Thesis Chapters by Fatemeh Sadeghi
Klaus Schwartz Verlag, 2018
Books by Fatemeh Sadeghi
Gender, Nationalism, and Modernity in the First Pahlavi Iran, 2005
جنسیت در آراء اخلاقی: از سه قرن پیش از اسلام تا قرن چهارم هجری, 2013
Papers by Fatemeh Sadeghi
Social Sciences, 2024
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Open AccessArticle
“Our House Was a Small Islamic Republ... more first_pagesettingsOrder Article Reprints
Open AccessArticle
“Our House Was a Small Islamic Republic”: Social Policing and Resilient Resistance in Contemporary Iran
by Alireza Delpazir 1,* andFatemeh Sadeghi 2ORCID
1
Institute of Education, University College London, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1H 0AL, UK
2
Institute for Global Prosperity, University College London, 149 Tottenham Ct Rd, London W1T 7NE, UK
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Soc. Sci. 2024, 13(8), 382; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13080382
Submission received: 1 May 2024 / Revised: 18 July 2024 / Accepted: 19 July 2024 / Published: 23 July 2024
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Feminist Solidarity, Resistance, and Social Justice)
Downloadkeyboard_arrow_down Review Reports Versions Notes
Abstract
In this article, we address a question that has been frequently asked: Why is the Iranian government unable to defeat the struggle by women against the compulsory hijab? What distinguishes women’s resistance from other forms of freedom and justice movements? We address these questions by highlighting women’s “resilient resistance” within the family domain as both flexible and sustainable. The article examines how the domestication of politics and the politicization of family have interconnected dynamics in Iran, as illustrated by the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement. It shows how women have shifted the Iranian family from a collaborator of oppressive patriarchal power to a more egalitarian structure to accommodate their protests against the compulsory hijab. As the catalysts for this change, they succeeded in discrediting the Islamic Republic’s moral discourse based on the compulsory hijab as a manifestation of modesty for women. They also validated their own morality based on personal choice. Using ethnographic fieldwork, including participatory observation and in-depth interviews with movement participants, this paper shows how women’s invisible yet significant resistance within the family has transformed this institution and profoundly affected the broader political landscape of Iran. It examines a unique case where social transformation drives larger political change.
Journal of Middle East Women Studies, 2023
Setareh Shohadaei In the early days of an unexpected opening in Iranian politics: a courageous wo... more Setareh Shohadaei In the early days of an unexpected opening in Iranian politics: a courageous women-led movement sparked by the death of a young Kurdish Iranian woman, Jina (Mahsa) Amini, under police custody, who was detained for "improper" hijab. The principal chant of the protests, the Kurdish Jin, Jiyan, Azadi, translated as "Woman, Life, Freedom," signed Jina's name into a national turning point. Her name, as Jina's mother wailed at her grave, was designated as a "code" carrying plural meanings: women's resistance to multiple and intersecting layers of discrimination, the fight against the oppression of ethnic minorities, the struggle for economic justice, and the uncompromisable demand for an antiauthoritarian politics. In the year since that day of mourning, the force of this chant has located the discourse of woman as the defining issue of the scene of Iranian politics. While previous feminist uprisings in postrevolutionary Iranian history-from the protests against compulsory hijab imposed after the 1979 revolution to the one-million-signature campaign for legal equality between women and men in 2006 and to the Girls of the Revolution Street in opposition to the hijab in 2018-were all characterized by a firm focus on women's rights, the Jina uprising marks a women's movement that is no longer about one demand among others but lays claim to the foundational question of all aspects of a livable life for everyone. This essay, written by Fatemeh Sadeghi (2022), a prominent Iranian political theorist and gender studies scholar, first appeared in Naghd-e Eghtesad-e Siyasi (The Critique of Political Economy), a vibrant leftist publication in Iran.
Manchester Journal of Transnational Islamic Law and Practice, 2023
Politics, Religion & Ideology
Politics, Religion and Ideology, 2023
Sharia Law in the Twenty-First Century, Mar 25, 2022
The sovereign represents history. He holds historical happenings in his hand like a scepter. This... more The sovereign represents history. He holds historical happenings in his hand like a scepter. This conception is something entirely other than a privilege of the men of the theater. It is based on ideas about constitutional or state law.
Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 2019
Latest Published Article: Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies,Vol 42 No.3 - SPRING ... more Latest Published Article: Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies,Vol 42 No.3 - SPRING 2019 Gender Equality and Empowerment in Iran: A Comparison between Ahmadinejad’s and Rouhani’s Governments Jalil Roshandel Fatemeh Sadeghi Shima Tadrisi https://lnkd.in/ea3wQRY #published #journal #article #governments #iran #Women
Sharia Law in the Twenty-First Century, 2022
The sovereign represents history. He holds historical happenings in his hand like a scepter. This... more The sovereign represents history. He holds historical happenings in his hand like a scepter. This conception is something entirely other than a privilege of the men of the theater. It is based on ideas about constitutional or state law.
Social attitudes in the Islamic Republic have changed considerably during the past twenty-five ye... more Social attitudes in the Islamic Republic have changed considerably during the past twenty-five years. Changes in attitudes towards sexuality are primarily visible in the new generations' opinions and practices toward veiling, heterosocial relations, and traditional family norms. Changes are evident not only among the “badly veiled ” (badhijab), but also among “veiled ” girls (often referred to as chadori, whether or not they actually wear a chador). Although distinct, these two categories must be treated as mutually dependent. Despite accepted opinion that chadori girls are more modest than badhijab ones, research among young women places this assumption in question. Although the behavior of the younger generation is much more open than their parents, they still express inconsistencies between public self-presentation (how they wear hijab) and private fear and desire. Except for some avant-gardes within both categories, traditional attitudes toward sexuality still strongly matt...
Manchester Journal of Transnational Islamic Law and Practice, 2021
Post-Islamism has been suggested as an intellectual and political response by which Islam and dem... more Post-Islamism has been suggested as an intellectual and political response by which Islam and democracy become compatible. However, it is not a homogenous discourse and involves at least democratic and social democratic inclinations. For democratic post-Islamism, freedom, democracy, and human rights were master signifiers, whereas, for social-democratic post-Islamism and anti-capitalist Muslims, justice is pivot of the intellectual constellation and religious criticism. Reviewing the main ideas and criticisms of the most recent post-Islamist intellectual discourses, this article investigates the ability of post-Islamism in addressing authoritarianism, inequality, and social injustice. Exploring the significance of the politics of myth for the meaningful intellectual and political endeavours, this article investigates the theological turn of the anti-capitalist Muslims and its significance for post-Islamism particularly in suggesting new understandings of the Qur’an. The article concludes that if Islamism is not seen primarily as a state ideology but as politics of myth, then post-Islamism requires to capture popular imagination.
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Thesis Chapters by Fatemeh Sadeghi
Books by Fatemeh Sadeghi
Papers by Fatemeh Sadeghi
Open AccessArticle
“Our House Was a Small Islamic Republic”: Social Policing and Resilient Resistance in Contemporary Iran
by Alireza Delpazir 1,* andFatemeh Sadeghi 2ORCID
1
Institute of Education, University College London, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1H 0AL, UK
2
Institute for Global Prosperity, University College London, 149 Tottenham Ct Rd, London W1T 7NE, UK
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Soc. Sci. 2024, 13(8), 382; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13080382
Submission received: 1 May 2024 / Revised: 18 July 2024 / Accepted: 19 July 2024 / Published: 23 July 2024
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Feminist Solidarity, Resistance, and Social Justice)
Downloadkeyboard_arrow_down Review Reports Versions Notes
Abstract
In this article, we address a question that has been frequently asked: Why is the Iranian government unable to defeat the struggle by women against the compulsory hijab? What distinguishes women’s resistance from other forms of freedom and justice movements? We address these questions by highlighting women’s “resilient resistance” within the family domain as both flexible and sustainable. The article examines how the domestication of politics and the politicization of family have interconnected dynamics in Iran, as illustrated by the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement. It shows how women have shifted the Iranian family from a collaborator of oppressive patriarchal power to a more egalitarian structure to accommodate their protests against the compulsory hijab. As the catalysts for this change, they succeeded in discrediting the Islamic Republic’s moral discourse based on the compulsory hijab as a manifestation of modesty for women. They also validated their own morality based on personal choice. Using ethnographic fieldwork, including participatory observation and in-depth interviews with movement participants, this paper shows how women’s invisible yet significant resistance within the family has transformed this institution and profoundly affected the broader political landscape of Iran. It examines a unique case where social transformation drives larger political change.
Open AccessArticle
“Our House Was a Small Islamic Republic”: Social Policing and Resilient Resistance in Contemporary Iran
by Alireza Delpazir 1,* andFatemeh Sadeghi 2ORCID
1
Institute of Education, University College London, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1H 0AL, UK
2
Institute for Global Prosperity, University College London, 149 Tottenham Ct Rd, London W1T 7NE, UK
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Soc. Sci. 2024, 13(8), 382; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13080382
Submission received: 1 May 2024 / Revised: 18 July 2024 / Accepted: 19 July 2024 / Published: 23 July 2024
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Feminist Solidarity, Resistance, and Social Justice)
Downloadkeyboard_arrow_down Review Reports Versions Notes
Abstract
In this article, we address a question that has been frequently asked: Why is the Iranian government unable to defeat the struggle by women against the compulsory hijab? What distinguishes women’s resistance from other forms of freedom and justice movements? We address these questions by highlighting women’s “resilient resistance” within the family domain as both flexible and sustainable. The article examines how the domestication of politics and the politicization of family have interconnected dynamics in Iran, as illustrated by the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement. It shows how women have shifted the Iranian family from a collaborator of oppressive patriarchal power to a more egalitarian structure to accommodate their protests against the compulsory hijab. As the catalysts for this change, they succeeded in discrediting the Islamic Republic’s moral discourse based on the compulsory hijab as a manifestation of modesty for women. They also validated their own morality based on personal choice. Using ethnographic fieldwork, including participatory observation and in-depth interviews with movement participants, this paper shows how women’s invisible yet significant resistance within the family has transformed this institution and profoundly affected the broader political landscape of Iran. It examines a unique case where social transformation drives larger political change.
Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies,Vol 42 No.3 - SPRING 2019
Gender Equality and Empowerment in Iran: A Comparison between Ahmadinejad’s and Rouhani’s Governments
Jalil Roshandel
Fatemeh Sadeghi
Shima Tadrisi
https://lnkd.in/ea3wQRY
#published #journal #article #governments #iran #Women
In the first conference of our ERC project entitled “TAKHAYYUL: Imaginative Landscapes of Islamist Politics Across Balkan-to-Bengal Complex” we bring together academic works that seek to offer a fresh perspective that does not reproduce the irrational tropes yet is able to move beyond the Eurocentric preoccupation with liberalism and secularism. While a growing consensus emerges on the multiplicity of paths to modernity, the relationship of modernity with disenchantment and secularization is being hotly debated. In the West, scholars note that disenchantment caused by the retreat of religion in public life is replaced by the rise of ‘secular magic’- through charisma, myth, and revelation. This conference seeks to contribute to the scholarship on contemporary forms of populist politics through a focus on the mystical, charismatic, dreams, and the affective. We aim to develop a discussion around various theoretical approaches on which to delineate the ways Islamist movements forge imaginative landscapes.
In this conference, we ask: How can we expand our understanding of the formation of various populist Islamist political milieus through a focus on longing, nostalgia, dreams, desire, and other subjective, psychoanalytical, emotional, and aesthetic facets of everyday life? How do imaginative and emotive references shape and steer the ideals of prosperity? If any, what are the obstacles to those ideals in the formations of narratives around hope and a better future?
The conference brings together a wide array of scholars working on Muslim societies and Islamist movements across the world. It will stimulate a debate on the parallels and differences between various Islamist movements and their claims on the past, present, and future in an interdisciplinary forum bringing together scholars of sociology, political science, anthropology, social and legal history, and cultural studies.
Please express your interest in the conference by filling out this form before the 9th of July, 2022.
The selected papers will be part of the open-access edited volume.
This conference is part of the ERC StG 2019 TAKHAYYUL Project (853230)
The conference will be merged with the launch of our project on the evening of 2nd December.
CONFERENCE PROGRAMME
Day I: December 2, Friday
10:00 Welcome Speech
1) [ Time ] Populism and Prosperity 1: Populist Imaginaries
This panel invites papers which advance the discussion of populism beyond the confines of structuralist explanations through a focus on subjective, psychoanalytical, emotional, and aesthetic factors. It seeks to expand these discussions toward Muslim countries and posits the question: Is the contemporary rise of Islamic populism among Muslim majority countries a move towards post-Islamism?
We invite scholars who are interested in contributing to one or more of the following questions: How and when do cognition and affect produce populist discourses? How do individual and collective aspirations and anxieties construct a normative distinction of us versus them? How do populist normative injunctions affect political preferences? Can we trace these aspirations and anxieties to postcolonial pasts?
2) [ Time ] Populism and Prosperity 2: Engendering Populisms and the Masculinist Restorations
This panel invites papers that would address the epistemological issues of canonical scholarship that tends to sideline gender analysis. It takes a strong critical position, especially in the writings of the Middle East and South Asia, where gender segregation is inevitably administering the dominant social and political discourses. It also directly questions the work conducted by male scholars with male-only interlocutors that simultaneously fail to address the masculinity aspect. We invite panellists who address one or multiple of the following questions:
How do the gendered aspects of social formations inform everyday politics and the political discourses in the region? More specifically, can we trace elements of masculinity, or even hyper-masculinity, in the political resurgence of Islamist movements? How do intimacies in gendered spaces become a way of constructing normative notions of masculinity and femininity? How do gender normativities become a means of populist mobilizations?
مجموعه مقالات این کتاب به بررسی ارزش های نظری و عملی مفهوم قدرتمندی(که در فارسی بیشتر با واژه توانمند سازی شناخته شده است) برای تحلیل روند های تغیر نابرابری ها و تبغیض های موجود به ویژه درزندگی زنان می پردازد. مفهوم قدرتمندی طی دهه هشتاد و نود میلادی در مباحث فمینیستی پیرامون قدرت و جنسیت سر بر آوردو هدف آن ارائه چارچوبی برای تحلیل فرایندهای تغیر ساختارهای قدرت جنسیتی توسط زنان بود. این کوشش نظری در وهله اول پاسخی بود به کمبود های موجود در نظریه های فمینیستی در باره قدرت و جنسیت که متاثر از اندیشه های فوکو ، تقش عاملیت انسانی و عوامل تغییر دهنده مناسبات قدرت موجود از جمله قدرت جنسیتی را نادیده می گذاشت. قدرتمندی طی دودهه گذشته توسط دو گروه از طرفداران و منتقدان توسعه برای سنجش وضعیت زنان و تغییرو تحولات موقعیت آنها به کار گرفته شده است. تهادهای بین المللی نظیر بانک جهانی این مفهوم را برای پرکردن خلاء های نظری پس ازشکست جدی سیاستهای توسعه در دهه هشتاد سودمند یافتند واز آن پس به طور مستمر در هزاران سند و بیانیه ملی و بین المللی آنرا به عنوان ابزاری برای سنجش اثرات سیاستهای توسعه بروضعیت گروه های محروم و مورد تبعیض از جمله زنان به کارگرفتند. کنفرانس جهانی زنان در پکن از این تحول استقبال کرد وبیانیه پکن از این چارجوب برای ارزیابی وضعیت زنان در کشورهای مختلف و مقایسه آنها با یکدیگر سود برد. این محبوبیت عمومی، سیاست قدرتمندی را به ابزار تدوین سیلست های از بالا مبدل کردوالبته با خالی شدن این گفتار از موضوع قدرت و پیچیدگی های ساختار ها و روابط مبتنی بر قدرت جنسیتی و ادعای اولیه آن در زمینه توجه به عاملیت انسانها ملازم بود. از اینجاست که واژه توانمندی که اشاره ای به مفهوم قدرت نداردو مفهوم قدرتمندی رابا دسترسی به منابع توسعه( آموزش، اشتغال و قدرت سیاسی و..)مترادف می سازد برازنده سیاستهای از بالا می تماید.
امروزه واکاوی وتقد مستمر این مفهوم، به گونه ای که در ادبیات توسعه به کار گرفته شده، اینک خودادبیات قابل توجهی در زمینه تحلیل موقعیت زنان و عاملیت آنها درتغیر ساختار و مناسبات قدرت اجتماعی خلق کرده است. فمینیست ها بانقد مفهوم توانمندی در ادبیات توسعه، بار دیگر چارچوب "قدرتمندی" را برای تحلیل وضعیت زنان مفهوم پردازی می کنند.
دکترویویان وی و فریدا شهیداز نظریه پردازان این مفهوم،در مقاله خود فرایندهای همزمان تولید قدرت وبی قدرتی را تحلیل می کنند.آنهابه کارگیری مفهومی چند پاره از قدرت ( قدرتمندی اقتصادی ، سیاسی ، آموزشی و بهداشتی وغیره.) و عدم توجه به تعامل موجود بین مناسبات قدرت بین فردی با ساختار های میانی و کلان قدرت ( از جمله مناسبات قدرت طبقاتی ، قومی و سیاسی و..)رامورد نقد قرار می دهند. نایلا کبیراز نظریه "انتخاب" و گزینش های استراتژیک برای تعریف مفهوم توانمندی سود می جوید.او نیز علیرغم نگرش پراگماتیستی،تقلیل مفهوم عاملیت به تصمیم¬گيری فردی وکنش¬های رؤیت¬پذیر رامورد نقد قرار می دهد و توجه را به انگیزه هاو معنای درونی قدرت و طیف گسترده کنش¬های هدفمندی چون چانه¬زنی، مذاکره، مقاومت و اعتراض و نیز فرایندهای پيچيده¬تر شناختِ جلب می کند.گزارش زوا وکسال و سالی بیدن از موسسه سیدا حاوی تعاریف و کاربرد های مفهوم در طرح های توسعه است ضمن آنکه نگرش انتقادی به این کاربردها نیز مورد توجه قرار می گیرد.مقاله دکتر مالوترا و دیگران نیز از جمله اسناد بانک جهانی انتخاب شده است.در عین حال باید اعتراف کنیم که این مجادله بحث تازه ای نیست و تا حدی مجادلات قدیمی در باره مفهوم قدرت رابه میان می کشد. بحث در باره قدرتمندی،خاصیت آنرا دارد که فراتراز استفاده های ابزاری به بحث نظری تمام عیاری مبدل شود که نمرکز آن به جای تغییرات فردی براثرگذاری عاملان اجتماعی وساختارهای موجد نابرابری باشد.
همانطور که انتظار می رود در ایران این اصطلاح کمتر در ارتباط با زنان و بیشتر در حوزه فقرزدائی کاربرد داشته است. تهیه طرح های توانمند سازی سکونتگاه های غیررسمی از جمله موارد کاربرد این مفهوم در برنامه ریزی شهری ایران در دهه اخیر است. سندبرنامه چهارم توسعه نیزازاین مفهوم درحوزه فقرزدائی سود جست امادر مورد زنان از واژه عدالت جنسیتی استفاده کرد. اولین گزارش اهداف توسعه در ایران از مفهوم قدرت یابی زنان به عنوان یکی از اهداف توسعه یاد می کند. این سوای فعالیت های سازمان های غیر دولتی است که طی چند سال گذشته طرح هائی تحت عنوان توانمند سازی به اجرا گذاشته اند.