This paper draws on a study of the life course of 40 young people (aged 18–35) in Bologna (Italy)... more This paper draws on a study of the life course of 40 young people (aged 18–35) in Bologna (Italy), who are active in eight different political organizations. It explores whether the political organ...
While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely ... more While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely on cross-sectional static data. Based on a unique panel survey conducted in nine European countries in 2018 and 2019, we make a rare investigation of factors that explain why some young people (age: 18–34 years) are, have become or have lost their concern about climate and environmental issues at times of widespread discussions about the climate emergency. The analysis tests argument about the importance of individual-level factors such as values and political orienta- tions and consider the role of cross-national variations, the experience of extreme weather events and youth-led climate strikes. Our results support prior studies as we find that young people with libertarian rather than authoritarian values, with more positive views towards immigration and redistribution policies, tend to be more concerned about climate change and the environment. We find little effect of contextual factors. Young people who have experienced economic hardship and have a right-wing political orientation are less likely to become concerned for climate and environmental issues. Socio-economic conditions, values and political orientations are crucial to understanding climate concern among young Europeans, affecting youth climate engagement at times of increasing inequalities and polarization.
This study explores how young activists in Italy responded to the first wave of the Covid-19 pand... more This study explores how young activists in Italy responded to the first wave of the Covid-19 pandemic using sixteen longitudinal qualitative interviews conducted in 2018 and 2020. Our fieldwork suggests that the Covid-19 crisis did not resonate with any significant shift in the trajectory of participation. At the same time, three major empirical observations with regard to time reappropriation, care practices, and digital activism were made, all of which worked in different ways according to the interviewees’ trajectories of participation. This research extends beyond the Covid-19 crisis and contributes to the literature on political participation by providing a way of investigating how activists respond to critical events in different ways depending on their trajectories of participation.
This study explores how young activists in Italy responded to the first wave of the Covid-19 pand... more This study explores how young activists in Italy responded to the first wave of the Covid-19 pandemic using sixteen longitudinal qualitative interviews conducted in 2018 and 2020. Our fieldwork suggests that the Covid-19 crisis did not resonate with any significant shift in the trajectory of participation. At the same time, three major empirical observations with regard to time reappropriation, care practices, and digital activism were made, all of which worked in different ways according to the interviewees’ trajectories of participation. This research extends beyond the Covid-19 crisis and contributes to the literature on political participation by providing a way of investigating how activists respond to critical events in different ways depending on their trajectories of participation.
Since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, progressive social movements have been engaged in an... more Since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, progressive social movements have been engaged in an incredibly intense period of contestation. Confronted with the unprecedented extent of the crisis, the current wave of mobilization brought together both older and newer actors, bridging generations and movement sec- tors, building on past experiences of previous mobilizations while also innovating in important ways. The Covid-19 pandemic pro- vides an opportunity to contextualize the role of past mobilizations in contemporary struggles, singling out continuities and innovation in the forms of resistance, collective frames, and organizational models. This paper focuses on the framing of health rights and analyzes the emergence of care as a bridging frame in the move- ment campaigns developed during the Covid-19 crisis. In examin- ing the processes of cross-temporal diffusion, it considers the legacy of the Global Justice Movement and its offspring in the current mobilization in Italy. Through the analysis of key documents produced by social movements triangulated with in-depth inter- views with activists, we observe the ways in which some collective frames migrate from past mobilizations to new ones, and are adapted through the reactivation of old organizational networks and the emergence of new organizations.
Following the death of George Floyd on May 25, 2020 and inspired by the actions of the Black Live... more Following the death of George Floyd on May 25, 2020 and inspired by the actions of the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States, in June 2020 a wave of protest events spread across Europe as well. Based on in-depth interviews with key informants involved in the BLM campaign and a systematic mapping of protest events, the article analyses the diffusion of the Black Lives Matter movement campaign in Italy. We investi- gate the conditions for the diffusion, by considering the resonance of the protests in a time of backlash and pandemic; the channels of diffusion, namely mechanisms of thin diffusion linked to the instantaneous exchange of protest content; and the effects of diffusion, in terms of recontextualization of ideas and narratives from the United States to the Italian context, the emergence of new antiracist organizations and intersectional frames that point at Italian colonialism and structural racism.
Since the beginning of the pandemic, while progressive movements have mainly focused on social in... more Since the beginning of the pandemic, while progressive movements have mainly focused on social inequalities exacerbated by the sanitary emergency, a number of protests emerged and quickly became visible that initially targeted the policies taken to reduce contagion and subsequently focused on the vaccine and vaccination. In the attempt to account for the rapid development of these protests, social scientists have mostly turned to classical approaches used in the analysis of far-right organizations and sects, looking at broad transformations in society or at fear and a sense of insecurity at the individual level. In this article, we build upon a social movement approach to look at the main characteristics of the protests against anti-contagion measures. From a theoretical point of view, we point to the importance of disentangling the specific waves happening within broader protest cycles. Empirically, focusing on the Italian case, we present a novel development in protest event analysis looking at the specific forms of action, the actors involved, and their claims in two waves of contention during the pandemic in Italy, between 2020 and 2021.
Engaging with research on protest participation and gender inequalities, we examine how gender dy... more Engaging with research on protest participation and gender inequalities, we examine how gender dynamics play a crucial role in shaping patterns of protest participation across the rural/urban divide. We argue that moving from a rural toward an urban setting leads to an increase in protest participation for women, but not for men. Using an original two-wave panel survey dataset collected for the same individuals between 2018 and 2019 and covering nine European countries, we are able to go beyond traditional correlation analyses and measure our key variables over time, thus developing a dynamic approach that links differences in gender, socio-geographical positioning and protest participation. Our findings demonstrate that the rural/urban divide as a driver of protest participation affects women and men differently, because it might be shaped by different experiences of political socialization, socioeconomic status and structures of domination and discrimination, leading to different opportunities and incentives for mobilization.
Recent scientific studies have reached the near-unanimous conclusion that the media produce a ste... more Recent scientific studies have reached the near-unanimous conclusion that the media produce a stereotypical representation of young people. However, research in this area has not often scrutinized whether there are any significant differences in the coverage of the subject matter. Notably, this article examines whether the political leaning of newspapers has any impact on the levels of plurality in the news coverage of youth. On the basis of political claim analyses of six newspapers from three countries (Greece, Italy, and Spain), we find that the coverage of youth in the public debate is very similar if we compare center-right to center-left newspapers. This suggests that the social construction of the concept of youth dominates in the adult world, regardless of any political differences. Nonetheless, differences emerge when young people are given the opportunity to speak for themselves; center-left newspapers are more likely to recognize the agency of, and give a voice to, young ...
While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely ... more While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely on cross-sectional static data. Based on a unique panel survey conducted in nine European countries in 2018 and 2019, we make a rare investigation of factors that explain why some young people (age: 18–34 years) are, have become or have lost their concern about climate and environmental issues at times of widespread discussions about the climate emergency. The analysis tests argument about the importance of individual-level factors such as values and political orienta- tions and consider the role of cross-national variations, the experience of extreme weather events and youth-led climate strikes. Our results support prior studies as we find that young people with libertarian rather than authoritarian values, with more positive views towards immigration and redistribution policies, tend to be more concerned about climate change and the environment. We find little effect of contextual factors. Young people who have experienced economic hardship and have a right-wing political orientation are less likely to become concerned for climate and environmental issues. Socio-economic conditions, values and political orientations are crucial to understanding climate concern among young Europeans, affecting youth climate engagement at times of increasing inequalities and polarization.
Contemporary anti-gender movements mobilize against gender and sexual equality for which feminist... more Contemporary anti-gender movements mobilize against gender and sexual equality for which feminist and LGBTQI+ movements have been advocating for decades. We propose the term ‘conten- tious gender politics’ to capture this clash of opposing movements concerning bodily integrity, kinship structures, sexual morality, and institutionalization of gender equality. Existing literature has recog- nized the transnational character of anti-gender movements and identified matching tactics, frames, and allies across different coun- tries. We examine how these transnational movements used similar campaigns to ‘localize’. Localization is conceptualized in this research as the process of adapting frames and tactics to different national contexts. To do so, this study examines the diffusion of social movements and anti-gender campaigns by comparing anti- gender movements in Italy and Croatia through critical events between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate that the localization of these anti-gender movements occurred through a three-step path- way: first, by adapting frames and tactics of left-liberal civil society and progressive movements; second, by forging alliances with existing right-wing parties; and third, by embedding its agenda within formal political and administrative bodies.
The study explores young people’s contemporary engagement in politics, including both conventiona... more The study explores young people’s contemporary engagement in politics, including both conventional and non-conventional channels of participation, namely voting, membership in political parties, national youth councils and youth organisations, volunteering and participation in global movements and protests.
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics, 2021
Scholarship on gender and political participation has focused on electoral politics, mostly looki... more Scholarship on gender and political participation has focused on electoral politics, mostly looking at the differences in voting behaviour between women and men, the levels of representation of women in political institutions and decision-making bodies. Drawing on a unique survey with booster samples for young Italian people, this chapter explores how the gender dimension intersects with other sources of inequalities and experiences of socialisation to account for patterns of political participation. While support for populist rightwing forces increased in Italy (and their agenda consisting of anti-migrant and anti-feminist/gender policies) over the last years, the feminist movement also gained momentum. Indeed, we suggest the politisation of young women can help make sense of the closing gender gap, especially in demonstrativeconfrontational repertoires of action.
This article investigates the impact of intolerance on online political participation among young... more This article investigates the impact of intolerance on online political participation among young Europeans. Based on the theoretical insights of (in)tolerance, political participation, youth, and media studies, we explore whether and to what extent intolerant attitudes drive young people's online political participation. In doing this, we draw on original survey data with booster samples for young people, covering nine European countries. Our results show that intolerance leads to more online political activities among young people. However, these individuals are not socially isolated and marginalised; in fact, the effect of intolerant attitudes on online political engagement is reinforced by participation in offline unconventional forms of participation and social capital. Our findings bear important consequences for the understanding of intolerant attitudes, youth politics, and (online) political participation.
Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung - Forum Politik und Gesellschaft, 2021
Am Ende des Jahres 2020 zeigen Meinungsumfragen eindeutig, dass sich Italiens extreme Rechte im A... more Am Ende des Jahres 2020 zeigen Meinungsumfragen eindeutig, dass sich Italiens extreme Rechte im Aufwind befindet. Die zwei wichtigsten Parteien dieser Familie – die Lega (vormals Lega Nord) und die postfaschistischen Fratelli d’Italia – können zusammen auf die Unterstützung von über 40 Prozent der italienischen Wähler_innen zählen.2 Rechtsextreme und echtspopulistische Parteien kennt die italienische Parteienlandschaft bereits seit längerem. Die derzeitigen Entwicklungen könnten jedoch eine neue Phase der Polarisierung einleiten, in der rechtsextreme und echtspopulistische Parteien nicht nur normalisiert und ein immer festerer Bestandteil des Parteiensystems (vgl. Akkerman u.a. 2016), sondern tatsächlich die relevantesten und einflussreichsten Akteurinnen des politischen Spektrums werden, mit der konkreten Möglichkeit, bei den nächsten Wahlen für die Übernahme der Regierung anzutreten.
This paper draws on a study of the life course of 40 young people (aged 18–35) in Bologna (Italy)... more This paper draws on a study of the life course of 40 young people (aged 18–35) in Bologna (Italy), who are active in eight different political organizations. It explores whether the political organization, given that the city's political context is the same for all participants, affects the variation of their pathways. It does so by answering the following question: which phases in the lives of young participants are interconnected with the political organizations they are engaged in? To evaluate the impact of the organizational context on young participants, we will take into consideration three dimensions: the degree of bureaucratization, forms of action, and political orientation. Situated at the intersection of youth and social movement studies, this paper aims to advance our understanding of the connections between primary and political socialization processes in shaping young participants’ mobilization and sustained participation within different political organizations. Our empirical findings show that, if the degree of bureaucratization was constantly salient in the two phases, on the other hand political orientation was more salient during participants' mobilization and the forms of action during participants' sustained participation. In the conclusion, the paper critically discusses the empirical findings of our analysis of the respondents’ narratives.
This paper draws on a study of the life course of 40 young people (aged 18–35) in Bologna (Italy)... more This paper draws on a study of the life course of 40 young people (aged 18–35) in Bologna (Italy), who are active in eight different political organizations. It explores whether the political organ...
While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely ... more While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely on cross-sectional static data. Based on a unique panel survey conducted in nine European countries in 2018 and 2019, we make a rare investigation of factors that explain why some young people (age: 18–34 years) are, have become or have lost their concern about climate and environmental issues at times of widespread discussions about the climate emergency. The analysis tests argument about the importance of individual-level factors such as values and political orienta- tions and consider the role of cross-national variations, the experience of extreme weather events and youth-led climate strikes. Our results support prior studies as we find that young people with libertarian rather than authoritarian values, with more positive views towards immigration and redistribution policies, tend to be more concerned about climate change and the environment. We find little effect of contextual factors. Young people who have experienced economic hardship and have a right-wing political orientation are less likely to become concerned for climate and environmental issues. Socio-economic conditions, values and political orientations are crucial to understanding climate concern among young Europeans, affecting youth climate engagement at times of increasing inequalities and polarization.
This study explores how young activists in Italy responded to the first wave of the Covid-19 pand... more This study explores how young activists in Italy responded to the first wave of the Covid-19 pandemic using sixteen longitudinal qualitative interviews conducted in 2018 and 2020. Our fieldwork suggests that the Covid-19 crisis did not resonate with any significant shift in the trajectory of participation. At the same time, three major empirical observations with regard to time reappropriation, care practices, and digital activism were made, all of which worked in different ways according to the interviewees’ trajectories of participation. This research extends beyond the Covid-19 crisis and contributes to the literature on political participation by providing a way of investigating how activists respond to critical events in different ways depending on their trajectories of participation.
This study explores how young activists in Italy responded to the first wave of the Covid-19 pand... more This study explores how young activists in Italy responded to the first wave of the Covid-19 pandemic using sixteen longitudinal qualitative interviews conducted in 2018 and 2020. Our fieldwork suggests that the Covid-19 crisis did not resonate with any significant shift in the trajectory of participation. At the same time, three major empirical observations with regard to time reappropriation, care practices, and digital activism were made, all of which worked in different ways according to the interviewees’ trajectories of participation. This research extends beyond the Covid-19 crisis and contributes to the literature on political participation by providing a way of investigating how activists respond to critical events in different ways depending on their trajectories of participation.
Since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, progressive social movements have been engaged in an... more Since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, progressive social movements have been engaged in an incredibly intense period of contestation. Confronted with the unprecedented extent of the crisis, the current wave of mobilization brought together both older and newer actors, bridging generations and movement sec- tors, building on past experiences of previous mobilizations while also innovating in important ways. The Covid-19 pandemic pro- vides an opportunity to contextualize the role of past mobilizations in contemporary struggles, singling out continuities and innovation in the forms of resistance, collective frames, and organizational models. This paper focuses on the framing of health rights and analyzes the emergence of care as a bridging frame in the move- ment campaigns developed during the Covid-19 crisis. In examin- ing the processes of cross-temporal diffusion, it considers the legacy of the Global Justice Movement and its offspring in the current mobilization in Italy. Through the analysis of key documents produced by social movements triangulated with in-depth inter- views with activists, we observe the ways in which some collective frames migrate from past mobilizations to new ones, and are adapted through the reactivation of old organizational networks and the emergence of new organizations.
Following the death of George Floyd on May 25, 2020 and inspired by the actions of the Black Live... more Following the death of George Floyd on May 25, 2020 and inspired by the actions of the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States, in June 2020 a wave of protest events spread across Europe as well. Based on in-depth interviews with key informants involved in the BLM campaign and a systematic mapping of protest events, the article analyses the diffusion of the Black Lives Matter movement campaign in Italy. We investi- gate the conditions for the diffusion, by considering the resonance of the protests in a time of backlash and pandemic; the channels of diffusion, namely mechanisms of thin diffusion linked to the instantaneous exchange of protest content; and the effects of diffusion, in terms of recontextualization of ideas and narratives from the United States to the Italian context, the emergence of new antiracist organizations and intersectional frames that point at Italian colonialism and structural racism.
Since the beginning of the pandemic, while progressive movements have mainly focused on social in... more Since the beginning of the pandemic, while progressive movements have mainly focused on social inequalities exacerbated by the sanitary emergency, a number of protests emerged and quickly became visible that initially targeted the policies taken to reduce contagion and subsequently focused on the vaccine and vaccination. In the attempt to account for the rapid development of these protests, social scientists have mostly turned to classical approaches used in the analysis of far-right organizations and sects, looking at broad transformations in society or at fear and a sense of insecurity at the individual level. In this article, we build upon a social movement approach to look at the main characteristics of the protests against anti-contagion measures. From a theoretical point of view, we point to the importance of disentangling the specific waves happening within broader protest cycles. Empirically, focusing on the Italian case, we present a novel development in protest event analysis looking at the specific forms of action, the actors involved, and their claims in two waves of contention during the pandemic in Italy, between 2020 and 2021.
Engaging with research on protest participation and gender inequalities, we examine how gender dy... more Engaging with research on protest participation and gender inequalities, we examine how gender dynamics play a crucial role in shaping patterns of protest participation across the rural/urban divide. We argue that moving from a rural toward an urban setting leads to an increase in protest participation for women, but not for men. Using an original two-wave panel survey dataset collected for the same individuals between 2018 and 2019 and covering nine European countries, we are able to go beyond traditional correlation analyses and measure our key variables over time, thus developing a dynamic approach that links differences in gender, socio-geographical positioning and protest participation. Our findings demonstrate that the rural/urban divide as a driver of protest participation affects women and men differently, because it might be shaped by different experiences of political socialization, socioeconomic status and structures of domination and discrimination, leading to different opportunities and incentives for mobilization.
Recent scientific studies have reached the near-unanimous conclusion that the media produce a ste... more Recent scientific studies have reached the near-unanimous conclusion that the media produce a stereotypical representation of young people. However, research in this area has not often scrutinized whether there are any significant differences in the coverage of the subject matter. Notably, this article examines whether the political leaning of newspapers has any impact on the levels of plurality in the news coverage of youth. On the basis of political claim analyses of six newspapers from three countries (Greece, Italy, and Spain), we find that the coverage of youth in the public debate is very similar if we compare center-right to center-left newspapers. This suggests that the social construction of the concept of youth dominates in the adult world, regardless of any political differences. Nonetheless, differences emerge when young people are given the opportunity to speak for themselves; center-left newspapers are more likely to recognize the agency of, and give a voice to, young ...
While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely ... more While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely on cross-sectional static data. Based on a unique panel survey conducted in nine European countries in 2018 and 2019, we make a rare investigation of factors that explain why some young people (age: 18–34 years) are, have become or have lost their concern about climate and environmental issues at times of widespread discussions about the climate emergency. The analysis tests argument about the importance of individual-level factors such as values and political orienta- tions and consider the role of cross-national variations, the experience of extreme weather events and youth-led climate strikes. Our results support prior studies as we find that young people with libertarian rather than authoritarian values, with more positive views towards immigration and redistribution policies, tend to be more concerned about climate change and the environment. We find little effect of contextual factors. Young people who have experienced economic hardship and have a right-wing political orientation are less likely to become concerned for climate and environmental issues. Socio-economic conditions, values and political orientations are crucial to understanding climate concern among young Europeans, affecting youth climate engagement at times of increasing inequalities and polarization.
Contemporary anti-gender movements mobilize against gender and sexual equality for which feminist... more Contemporary anti-gender movements mobilize against gender and sexual equality for which feminist and LGBTQI+ movements have been advocating for decades. We propose the term ‘conten- tious gender politics’ to capture this clash of opposing movements concerning bodily integrity, kinship structures, sexual morality, and institutionalization of gender equality. Existing literature has recog- nized the transnational character of anti-gender movements and identified matching tactics, frames, and allies across different coun- tries. We examine how these transnational movements used similar campaigns to ‘localize’. Localization is conceptualized in this research as the process of adapting frames and tactics to different national contexts. To do so, this study examines the diffusion of social movements and anti-gender campaigns by comparing anti- gender movements in Italy and Croatia through critical events between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate that the localization of these anti-gender movements occurred through a three-step path- way: first, by adapting frames and tactics of left-liberal civil society and progressive movements; second, by forging alliances with existing right-wing parties; and third, by embedding its agenda within formal political and administrative bodies.
The study explores young people’s contemporary engagement in politics, including both conventiona... more The study explores young people’s contemporary engagement in politics, including both conventional and non-conventional channels of participation, namely voting, membership in political parties, national youth councils and youth organisations, volunteering and participation in global movements and protests.
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics, 2021
Scholarship on gender and political participation has focused on electoral politics, mostly looki... more Scholarship on gender and political participation has focused on electoral politics, mostly looking at the differences in voting behaviour between women and men, the levels of representation of women in political institutions and decision-making bodies. Drawing on a unique survey with booster samples for young Italian people, this chapter explores how the gender dimension intersects with other sources of inequalities and experiences of socialisation to account for patterns of political participation. While support for populist rightwing forces increased in Italy (and their agenda consisting of anti-migrant and anti-feminist/gender policies) over the last years, the feminist movement also gained momentum. Indeed, we suggest the politisation of young women can help make sense of the closing gender gap, especially in demonstrativeconfrontational repertoires of action.
This article investigates the impact of intolerance on online political participation among young... more This article investigates the impact of intolerance on online political participation among young Europeans. Based on the theoretical insights of (in)tolerance, political participation, youth, and media studies, we explore whether and to what extent intolerant attitudes drive young people's online political participation. In doing this, we draw on original survey data with booster samples for young people, covering nine European countries. Our results show that intolerance leads to more online political activities among young people. However, these individuals are not socially isolated and marginalised; in fact, the effect of intolerant attitudes on online political engagement is reinforced by participation in offline unconventional forms of participation and social capital. Our findings bear important consequences for the understanding of intolerant attitudes, youth politics, and (online) political participation.
Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung - Forum Politik und Gesellschaft, 2021
Am Ende des Jahres 2020 zeigen Meinungsumfragen eindeutig, dass sich Italiens extreme Rechte im A... more Am Ende des Jahres 2020 zeigen Meinungsumfragen eindeutig, dass sich Italiens extreme Rechte im Aufwind befindet. Die zwei wichtigsten Parteien dieser Familie – die Lega (vormals Lega Nord) und die postfaschistischen Fratelli d’Italia – können zusammen auf die Unterstützung von über 40 Prozent der italienischen Wähler_innen zählen.2 Rechtsextreme und echtspopulistische Parteien kennt die italienische Parteienlandschaft bereits seit längerem. Die derzeitigen Entwicklungen könnten jedoch eine neue Phase der Polarisierung einleiten, in der rechtsextreme und echtspopulistische Parteien nicht nur normalisiert und ein immer festerer Bestandteil des Parteiensystems (vgl. Akkerman u.a. 2016), sondern tatsächlich die relevantesten und einflussreichsten Akteurinnen des politischen Spektrums werden, mit der konkreten Möglichkeit, bei den nächsten Wahlen für die Übernahme der Regierung anzutreten.
This paper draws on a study of the life course of 40 young people (aged 18–35) in Bologna (Italy)... more This paper draws on a study of the life course of 40 young people (aged 18–35) in Bologna (Italy), who are active in eight different political organizations. It explores whether the political organization, given that the city's political context is the same for all participants, affects the variation of their pathways. It does so by answering the following question: which phases in the lives of young participants are interconnected with the political organizations they are engaged in? To evaluate the impact of the organizational context on young participants, we will take into consideration three dimensions: the degree of bureaucratization, forms of action, and political orientation. Situated at the intersection of youth and social movement studies, this paper aims to advance our understanding of the connections between primary and political socialization processes in shaping young participants’ mobilization and sustained participation within different political organizations. Our empirical findings show that, if the degree of bureaucratization was constantly salient in the two phases, on the other hand political orientation was more salient during participants' mobilization and the forms of action during participants' sustained participation. In the conclusion, the paper critically discusses the empirical findings of our analysis of the respondents’ narratives.
Italian Youth in International Context Belonging, Constraints and Opportunities, 2020
This chapter investigates the linkages among the perceived experience of movement’s participants ... more This chapter investigates the linkages among the perceived experience of movement’s participants while simultaneously shedding light on the contingencies young protestors are confronted with in the process of negotiating their gender identities. The Catholic Church calls for politicians and citizens to support its positions, particularly in the realms of family, sexuality and gender equality. The ‘gender issue’ is diagnosed in Italy through a normative discourse where ‘gender theory’ and ‘gender ideology’ are explained by Catholic authorities as a postmodern social problem, a concrete manifestation of rampant individualism and relativism. Scholarship on youth and activism, gender and social movements, remarkably neglected to analyse how gender intervenes in the experience of young activists in Italy. A useful way to conceptualize gender and age is therefore to think of them not only as socially constructed, but also as performative, as part of each individual’s experience and of systems of power relations.
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Papers by Anna Lavizzari
echtspopulistische Parteien kennt die italienische Parteienlandschaft bereits seit längerem. Die derzeitigen Entwicklungen könnten jedoch eine
neue Phase der Polarisierung einleiten, in der rechtsextreme und echtspopulistische Parteien nicht nur normalisiert und ein immer festerer Bestandteil des Parteiensystems (vgl. Akkerman u.a. 2016), sondern tatsächlich die relevantesten und einflussreichsten Akteurinnen des politischen Spektrums werden, mit der konkreten Möglichkeit, bei den nächsten Wahlen für die Übernahme der Regierung anzutreten.
echtspopulistische Parteien kennt die italienische Parteienlandschaft bereits seit längerem. Die derzeitigen Entwicklungen könnten jedoch eine
neue Phase der Polarisierung einleiten, in der rechtsextreme und echtspopulistische Parteien nicht nur normalisiert und ein immer festerer Bestandteil des Parteiensystems (vgl. Akkerman u.a. 2016), sondern tatsächlich die relevantesten und einflussreichsten Akteurinnen des politischen Spektrums werden, mit der konkreten Möglichkeit, bei den nächsten Wahlen für die Übernahme der Regierung anzutreten.