This paper offers a critical interrogation of a Theory of Change (ToC) on hybrid systems of conf... more This paper offers a critical interrogation of a Theory of Change (ToC) on hybrid systems of conflict management, as formulated by The Asia Foundation (TAF) under DFID Component 5: ‘Community-level efforts to improve local security in Mindanao’. It provides an empirical investigation of the specific components and interventions that form a hybrid approach to conflict management and where the specific added values and constraints of this approach should be situated. The paper also locates this hybrid approach and its specific conceptual underpinnings within a broader discussion of state formation and governance in the Philippines, and in Mindanao more specifically.
The ToC was analysed by combining a review of relevant policy documents and academic literature with fieldwork consisting of open and semi-structured interviews with TAF staff, key informants actively involved in peacebuilding and conflict management in Mindanao, and Quick Response Teams in the municipality of Midsayap in North Cotabato.
The paper argues that the socio-political landscape in Midsayap can be characterised as an exclusivist political order, in which local state institutions and officials play a pivotal role and where there exists a high degree of collusion between authoritative elite actors monopolising authority and boasting a coercive form of governance and socio-political control. The efficacy of TAF's hybrid coaltion approach lies in its ability to identify local elite actors that defy distinctions between formal and informal and that are deployed within a coalition that puts pressure on warring parties to refrain from violence. However, the exclusivist nature of these political orders limits the reach of conflict mediation and these interventions raise important questions with regard to neutrality and inclusiveness, with the risk that conflict management becomes just another instrument to cement elite rule.
This paper is divided into three major parts. The first section provides an historic overview of... more This paper is divided into three major parts. The first section provides an historic overview of the conflict in Mindanao and takes the view that this conflict is as much a history of integration as it is a history of confrontation. Large parts of the Muslim elite have always been reluctant to engage in open warfare and have been more interested in reinforcing their authority through an accommodation within the Philippine state. As a consequence, shortly after the eruption of violence in the early seventies, a process of continuous consultation has unfolded between the Philippine state and representatives of the main rebel movements in the region. As a result, violence between the MNLF/MILF and the Philippine state has largely been over the particular terms and conditions by which large sections of the Muslim population wish to integrate within this state and cannot be understood as a conflict solely in opposition to the state.
The second section of the paper attempts to understand the role of violence and coercion in the local political economy. While the overall narrative of 'Muslim minority versus Philippine state' is still acknowledged as an important one, the paper illustrates how everyday violence in the region has some particular, heterogeneous and ambiguous characteristics. First of all, rebel commanders, although formally representing a main organisation such as the MILF or the MNLF, have considerable autonomy vis-à-vis their mother organisation. This implies that such rebel groups cannot be approached as tightly structured organisations and the authority they exert should be understood as a type of mediated authority which is exercised through these commanders. A second observation relates to the highly fluid nature of identity labels in the region. Elite constellations, necessary for preserving or obtaining control over the local political economy, transgress Christian versus Muslim, or MNLF versus MILF, dichotomies and different actors from different denominations become part of these alliances. It is in particular when these elite constellations are subject to change, as is often the case in the run-up to local elections, that violence tends to be prevalent.
Lastly, the authors argue that in a region characterised by a high level of legal insecurity, the capacity for coercion becomes a vital asset in the creation of political legitimacy. This is obvious in the field of resource management which is characterised by low levels of tenure security and land titling. Within this context, the capacity for coercion becomes a central tool to guarantee secure access to a certain property rights regime.The final section of the paper thus addresses the implications for peacebuilding and conflict management by focusing on two case studies of land conflicts in the region.
This paper offers a critical interrogation of a Theory of Change (ToC) on hybrid systems of conf... more This paper offers a critical interrogation of a Theory of Change (ToC) on hybrid systems of conflict management, as formulated by The Asia Foundation (TAF) under DFID Component 5: ‘Community-level efforts to improve local security in Mindanao’. It provides an empirical investigation of the specific components and interventions that form a hybrid approach to conflict management and where the specific added values and constraints of this approach should be situated. The paper also locates this hybrid approach and its specific conceptual underpinnings within a broader discussion of state formation and governance in the Philippines, and in Mindanao more specifically.
The ToC was analysed by combining a review of relevant policy documents and academic literature with fieldwork consisting of open and semi-structured interviews with TAF staff, key informants actively involved in peacebuilding and conflict management in Mindanao, and Quick Response Teams in the municipality of Midsayap in North Cotabato.
The paper argues that the socio-political landscape in Midsayap can be characterised as an exclusivist political order, in which local state institutions and officials play a pivotal role and where there exists a high degree of collusion between authoritative elite actors monopolising authority and boasting a coercive form of governance and socio-political control. The efficacy of TAF's hybrid coaltion approach lies in its ability to identify local elite actors that defy distinctions between formal and informal and that are deployed within a coalition that puts pressure on warring parties to refrain from violence. However, the exclusivist nature of these political orders limits the reach of conflict mediation and these interventions raise important questions with regard to neutrality and inclusiveness, with the risk that conflict management becomes just another instrument to cement elite rule.
This paper is divided into three major parts. The first section provides an historic overview of... more This paper is divided into three major parts. The first section provides an historic overview of the conflict in Mindanao and takes the view that this conflict is as much a history of integration as it is a history of confrontation. Large parts of the Muslim elite have always been reluctant to engage in open warfare and have been more interested in reinforcing their authority through an accommodation within the Philippine state. As a consequence, shortly after the eruption of violence in the early seventies, a process of continuous consultation has unfolded between the Philippine state and representatives of the main rebel movements in the region. As a result, violence between the MNLF/MILF and the Philippine state has largely been over the particular terms and conditions by which large sections of the Muslim population wish to integrate within this state and cannot be understood as a conflict solely in opposition to the state.
The second section of the paper attempts to understand the role of violence and coercion in the local political economy. While the overall narrative of 'Muslim minority versus Philippine state' is still acknowledged as an important one, the paper illustrates how everyday violence in the region has some particular, heterogeneous and ambiguous characteristics. First of all, rebel commanders, although formally representing a main organisation such as the MILF or the MNLF, have considerable autonomy vis-à-vis their mother organisation. This implies that such rebel groups cannot be approached as tightly structured organisations and the authority they exert should be understood as a type of mediated authority which is exercised through these commanders. A second observation relates to the highly fluid nature of identity labels in the region. Elite constellations, necessary for preserving or obtaining control over the local political economy, transgress Christian versus Muslim, or MNLF versus MILF, dichotomies and different actors from different denominations become part of these alliances. It is in particular when these elite constellations are subject to change, as is often the case in the run-up to local elections, that violence tends to be prevalent.
Lastly, the authors argue that in a region characterised by a high level of legal insecurity, the capacity for coercion becomes a vital asset in the creation of political legitimacy. This is obvious in the field of resource management which is characterised by low levels of tenure security and land titling. Within this context, the capacity for coercion becomes a central tool to guarantee secure access to a certain property rights regime.The final section of the paper thus addresses the implications for peacebuilding and conflict management by focusing on two case studies of land conflicts in the region.
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Papers by Dorien Vanden Boer
The ToC was analysed by combining a review of relevant policy documents and academic literature with fieldwork consisting of open and semi-structured interviews with TAF staff, key informants actively involved in peacebuilding and conflict management in Mindanao, and Quick Response Teams in the municipality of Midsayap in North Cotabato.
The paper argues that the socio-political landscape in Midsayap can be characterised as an exclusivist political order, in which local state institutions and officials play a pivotal role and where there exists a high degree of collusion between authoritative elite actors monopolising authority and boasting a coercive form of governance and socio-political control. The efficacy of TAF's hybrid coaltion approach lies in its ability to identify local elite actors that defy distinctions between formal and informal and that are deployed within a coalition that puts pressure on warring parties to refrain from violence. However, the exclusivist nature of these political orders limits the reach of conflict mediation and these interventions raise important questions with regard to neutrality and inclusiveness, with the risk that conflict management becomes just another instrument to cement elite rule.
The second section of the paper attempts to understand the role of violence and coercion in the local political economy. While the overall narrative of 'Muslim minority versus Philippine state' is still acknowledged as an important one, the paper illustrates how everyday violence in the region has some particular, heterogeneous and ambiguous characteristics. First of all, rebel commanders, although formally representing a main organisation such as the MILF or the MNLF, have considerable autonomy vis-à-vis their mother organisation. This implies that such rebel groups cannot be approached as tightly structured organisations and the authority they exert should be understood as a type of mediated authority which is exercised through these commanders. A second observation relates to the highly fluid nature of identity labels in the region. Elite constellations, necessary for preserving or obtaining control over the local political economy, transgress Christian versus Muslim, or MNLF versus MILF, dichotomies and different actors from different denominations become part of these alliances. It is in particular when these elite constellations are subject to change, as is often the case in the run-up to local elections, that violence tends to be prevalent.
Lastly, the authors argue that in a region characterised by a high level of legal insecurity, the capacity for coercion becomes a vital asset in the creation of political legitimacy. This is obvious in the field of resource management which is characterised by low levels of tenure security and land titling. Within this context, the capacity for coercion becomes a central tool to guarantee secure access to a certain property rights regime.The final section of the paper thus addresses the implications for peacebuilding and conflict management by focusing on two case studies of land conflicts in the region.
The ToC was analysed by combining a review of relevant policy documents and academic literature with fieldwork consisting of open and semi-structured interviews with TAF staff, key informants actively involved in peacebuilding and conflict management in Mindanao, and Quick Response Teams in the municipality of Midsayap in North Cotabato.
The paper argues that the socio-political landscape in Midsayap can be characterised as an exclusivist political order, in which local state institutions and officials play a pivotal role and where there exists a high degree of collusion between authoritative elite actors monopolising authority and boasting a coercive form of governance and socio-political control. The efficacy of TAF's hybrid coaltion approach lies in its ability to identify local elite actors that defy distinctions between formal and informal and that are deployed within a coalition that puts pressure on warring parties to refrain from violence. However, the exclusivist nature of these political orders limits the reach of conflict mediation and these interventions raise important questions with regard to neutrality and inclusiveness, with the risk that conflict management becomes just another instrument to cement elite rule.
The second section of the paper attempts to understand the role of violence and coercion in the local political economy. While the overall narrative of 'Muslim minority versus Philippine state' is still acknowledged as an important one, the paper illustrates how everyday violence in the region has some particular, heterogeneous and ambiguous characteristics. First of all, rebel commanders, although formally representing a main organisation such as the MILF or the MNLF, have considerable autonomy vis-à-vis their mother organisation. This implies that such rebel groups cannot be approached as tightly structured organisations and the authority they exert should be understood as a type of mediated authority which is exercised through these commanders. A second observation relates to the highly fluid nature of identity labels in the region. Elite constellations, necessary for preserving or obtaining control over the local political economy, transgress Christian versus Muslim, or MNLF versus MILF, dichotomies and different actors from different denominations become part of these alliances. It is in particular when these elite constellations are subject to change, as is often the case in the run-up to local elections, that violence tends to be prevalent.
Lastly, the authors argue that in a region characterised by a high level of legal insecurity, the capacity for coercion becomes a vital asset in the creation of political legitimacy. This is obvious in the field of resource management which is characterised by low levels of tenure security and land titling. Within this context, the capacity for coercion becomes a central tool to guarantee secure access to a certain property rights regime.The final section of the paper thus addresses the implications for peacebuilding and conflict management by focusing on two case studies of land conflicts in the region.