Prophets and Profits. Ancient Divination and its Reception, 2018
In 144 BC the Roman Senate instructed the praetor urbanus, Q. Marcius Rex, to reclaim and repair ... more In 144 BC the Roman Senate instructed the praetor urbanus, Q. Marcius Rex, to reclaim and repair the conduits of the Appian and Anian aqueducts which had sprung leaks because of their old age and from which citizens were illegally diverting the water supply. Marcius was further instructed to create wider access to water. In addition to the repair work, he brought in a third water course, the so-called Aqua Marcia. When his praetorship was prorogued for 143, the decemviri sacris faciundis found objections in the Sibylline oracles which forbade the building of the new aqueduct. Similar religious objections were raised again in 140 BC when the construction of the aqueduct was still ongoing. On both occasions the gratia of Marcius prevailed (Front. Aq. 1.7). The building of the aqueduct 'contra Sibyllae carmina' (Oxy. 84) represents a situation unique in the religious history of the Republic.
This paper explores the religious and divinatory background to the building of the Aqua Marcia and the decemviral objections to Marcius’ aqueduct. It further investigates how Quintus Marcius Rex may have benefited from his family’s mythological associations with the kings of Rome and the Silenus Marsyas; and from the acquired symbolic capital of the gens Marcia as priests, prophets, and popularis politicians. The interplay between divination, politics, and personal profit in this episode foreshadows the religious conflicts of the first century BC and ultimately helped to embed the gens Marcia in the foundation story of the Augustan principate.
The literary work:
Commentarii (year-by-year reports) in eight volumes, of Julius Caesar’s cam... more The literary work:
Commentarii (year-by-year reports) in eight volumes, of Julius Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul and Britain between 58 and 52 B.C.E., published and distributed at the end of each campaigning year. A supplementary eighth volume (covering the years 51 and 50 B.C.E.) was later composed and published by Caesar’s general Aulus Hirtius, in the mid-40s B.C.E.
Synopsis:
Appointed governor of Rome’s Gallic provinces and Illyricum, Julius Caesar campaigns against the tribes of Gaul, Germany, and Britain. Despite setbacks, Caesar successfully overcomes his enemies, and establishes Roman dominion over the area that is modern day France, Belgium, and the Netherlands.
The literary work:
A historical narrative of the history of Rome from c. 753 BCE to c. 9 BCE i... more The literary work:
A historical narrative of the history of Rome from c. 753 BCE to c. 9 BCE in 142 books (of which only books 1-10 and 21-45 have survived); written and published during the reign of the Emperor Augustus (31 BCE to CE 14) and the early years of his successor Tiberius (CE 14 to 37).
Synopsis:
Likening history to a monument on which are displayed good examples to follow and bad to avoid, the author traces the rise and expansion of Rome from the twin founders, Romulus and Remus, to the Emperor Augustus.
The opening of Cicero’s De Republica focuses on the prodigious sighting of two suns in 129 B.C., ... more The opening of Cicero’s De Republica focuses on the prodigious sighting of two suns in 129 B.C., which leads to a discussion of a similar phenomenon in 163 B.C. C. Sulpicius Gallus (cos. 166, RE 66), famous for his interpretation of the eclipse prior to the Battle of Pydna, is said to have explained the prodigy using the orrery of Archimedes at the house of M. Claudius Marcellus (cos. 166, 155, 152, RE 225). This paper argues that, through the persona of Gallus, Cicero could explore the transmission of knowledge from Greece to Rome, connect Romans of different generations (that of L. Aemilius Paulus (cos. 182, 168, RE 114), Scipio Aemilianus (cos. 147, 134, RE 335) and his own), and examine his own place in that tradition. Moreover, Gallus is a useful persona to emphasise Cicero’s own literary and philosophical agenda which strove to apply Greek philosophy to a Roman context in a pragmatic and practical manner.
Dio Cassius (53.1.1) and Dionysius of Halicarnassus (5.2.1) seem to suggest that the two Roman co... more Dio Cassius (53.1.1) and Dionysius of Halicarnassus (5.2.1) seem to suggest that the two Roman consuls carried sets of fasces which were somehow differentiated. Some modern scholars have posited that the second set was a set of symbolic ‘dummy’ rods. This article explores the interrelationship of the fasces, imperium and the so-called ‘Turn’ to demonstrate the difficulties of coming to secure conclusions about the nature of consular authority or the emblems they held throughout the Roman Republic. It is unclear that both consuls’ lictors always held fasces and it is possible that the ‘Turn’ only came into being in the later Republic after 79 BC. In this regard, the article also rehabilitates Dionysius’ account regarding the development of the Roman consulate. By comparison with other evidence, Dionysius’ reference to separate ‘clubs’ is probably just a reference to the separable virga (bacilla/bacula) used by lictors to clear a path or to knock on doors. Potentially, Dio’s reference to ‘other’ fasces is an anachronistic interpolation from his own age when the Emperor carried laurel-wreathed fasces. The article, therefore, underlines that there is no direct evidence for the existence of ‘dummy’ rods and argues for a more nuanced understanding of the literary, philological, and archaeological evidence for all aspects of the consular procession.
Acta Classica: Proceedings of the Classical …, Jan 1, 2003
This paper responds to the suggestion of H. A. Sanders (H.A. Sanders, ‘Swimming among the Greeks ... more This paper responds to the suggestion of H. A. Sanders (H.A. Sanders, ‘Swimming among the Greeks and Romans’ CJ 20 (1924-25) 567) that the phrase ‘qui neque in Oceano natare volueris’ at Cic. Ad Fam. 7.10.2 points to an exaggerated report of the difficulty of Caesar’s landings in Britain. In the clause that follows Cicero also refers to Trebatius’ reluctance to look on the British charioteers (‘essedarii’). In a note on the term ‘essedum’ Servius (in Verg. Georg. 3.204) suggests that Cicero’s source for the use of the term was his correspondence with Caesar. The article reviews the use of the term ‘essedum‘ and its derivative ‘essedarius’ by Caesar and Cicero and places the reference to Britain at Ad Fam. 7.10.2 in the wider context of Caesar’s Commentarii and Cicero’s letters. I argue that De Bello Gallico 4 is a more likely inspiration for Cicero Ad Fam. 7.10.2 and that, if this is the case, then we must concur with Wiseman (T. P. Wiseman, ‘The publication of De Bello Gallico’ in K. Welch and A. Powell (eds.) Julius Caesar as Artful Reporter (London 1998) 1-9) that the first four books of Caesar’s work were published no later than 55-54 BC.
Modern studies on the seer Aristander of Telmessus have rarely considered more widely the signifi... more Modern studies on the seer Aristander of Telmessus have rarely considered more widely the significance of ancient testimonies relevant to his reputation. This paper reviews the testimonia relevant to the seer’s eminence. The ancient evidence indicates not only a diviner with expertise in many fields (extispicy, augury, the interpretation of prodigies, oneiromancy, and spontaneous prophecy), but one who was also a warrior, author, and possible Platonist. I argue that it was not Callisthenes or another historical source who was responsible for Aristander’s emergence from obscurity. Rather, as a close confidant of the King and published
author, Aristander was already a suitable subject for inclusion in the histories of Alexander. His enduring reputation in the estimonia indicates that it was through his own merit that Aristander bequeathed his name to posterity.
At the end of the first book of Cicero's De Divinalione. Quintus remarks that, even though he bel... more At the end of the first book of Cicero's De Divinalione. Quintus remarks that, even though he believes in divination, there are some diviners whom he would not trust to give accurate predictions. These comments are followed by a quotation from Ennius' Telamo. Most modem scholars have assumed, therefore, that the previous lines also contain an echo, if not a paraphrase
of Ennius' work. This supposition does not seem to be supported by the language or style employed by Cicero. The lines should rather be understood as embodying the parochial view
that Clite Romans had towards forms of divination that were foreign, rustic or mercenary and not practised by the Roman state.
Ariovistus (died ca. 54 bce) was a Germanic king at the time of Julius Caesar's Gallic campaigns.... more Ariovistus (died ca. 54 bce) was a Germanic king at the time of Julius Caesar's Gallic campaigns. He was recognized as a king and ally of Rome in 59 bce. He assisted the Arverni and Sequani in their struggle against the Aedui. Ariovistus subsequently settled over 120,000 Germans in Gallic territory. After the Aedui appealed to Julius Caesar, he fought and was defeated by the Romans at the battle of Vesontio in 58 bce.
Aventine (Mons Aventinus) was the most southerly of Rome's seven hills. Ancus Marcius added the h... more Aventine (Mons Aventinus) was the most southerly of Rome's seven hills. Ancus Marcius added the hill to the city but it was not until the reign of Claudius that it was included in the pomerium. The hill had a special position in Roman myth because of its connections with Hercules and with Romulus and Remus. In the historical period, it was home to a number of temples and other religious sites, pagan and Christian. The area was well‐populated in antiquity by rich and poor alike. Ancient and modern sources have regarded the Aventine as a plebeian stronghold but this may be a convenient fiction based on Gaius Gracchus’ occupation of the hill in 121 bce.
Luca (mod. Lucca) was a town located on the Auser River about 20 km inland from the Tyrrhenian Se... more Luca (mod. Lucca) was a town located on the Auser River about 20 km inland from the Tyrrhenian Sea. Legend attributes Luca's origin to the Pelopidae or the Greek Teutani (Plin. HN 3.50). Ligurians may have first inhabited the site but there is evidence for an Etruscan influence (Mencacci and Zecchini 1982).
Boudica (ca. 15–61 CE; see Jackson 1979) was queen of the ICENI, a tribe in East Anglia. She is r... more Boudica (ca. 15–61 CE; see Jackson 1979) was queen of the ICENI, a tribe in East Anglia. She is renowned for leading a bloody revolt against Roman rule in Britain ....
Commius (ca. 90–ca. 30 BCE) was a Gallic chieftain who played an important role in Caesar’s invas... more Commius (ca. 90–ca. 30 BCE) was a Gallic chieftain who played an important role in Caesar’s invasions of Britain and the revolt of VERCINGETORIX. ......
Prophets and Profits. Ancient Divination and its Reception, 2018
In 144 BC the Roman Senate instructed the praetor urbanus, Q. Marcius Rex, to reclaim and repair ... more In 144 BC the Roman Senate instructed the praetor urbanus, Q. Marcius Rex, to reclaim and repair the conduits of the Appian and Anian aqueducts which had sprung leaks because of their old age and from which citizens were illegally diverting the water supply. Marcius was further instructed to create wider access to water. In addition to the repair work, he brought in a third water course, the so-called Aqua Marcia. When his praetorship was prorogued for 143, the decemviri sacris faciundis found objections in the Sibylline oracles which forbade the building of the new aqueduct. Similar religious objections were raised again in 140 BC when the construction of the aqueduct was still ongoing. On both occasions the gratia of Marcius prevailed (Front. Aq. 1.7). The building of the aqueduct 'contra Sibyllae carmina' (Oxy. 84) represents a situation unique in the religious history of the Republic.
This paper explores the religious and divinatory background to the building of the Aqua Marcia and the decemviral objections to Marcius’ aqueduct. It further investigates how Quintus Marcius Rex may have benefited from his family’s mythological associations with the kings of Rome and the Silenus Marsyas; and from the acquired symbolic capital of the gens Marcia as priests, prophets, and popularis politicians. The interplay between divination, politics, and personal profit in this episode foreshadows the religious conflicts of the first century BC and ultimately helped to embed the gens Marcia in the foundation story of the Augustan principate.
The literary work:
Commentarii (year-by-year reports) in eight volumes, of Julius Caesar’s cam... more The literary work:
Commentarii (year-by-year reports) in eight volumes, of Julius Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul and Britain between 58 and 52 B.C.E., published and distributed at the end of each campaigning year. A supplementary eighth volume (covering the years 51 and 50 B.C.E.) was later composed and published by Caesar’s general Aulus Hirtius, in the mid-40s B.C.E.
Synopsis:
Appointed governor of Rome’s Gallic provinces and Illyricum, Julius Caesar campaigns against the tribes of Gaul, Germany, and Britain. Despite setbacks, Caesar successfully overcomes his enemies, and establishes Roman dominion over the area that is modern day France, Belgium, and the Netherlands.
The literary work:
A historical narrative of the history of Rome from c. 753 BCE to c. 9 BCE i... more The literary work:
A historical narrative of the history of Rome from c. 753 BCE to c. 9 BCE in 142 books (of which only books 1-10 and 21-45 have survived); written and published during the reign of the Emperor Augustus (31 BCE to CE 14) and the early years of his successor Tiberius (CE 14 to 37).
Synopsis:
Likening history to a monument on which are displayed good examples to follow and bad to avoid, the author traces the rise and expansion of Rome from the twin founders, Romulus and Remus, to the Emperor Augustus.
The opening of Cicero’s De Republica focuses on the prodigious sighting of two suns in 129 B.C., ... more The opening of Cicero’s De Republica focuses on the prodigious sighting of two suns in 129 B.C., which leads to a discussion of a similar phenomenon in 163 B.C. C. Sulpicius Gallus (cos. 166, RE 66), famous for his interpretation of the eclipse prior to the Battle of Pydna, is said to have explained the prodigy using the orrery of Archimedes at the house of M. Claudius Marcellus (cos. 166, 155, 152, RE 225). This paper argues that, through the persona of Gallus, Cicero could explore the transmission of knowledge from Greece to Rome, connect Romans of different generations (that of L. Aemilius Paulus (cos. 182, 168, RE 114), Scipio Aemilianus (cos. 147, 134, RE 335) and his own), and examine his own place in that tradition. Moreover, Gallus is a useful persona to emphasise Cicero’s own literary and philosophical agenda which strove to apply Greek philosophy to a Roman context in a pragmatic and practical manner.
Dio Cassius (53.1.1) and Dionysius of Halicarnassus (5.2.1) seem to suggest that the two Roman co... more Dio Cassius (53.1.1) and Dionysius of Halicarnassus (5.2.1) seem to suggest that the two Roman consuls carried sets of fasces which were somehow differentiated. Some modern scholars have posited that the second set was a set of symbolic ‘dummy’ rods. This article explores the interrelationship of the fasces, imperium and the so-called ‘Turn’ to demonstrate the difficulties of coming to secure conclusions about the nature of consular authority or the emblems they held throughout the Roman Republic. It is unclear that both consuls’ lictors always held fasces and it is possible that the ‘Turn’ only came into being in the later Republic after 79 BC. In this regard, the article also rehabilitates Dionysius’ account regarding the development of the Roman consulate. By comparison with other evidence, Dionysius’ reference to separate ‘clubs’ is probably just a reference to the separable virga (bacilla/bacula) used by lictors to clear a path or to knock on doors. Potentially, Dio’s reference to ‘other’ fasces is an anachronistic interpolation from his own age when the Emperor carried laurel-wreathed fasces. The article, therefore, underlines that there is no direct evidence for the existence of ‘dummy’ rods and argues for a more nuanced understanding of the literary, philological, and archaeological evidence for all aspects of the consular procession.
Acta Classica: Proceedings of the Classical …, Jan 1, 2003
This paper responds to the suggestion of H. A. Sanders (H.A. Sanders, ‘Swimming among the Greeks ... more This paper responds to the suggestion of H. A. Sanders (H.A. Sanders, ‘Swimming among the Greeks and Romans’ CJ 20 (1924-25) 567) that the phrase ‘qui neque in Oceano natare volueris’ at Cic. Ad Fam. 7.10.2 points to an exaggerated report of the difficulty of Caesar’s landings in Britain. In the clause that follows Cicero also refers to Trebatius’ reluctance to look on the British charioteers (‘essedarii’). In a note on the term ‘essedum’ Servius (in Verg. Georg. 3.204) suggests that Cicero’s source for the use of the term was his correspondence with Caesar. The article reviews the use of the term ‘essedum‘ and its derivative ‘essedarius’ by Caesar and Cicero and places the reference to Britain at Ad Fam. 7.10.2 in the wider context of Caesar’s Commentarii and Cicero’s letters. I argue that De Bello Gallico 4 is a more likely inspiration for Cicero Ad Fam. 7.10.2 and that, if this is the case, then we must concur with Wiseman (T. P. Wiseman, ‘The publication of De Bello Gallico’ in K. Welch and A. Powell (eds.) Julius Caesar as Artful Reporter (London 1998) 1-9) that the first four books of Caesar’s work were published no later than 55-54 BC.
Modern studies on the seer Aristander of Telmessus have rarely considered more widely the signifi... more Modern studies on the seer Aristander of Telmessus have rarely considered more widely the significance of ancient testimonies relevant to his reputation. This paper reviews the testimonia relevant to the seer’s eminence. The ancient evidence indicates not only a diviner with expertise in many fields (extispicy, augury, the interpretation of prodigies, oneiromancy, and spontaneous prophecy), but one who was also a warrior, author, and possible Platonist. I argue that it was not Callisthenes or another historical source who was responsible for Aristander’s emergence from obscurity. Rather, as a close confidant of the King and published
author, Aristander was already a suitable subject for inclusion in the histories of Alexander. His enduring reputation in the estimonia indicates that it was through his own merit that Aristander bequeathed his name to posterity.
At the end of the first book of Cicero's De Divinalione. Quintus remarks that, even though he bel... more At the end of the first book of Cicero's De Divinalione. Quintus remarks that, even though he believes in divination, there are some diviners whom he would not trust to give accurate predictions. These comments are followed by a quotation from Ennius' Telamo. Most modem scholars have assumed, therefore, that the previous lines also contain an echo, if not a paraphrase
of Ennius' work. This supposition does not seem to be supported by the language or style employed by Cicero. The lines should rather be understood as embodying the parochial view
that Clite Romans had towards forms of divination that were foreign, rustic or mercenary and not practised by the Roman state.
Ariovistus (died ca. 54 bce) was a Germanic king at the time of Julius Caesar's Gallic campaigns.... more Ariovistus (died ca. 54 bce) was a Germanic king at the time of Julius Caesar's Gallic campaigns. He was recognized as a king and ally of Rome in 59 bce. He assisted the Arverni and Sequani in their struggle against the Aedui. Ariovistus subsequently settled over 120,000 Germans in Gallic territory. After the Aedui appealed to Julius Caesar, he fought and was defeated by the Romans at the battle of Vesontio in 58 bce.
Aventine (Mons Aventinus) was the most southerly of Rome's seven hills. Ancus Marcius added the h... more Aventine (Mons Aventinus) was the most southerly of Rome's seven hills. Ancus Marcius added the hill to the city but it was not until the reign of Claudius that it was included in the pomerium. The hill had a special position in Roman myth because of its connections with Hercules and with Romulus and Remus. In the historical period, it was home to a number of temples and other religious sites, pagan and Christian. The area was well‐populated in antiquity by rich and poor alike. Ancient and modern sources have regarded the Aventine as a plebeian stronghold but this may be a convenient fiction based on Gaius Gracchus’ occupation of the hill in 121 bce.
Luca (mod. Lucca) was a town located on the Auser River about 20 km inland from the Tyrrhenian Se... more Luca (mod. Lucca) was a town located on the Auser River about 20 km inland from the Tyrrhenian Sea. Legend attributes Luca's origin to the Pelopidae or the Greek Teutani (Plin. HN 3.50). Ligurians may have first inhabited the site but there is evidence for an Etruscan influence (Mencacci and Zecchini 1982).
Boudica (ca. 15–61 CE; see Jackson 1979) was queen of the ICENI, a tribe in East Anglia. She is r... more Boudica (ca. 15–61 CE; see Jackson 1979) was queen of the ICENI, a tribe in East Anglia. She is renowned for leading a bloody revolt against Roman rule in Britain ....
Commius (ca. 90–ca. 30 BCE) was a Gallic chieftain who played an important role in Caesar’s invas... more Commius (ca. 90–ca. 30 BCE) was a Gallic chieftain who played an important role in Caesar’s invasions of Britain and the revolt of VERCINGETORIX. ......
Caesar’s Gallic War (Bellum Gallicum) is an autobiographical, third person, narrative of Julius C... more Caesar’s Gallic War (Bellum Gallicum) is an autobiographical, third person, narrative of Julius Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul and Germany, written between 58 and 50 BCE ....
Jugurtha (ca. 160–104 BCE), the grandson of MASINISSA and son of Mastanabal, was a king of NUMIDI... more Jugurtha (ca. 160–104 BCE), the grandson of MASINISSA and son of Mastanabal, was a king of NUMIDIA, who waged a war against Rome documented in SALLUST’s Bellum Iugurthinum .....
Masinissa, son of the Massylian chieftain, Gaı¨a, was king of NUMIDIA from 201–148 BCE. A skilled... more Masinissa, son of the Massylian chieftain, Gaı¨a, was king of NUMIDIA from 201–148 BCE. A skilled diplomat and warrior, he was famed for his great strength, fearlessness, and longevity (Walsh 1965: 149) ....
M. Fulvius Nobilior (ca. 231–post–178 BCE), a member of the plebeian gens Fulvia, was a Roman gen... more M. Fulvius Nobilior (ca. 231–post–178 BCE), a member of the plebeian gens Fulvia, was a Roman general and statesman.He is most notable for his patronage of the epic poet Ennius and for the dedication of the temple of Hercules Musarum in Rome’s Circus Flaminius ...
Spartacus (ca. 106–71 BCE) was a Thracian gladiator who led a slave revolt against Rome from 73 t... more Spartacus (ca. 106–71 BCE) was a Thracian gladiator who led a slave revolt against Rome from 73 to 71 ....
Routledge Encyclopedia of Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 2015
The Augustales (also known as seviri Augustales and magistri Augustales) were orders composed pri... more The Augustales (also known as seviri Augustales and magistri Augustales) were orders composed primarily of wealthy freedmen. They played a significant civic role in the Italian cities and the western provinces and oversaw rites associated with the imperial cult.
The Routledge Encyclopedia of Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 2015
The term auspices (or auguries) refers to those divine signs that properly belonged to the domain... more The term auspices (or auguries) refers to those divine signs that properly belonged to the domain of the Roman augurs and to the power of magistrates to begin, postpone or annul any official action. Typically this meant the observation of bird flight and behavior, lightning and thunder and other dread signs. Nothing was achieved in domestic or military affairs without the taking of the auspices; generals did not march into battle, meetings did not take place and weddings did not proceed unless the signs from the gods were favorable.
The Routledge Encyclopedia of Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 2015
The Penates were household gods associated with the inner house (the penus, where provisions were... more The Penates were household gods associated with the inner house (the penus, where provisions were kept) and the kitchen.
The Routledge Encyclopedia of Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 2015
Julius Obsequens (ca. fourth century CE) compiled a liber prodigiorum (“Book of Prodigies”) excer... more Julius Obsequens (ca. fourth century CE) compiled a liber prodigiorum (“Book of Prodigies”) excerpted from the histories of Livy. His work is a useful reference for Roman religion and history in the absence of other extant historical narratives.
The Routledge Encyclopedia of Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 2015
The Roman goddess Fides was the personification of “Good Faith.” Her worship was allegedly instit... more The Roman goddess Fides was the personification of “Good Faith.” Her worship was allegedly instituted by Numa, perhaps as a result of confusion with the cult of Dius Fidius, an ancient Latin sky god.
The Routledge Encyclopedia of Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 2015
Faunus was a Roman god of the woods, farmlands and flocks, worshipped principally in the agrarian... more Faunus was a Roman god of the woods, farmlands and flocks, worshipped principally in the agrarian pagi. Not easily distinguishable from the other woodland deities, Pan and Silvanus, he was commonly portrayed as a horned satyr escorted by dryads.
The Routledge Encyclopedia of Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 2015
The twins Castor and Pollux (or Polydeukes) were legendary horsemen and boxers. They were the pat... more The twins Castor and Pollux (or Polydeukes) were legendary horsemen and boxers. They were the patron gods of travelers and sailors, of athletes and athletic events.
Almost thirty years have passed since Classicist and 'obsessional swimmer', Charles Sprawson gift... more Almost thirty years have passed since Classicist and 'obsessional swimmer', Charles Sprawson gifted the world his sublime work on the history of swimming (Haunts of the Black Masseur: The Swimmer as Hero (London, 1992). While competitive swimmers or waterpoloists may still be rari nantes among professional Classicists, the relationship between aquatics and the ancient world endures. This year alone, Classical scholars will have authored three books on swimming, including the one under review.[1] Beginning with Plato's aphorism μήτε γράμματα μήτε νεῖν, and continuing with an exhaustive survey of Classical, Medieval, and Renaissance sources, McManamon argues that the rediscovery of the ancient proverb marked western Europe's return to the water and a renaissance of swimming and free-diving. McManamon's passion for, and deep reading of, the primary sources soaks through every page. There is much to be praised in the gathering and descriptive analyses of those sources but, like Aeneas' sailors, the reader is in danger of being overwhelmed by an ocean of information.
During the first century BC Cicero’s contemporary, the intellectual and sometime praetor, Nigidiu... more During the first century BC Cicero’s contemporary, the intellectual and sometime praetor, Nigidius Figulus, transcribed a brontoscopic calendar attributed to the legendary Etruscan prophet Tages. The text of the calendar owes its survival to its later transmission and translation into Greek by the Byzantine antiquarian John Lydus (de Ost. 27-38). The calendar is remarkable among Etrusco-Roman divination documents for its completeness. It covers a full 12-month lunar cycle of 30 days beginning in June. Each entry consists of the date followed by a protasis (ἐὰν or εἰ βροντήσῃ) and apodosis returning the meaning of thunder on that day. In this attractively presented volume Jean Macintosh Turfa sets out to contextualise, translate, and analyse the calendar. ......
This thesis examines divination at Rome and its role in Roman historiography, with particular ref... more This thesis examines divination at Rome and its role in Roman historiography, with particular reference to Livy and Tacitus. The focus of the thesis is why and how they used divination and the extent to which divination supported their historiographical aims.
Chapter One considers the meaning of divinatio and the types of diviners and supernatural sign encompassed by the term. I draw attention to the contradictions between types of divination observed by the Roman state and those observed by individuals in a personal or private capacity. This examination is supported by a full lexicography of divinatory terms in the appendix. The remainder of the chapter considers modern bibliography and the current scholarly position on divination and Roman historiography. I consider four main areas: divination, historiography, Livy and Tacitus. The final section of the chapter discusses Feeney (1998) on Literature and Religion at Rome and stresses the importance of regarding divination in Roman historiography as a text which could support the overall historiographical objectives of Livy and Tacitus.
The importance of divination at Rome is explored in Chapter Two. The chapter surveys Roman attitudes and approaches to divination from the late third century BC to the early second century AD. The analysis indicates a thriving competitive and mercenary atmosphere of diviners and divination that offered the Roman people an outlet outside of the more rigid practices of the Roman state. I argue that there was a plurality of views and approaches to divination. Even where Varro and Cicero seemed to promote a sense of a 'traditional' Roman approach to divination, both engaged with the subject from very different viewpoints. In contrast there was a plethora of authors and works that considered less acceptable types of divination, such as astrology. I suggest that an interest in forms of divination which were not practised by the Roman state was as much a concern for members of the Roman upper classes as it was for the lower classes. This interest meant Augustus was able to incorporate elements of astrology into his religious 'revival' without causing offence. I show too that 'traditional' Roman practice continued to be significant throughout the early Empire. I suggest that different types of divination were not practised to the exclusion of all other types, that Livy and Tacitus, in their desire to present a 'traditional' view of Roman divination, were subscribing to a literary construct laid down by Varro and Cicero and they have obscured the plethora of divinatory activity available at Rome.
Chapter Three considers why Livy and Tacitus included divinatory material in their histories. I consider briefly the nature of Roman historiography and the influence of poetry and drama and of rhetoric on the Roman historiographical tradition since these encouraged historians to indulge in inventio, in order to flesh out their historiographical narratives. I argue that both Livy and Tacitus were influenced by the character of the annalistic tradition which presupposed the inclusion of prodigies and other religious and divinatory material. This explains why both authors were aware of the dangers of fabulae but understood how that material could be manipulated to suit their own historiographical purposes.
Chapter Four shows how Livy used divination in Books 1 and 5 to emphasise the importance of Roman divinatory institutions and Rome's relationship with the gods. I show how he uses prophecy to direct his work towards the glorious years of the middle Republic and how the Third Decade deliberately echoes themes from the early books to point towards Rome's control over the Mediterranean. However, Livy also used divination to stress the sense of decline from the Fourth Decade onwards. Using the Liber Prodigiorum of Iulius Obsequens, I argue that this continued into the lost later books, but that Livy may have intended to bring his work round full circle by pointing towards the success of Augustus and his religious revival with conscious echoes of Book 1. Finally, I consider those types of divination that Livy included or omitted. I argue that the choices made stressed the sense of traditional divination and the antiquarian approach of his work. In particular, Livy used divination to emphasise the superiority of Roman divination to that of other nations and to private practices.
In Chapter Five, I consider how Tacitus adapted Livy's annalistic form for imperial historiography. The chapter begins with a survey of Tacitus' approach to prodigies and shows the different ways in which he could use prodigia as dramatic devices. I also show that, like Livy, Tacitus contrasted foreign and private forms of divinatory practice with the state practices in order to reflect the traditions of the annalistic form. But in the sections on the Histories and the Annals, I argue that Tacitus surpassed his predecessor in the use of divination for drama, characterisation and emphasis.
This thesis covers Romano-British history from AD 39 to 84 through the works of the Tacitus, Suet... more This thesis covers Romano-British history from AD 39 to 84 through the works of the Tacitus, Suetonius Tranquillus, and Dio Cassius Cocceianus. In recent years, the sources have been mined for their historical 'facts' and those 'facts' weighed against the growing accumulation of archaeological data. I argue that a more nuanced reading of the classical authors, one which takes into account their historical agenda, their rhetorical methodology, and their influence on the reader (listener) , is vital for a fuller understanding of Roman Britain in the first century AD.
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This paper explores the religious and divinatory background to the building of the Aqua Marcia and the decemviral objections to Marcius’ aqueduct. It further investigates how Quintus Marcius Rex may have benefited from his family’s mythological associations with the kings of Rome and the Silenus Marsyas; and from the acquired symbolic capital of the gens Marcia as priests, prophets, and popularis politicians. The interplay between divination, politics, and personal profit in this episode foreshadows the religious conflicts of the first century BC and ultimately helped to embed the gens Marcia in the foundation story of the Augustan principate.
Commentarii (year-by-year reports) in eight volumes, of Julius Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul and Britain between 58 and 52 B.C.E., published and distributed at the end of each campaigning year. A supplementary eighth volume (covering the years 51 and 50 B.C.E.) was later composed and published by Caesar’s general Aulus Hirtius, in the mid-40s B.C.E.
Synopsis:
Appointed governor of Rome’s Gallic provinces and Illyricum, Julius Caesar campaigns against the tribes of Gaul, Germany, and Britain. Despite setbacks, Caesar successfully overcomes his enemies, and establishes Roman dominion over the area that is modern day France, Belgium, and the Netherlands.
A historical narrative of the history of Rome from c. 753 BCE to c. 9 BCE in 142 books (of which only books 1-10 and 21-45 have survived); written and published during the reign of the Emperor Augustus (31 BCE to CE 14) and the early years of his successor Tiberius (CE 14 to 37).
Synopsis:
Likening history to a monument on which are displayed good examples to follow and bad to avoid, the author traces the rise and expansion of Rome from the twin founders, Romulus and Remus, to the Emperor Augustus.
author, Aristander was already a suitable subject for inclusion in the histories of Alexander. His enduring reputation in the estimonia indicates that it was through his own merit that Aristander bequeathed his name to posterity.
of Ennius' work. This supposition does not seem to be supported by the language or style employed by Cicero. The lines should rather be understood as embodying the parochial view
that Clite Romans had towards forms of divination that were foreign, rustic or mercenary and not practised by the Roman state.
This paper explores the religious and divinatory background to the building of the Aqua Marcia and the decemviral objections to Marcius’ aqueduct. It further investigates how Quintus Marcius Rex may have benefited from his family’s mythological associations with the kings of Rome and the Silenus Marsyas; and from the acquired symbolic capital of the gens Marcia as priests, prophets, and popularis politicians. The interplay between divination, politics, and personal profit in this episode foreshadows the religious conflicts of the first century BC and ultimately helped to embed the gens Marcia in the foundation story of the Augustan principate.
Commentarii (year-by-year reports) in eight volumes, of Julius Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul and Britain between 58 and 52 B.C.E., published and distributed at the end of each campaigning year. A supplementary eighth volume (covering the years 51 and 50 B.C.E.) was later composed and published by Caesar’s general Aulus Hirtius, in the mid-40s B.C.E.
Synopsis:
Appointed governor of Rome’s Gallic provinces and Illyricum, Julius Caesar campaigns against the tribes of Gaul, Germany, and Britain. Despite setbacks, Caesar successfully overcomes his enemies, and establishes Roman dominion over the area that is modern day France, Belgium, and the Netherlands.
A historical narrative of the history of Rome from c. 753 BCE to c. 9 BCE in 142 books (of which only books 1-10 and 21-45 have survived); written and published during the reign of the Emperor Augustus (31 BCE to CE 14) and the early years of his successor Tiberius (CE 14 to 37).
Synopsis:
Likening history to a monument on which are displayed good examples to follow and bad to avoid, the author traces the rise and expansion of Rome from the twin founders, Romulus and Remus, to the Emperor Augustus.
author, Aristander was already a suitable subject for inclusion in the histories of Alexander. His enduring reputation in the estimonia indicates that it was through his own merit that Aristander bequeathed his name to posterity.
of Ennius' work. This supposition does not seem to be supported by the language or style employed by Cicero. The lines should rather be understood as embodying the parochial view
that Clite Romans had towards forms of divination that were foreign, rustic or mercenary and not practised by the Roman state.
Chapter One considers the meaning of divinatio and the types of diviners and supernatural sign encompassed by the term. I draw attention to the contradictions between types of divination observed by the Roman state and those observed by individuals in a personal or private capacity. This examination is supported by a full lexicography of divinatory terms in the appendix. The remainder of the chapter considers modern bibliography and the current scholarly position on divination and Roman historiography. I consider four main areas: divination, historiography, Livy and Tacitus. The final section of the chapter discusses Feeney (1998) on Literature and Religion at Rome and stresses the importance of regarding divination in Roman historiography as a text which could support the overall historiographical objectives of Livy and Tacitus.
The importance of divination at Rome is explored in Chapter Two. The chapter surveys Roman attitudes and approaches to divination from the late third century BC to the early second century AD. The analysis indicates a thriving competitive and mercenary atmosphere of diviners and divination that offered the Roman people an outlet outside of the more rigid practices of the Roman state. I argue that there was a plurality of views and approaches to divination. Even where Varro and Cicero seemed to promote a sense of a 'traditional' Roman approach to divination, both engaged with the subject from very different viewpoints. In contrast there was a plethora of authors and works that considered less acceptable types of divination, such as astrology. I suggest that an interest in forms of divination which were not practised by the Roman state was as much a concern for members of the Roman upper classes as it was for the lower classes. This interest meant Augustus was able to incorporate elements of astrology into his religious 'revival' without causing offence. I show too that 'traditional' Roman practice continued to be significant throughout the early Empire. I suggest that different types of divination were not practised to the exclusion of all other types, that Livy and Tacitus, in their desire to present a 'traditional' view of Roman divination, were subscribing to a literary construct laid down by Varro and Cicero and they have obscured the plethora of divinatory activity available at Rome.
Chapter Three considers why Livy and Tacitus included divinatory material in their histories. I consider briefly the nature of Roman historiography and the influence of poetry and drama and of rhetoric on the Roman historiographical tradition since these encouraged historians to indulge in inventio, in order to flesh out their historiographical narratives. I argue that both Livy and Tacitus were influenced by the character of the annalistic tradition which presupposed the inclusion of prodigies and other religious and divinatory material. This explains why both authors were aware of the dangers of fabulae but understood how that material could be manipulated to suit their own historiographical purposes.
Chapter Four shows how Livy used divination in Books 1 and 5 to emphasise the importance of Roman divinatory institutions and Rome's relationship with the gods. I show how he uses prophecy to direct his work towards the glorious years of the middle Republic and how the Third Decade deliberately echoes themes from the early books to point towards Rome's control over the Mediterranean. However, Livy also used divination to stress the sense of decline from the Fourth Decade onwards. Using the Liber Prodigiorum of Iulius Obsequens, I argue that this continued into the lost later books, but that Livy may have intended to bring his work round full circle by pointing towards the success of Augustus and his religious revival with conscious echoes of Book 1. Finally, I consider those types of divination that Livy included or omitted. I argue that the choices made stressed the sense of traditional divination and the antiquarian approach of his work. In particular, Livy used divination to emphasise the superiority of Roman divination to that of other nations and to private practices.
In Chapter Five, I consider how Tacitus adapted Livy's annalistic form for imperial historiography. The chapter begins with a survey of Tacitus' approach to prodigies and shows the different ways in which he could use prodigia as dramatic devices. I also show that, like Livy, Tacitus contrasted foreign and private forms of divinatory practice with the state practices in order to reflect the traditions of the annalistic form. But in the sections on the Histories and the Annals, I argue that Tacitus surpassed his predecessor in the use of divination for drama, characterisation and emphasis.