Fulya Felicity Turkmen

Lane’s three ‘immovable ideas’ – sovereignty, democracy, and nationality – remind us of the ambiguous source of the boundaries that obstruct the free movement of the people and the nature of the nation state system.1 Migratory movements in a large number challenge these immovable ideas, especially when they are viewed as an “unprecedented migration crisis”.2 Th is so-called crisis is framed by comparing the total number of people on the move in the last 10 years. Although it is true that the number of international migrants has risen, so has the world population. Th us, the statistical information on international migrant stock refl ects that the total portion of international migrants in the world population has only increased by 0.44%. Public opinion in the receiving countries is heavily aff ected by the images of migrant fl ows, supporting the right wing parties in their perception that the immovable ideas – sovereignty, democracy, and nationality – are in danger. Th e crux of the matter is not at all if there really is an unprecedented migration crisis and if the numbers of asylum seekers are really exceptional or not: the perception and public opinion as shaped by the narratives on migration concerning the volume of the infl ux of asylum seekers in receiving countries is as important as actual numbers when it comes to stirring fear and hostility.

This study examines undergraduate research experiences at a minority-serving institution (MSI) in a political science laboratory. Students contributed to projects in a collaborative research lab at the University of California Riverside that involves undergraduate and graduate students in projects related to health and politics. Adopting a participatory approach to research, the study’s research participants also are coauthors who co-created the research protocols; collected the data; transcribed, coded, and analyzed the data; and wrote up the findings. Our analysis of 12 in-depth interviews with current and former undergraduate research assistants (RAs) found that their work in the lab challenged their perceptions of what research is and what it means to do research; shaped their path to pursue graduate studies; developed their social and professional skills; and offered an inclusive and humanizing experience with graduate students and faculty members. Challenges that the RAs menti...

The evolution of the construction of gender in migration studies can be appraised under several distinct headings. In the beginning, women were simply “in the shadows” with no recognition of them as potential or actual migrants. Eventually, the field moved to an “add women, mix, and stir” approach, which saw women recognized in migration studies and statistics for the first time. Here, gender was no more than a demographic category to ensure women were counted alongside men in migration flows. However, deconstructing the feminization of migration required that gender be understood as integral to the experience of migration, thus demanding more refined theoretical and analytical tools. Subsequently, migration intersected with masculinity studies, which showed the reciprocal relation where masculinity can be decisive in migratory decision making, and in return, mobility can be an essential factor in how men think about masculinity. More recently, gender in migration studies has moved ...

As COVID-19 began to spread around the world, so did reports of discrimination and violence against people from marginalized groups. We argue that in a global politics characterized by racialized inequality, pandemics such as COVID-19 exacerbate the marginalization of already oppressed groups. We review published research on previous pandemics to historicize pandemic othering and blame, and enumerate some of the consequences for politics, policy, and public health. Specifically, we draw on lessons from smallpox outbreaks, the third bubonic plague, the 1918 influenza pandemic, and more recent pandemics, such as HIV/AIDS, SARS, and Ebola. We also compile reports to document the discrimination and violence targeting marginalized groups early in the COVID-19 pandemic. This article lays bare the continuation of a long history of othering and blame during disease outbreaks and identifies needs for further inquiry to understand the persistence of these pandemic politics.

Lane's three 'immovable ideas' – sovereignty, democracy, and nationality – remind us of the ambiguous source of the boundaries that obstruct the free movement of the people and the nature of the nation state system. 1 Migratory movements in a large number challenge these immovable ideas, especially when they are viewed as an " unprecedented migration crisis ". 2 This so-called crisis is framed by comparing the total number of people on the move in the last 10 years. Although it is true that the number of international migrants has risen, so has the world population. Thus, the statistical information on international migrant stock reflects that the total portion of international migrants in the world population has only increased by 0.44%. Public opinion in the receiving countries is heavily affected by the images of migrant flows, supporting the right wing parties in their perception that the immovable ideas – sovereignty, democracy, and nationality – are in danger. The crux of the matter is not at all if there really is an unprecedented migration crisis and if the numbers of asylum seekers are really exceptional or not: the perception and public opinion as shaped by the narratives on migration concerning the volume of the influx of asylum seekers in receiving countries is as important as actual numbers when it comes to stirring fear and hostility.