshop sponsored by the Collective Behavior and Social Movements section of the American Sociological Association (which included a paper by David Snow that provided a insightfully critical examination of the ...
A World to Win: Contemporary Social Movements & Counter-Hegemony, 2016
Our analysis focuses on Canadian news coverage of environmental movements in climate policy debat... more Our analysis focuses on Canadian news coverage of environmental movements in climate policy debate during the period of the Copenhagen meetings. A key thread in social movements scholarship focuses on activistsʹ work to access mass media in order to reach the public, mobilize potential supporters, and engage governments and other opponents in public debate. Another thread in social movements scholarship focuses on the increasingly trans-national character of social movements. We weave these two threads together to examine how environmental movements used the Copenhagen COP meetings as a critical event to target the Canadian government. We analyze national news coverage of climate change from the Globe and Mail and the National Post from the period leading up to and following the Copenhagen COP meetings (June 2009-June 2010). We focus on these outlets because they are the two Canadian daily newspapers that have large-scale national distribution as well as online editions. Specifically, we ask: How did environmental groups use the Copenhagen meetings as a critical event to leverage their entry into national news media as a public space for targeting the Canadian government for its poor environmental performance? Did national news media work as a space for environmental critique during the Copenhagen meetings, or did they instead work primarily to legitimize Canadian fossil fuel interests to Canadian bystander publics? By answering these questions, we gain insight into how environmental movements may more effectively take advantage of international meetings and moments of protest as critical events that can provide increased media visibility.
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Canada is the home base for highly visible environmental organizations like Greenpeace and the David Suzuki Foundation, which have successfully framed and mobilized on many issues, including climate change. Canada’s resource-based economy includes the controversial oil sands in the western province of Alberta. Scholars note that media coverage of both the oil sands and the proposed and existing pipelines through British Columbia to tidewater are complex because of the way that oil interests have been represented by think tanks and aligned politicians, and, in some regions, because of lingering skepticism and doubts about the ability of political institutions to address climate change. Regional differences on all these points matter immensely, as does framing by environmental groups, indigenous groups, media, and industry proponents.
A further complication for Canadian media coverage relates to both the Arctic and indigenous peoples. The Arctic has not been central to Canadian coverage of climate change, nor have the climate justice issues associated with the disproportionate impacts that this region will experience. Most of the Canadian north is inhabited by indigenous peoples, who have been the primary representatives of climate justice and human rights as frames for media coverage. However, Canadian media has usually either not represented or misrepresented indigenous peoples. Emerging self-representation through Internet-based media provides some hopeful alternatives. In general, taking into account the vast structural changes that are sweeping Canadian media is a key area that new scholarship should attend to, particularly given that most scholarship to date on climate change and media in Canada has focused on national newspapers.
power to set regulations and lead corporations and citizens toward pro-environmental behavior. However, a substantial number of participants also assert that “individuals are the driving
force” in dealing with climate change. In this framework, individuals can take responsibility either through making lifestyle changes, or through applying pressure to government and businesses as citizens and consumers. Corporations are interpreted as unwilling to change on their own but must be coerced into becoming more environmentally sustainable by a strong state.
Canada is the home base for highly visible environmental organizations like Greenpeace and the David Suzuki Foundation, which have successfully framed and mobilized on many issues, including climate change. Canada’s resource-based economy includes the controversial oil sands in the western province of Alberta. Scholars note that media coverage of both the oil sands and the proposed and existing pipelines through British Columbia to tidewater are complex because of the way that oil interests have been represented by think tanks and aligned politicians, and, in some regions, because of lingering skepticism and doubts about the ability of political institutions to address climate change. Regional differences on all these points matter immensely, as does framing by environmental groups, indigenous groups, media, and industry proponents.
A further complication for Canadian media coverage relates to both the Arctic and indigenous peoples. The Arctic has not been central to Canadian coverage of climate change, nor have the climate justice issues associated with the disproportionate impacts that this region will experience. Most of the Canadian north is inhabited by indigenous peoples, who have been the primary representatives of climate justice and human rights as frames for media coverage. However, Canadian media has usually either not represented or misrepresented indigenous peoples. Emerging self-representation through Internet-based media provides some hopeful alternatives. In general, taking into account the vast structural changes that are sweeping Canadian media is a key area that new scholarship should attend to, particularly given that most scholarship to date on climate change and media in Canada has focused on national newspapers.
power to set regulations and lead corporations and citizens toward pro-environmental behavior. However, a substantial number of participants also assert that “individuals are the driving
force” in dealing with climate change. In this framework, individuals can take responsibility either through making lifestyle changes, or through applying pressure to government and businesses as citizens and consumers. Corporations are interpreted as unwilling to change on their own but must be coerced into becoming more environmentally sustainable by a strong state.