My research focuses on the politics of language in the construction of neoliberal discourses in education and society, as well as on reinventing a theory for critical pedagogy. I explore issues of language policy and linguistic hegemony, the role of language in social change and the construction of human agency/democratic spaces. I teach graduate courses in psycholinguistics, bilingualism, historical foundations of bilingual education, language policy, literacy and critical discourse analysis. Address: Department of Applied Linguistics University of Massachusetts Boston 100 Morrissey Blvd. Boston, MA 02125 USA
As academics and educators, we are constantly called to confront and address crises coming in wav... more As academics and educators, we are constantly called to confront and address crises coming in waves. From the neoliberal assault against our societies and the public good, to authoritarianism and the far-right populist insurgence our societies are becoming laboratories for the fierce implementation of capitalism, that has generated more repression, human immiseration, dehumanization and authoritarianism. Our pedagogies must be tuned into these large structural issues and solidly ground to a historical understanding of the world we live in.
How can the language classroom be reinvented as a space for decolonization, transformation, and t... more How can the language classroom be reinvented as a space for decolonization, transformation, and the development of critical consciousness? Language researchers and educators should not shy away from taking up these issues, as part of a critical language pedagogy. This is the critical pedagogy I would like to talk about here. A pedagogy that names, interrupts, challenges, critiques, and has a proposal for a different kind of language classrooms, curricula, schools, and communities that in turn affect societies and human life as a whole. This Special Issue of L2 Journal comes out at a very unusual historical juncture. The year 2020 is being registered in our lives and in our collective imaginary as the year that has radically changed human life as we know it. A pandemic of historic proportions has ruptured our existence and shaken our sense of “normalcy,” redefining human life and relations, teaching, learning, and labor. At the same time, an unprecedented and long overdue wave of demonstrations, protests, and mobilizations, triggered by the murder of another Black man by the police, brought to the fore once more the Black Lives Matter movement, capturing the ongoing oppression, discrimination, violence, and systemic racism against people of color in the United States. Both events and their consequences are forcing us to rethink our pedagogies. How are we, as academics, researchers, and language educators, engaging with this social and political reality? How do we educate and raise educators’ and students’ critical consciousness, so that they will always find themselves on the right side of history? If we want to claim doing engaged scholarship that truly aims at improving the lives of students, their families, their communities, and our society, we must be ready to talk about the workings of power and power asymmetries, the unequal distribution of wealth and power, racism, and the role of schooling in all this
THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CRITICAL MEDIA LITERACY, 2019
In this chapter, I contextualize the teacher mobilizations of 2018–2019 as a form of critical pub... more In this chapter, I contextualize the teacher mobilizations of 2018–2019 as a form of critical public pedagogy in the context of authoritarian politics of austerity. I, first, frame Trump administration as a typical authoritarian model of governance that is bolstered and grown in advanced capitalist societies. I focus specifically on the state of education on the last thirty years and its problems. I, then use educators’ mobilizations across the United States, as a powerful moment of resistance and disruption, against capitalism, authoritarianism and hate.
Με αφορμή το περιστατικό ένοπλης βίας στο γυμνάσιο Marjory Stoneman Douglas στο Πάρκλαντ της Φλόρ... more Με αφορμή το περιστατικό ένοπλης βίας στο γυμνάσιο Marjory Stoneman Douglas στο Πάρκλαντ της Φλόριντα, η προβληματική του άρθρου αυτού αναπτύσσεται πάνω σε δύο κεντρικούς άξονες: τη στρατιωτικοποίηση της εκπαίδευσης (μιλιταριστική εκπαίδευση) και την εκπαίδευση για τη στρατιωτικοποίηση (εκπαιδευτικός μιλιταρισμός). Οι δύο αυτοί άξονες εντάσσονται σε ένα πλαίσιο γενικής στρατιωτικοποίησης της αμερικανικής κοινωνίας αλλά και μιας επιθετικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής των ΗΠΑ. Τα σχολεία αποτελούν πλέον αγορές για τη βιομηχανία του πολέμου και της ασφάλειας, καθώς η εκπαίδευση επιχειρηματικοποιείται. Η στρατιωτικοποίηση της εκπαίδευσης πραγματοποιείται στο όνομα της ασφάλειας και της προστασίας και είναι εξαιρετικά επικερδής για τις εταιρείες που πωλούν «προϊόντα ασφάλειας». Ωστόσο, η συζήτηση για τη στρατιωτικοποίηση της εκπαίδευσης αφορά, στην ουσία, το ρόλο, τους σκοπούς και την αποστολή της δημόσιας εκπαίδευσης που έχει απαξιωθεί και αποψιλωθεί τα τελευταία τριάντα χρόνια μέσα από αλλεπάλληλα κύματα νεοφιλελεύθερων μεταρρυθμίσεων.
Το μακρινό Μάρτιο του 1998, ο Μάικ Κάμερον, μαθητής της τρίτης τάξης στο Λύκειο Γκρηνμπράιερ, στο... more Το μακρινό Μάρτιο του 1998, ο Μάικ Κάμερον, μαθητής της τρίτης τάξης στο Λύκειο Γκρηνμπράιερ, στο ‘Εβανς της Τζόρτζια εμφανίστηκε στο σχολείο φορώντας ένα μπλε-κόκκινο μπλουζάκι με το λογότυπο της Pepsi Cola. Την ημέρα εκείνη υψηλόβαθμα στελέχη της Coca Cola πραγματοποιούσαν επίσκεψη στο σχολείο στο πλαίσιο της «Ημέρας της Coca Cola στην Εκπαίδευση». Το σχολείο θεώρησε ότι η συμπεριφορά του Μάικ ήταν προσβλητική αφού αποκάλυψε το μπλουζάκι Pepsi που φορούσε την ώρα που έβγαζαν την ομαδική αναμνηστική ομαδική φωτογραφία με τους εκπροσώπους της Coca Cola και τους υπόλοιπους μαθητές, οι οποίοι είχαν στοιχηθεί με τέτοιο τρόπο ώστε να διαβάζεται η λέξη «Κόκα» (Coke). Αποτέλεσμα: ο Μάικ πήρε ημερήσια αποβολή.
Βασική επιδίωξη της παρούσης εργασίας είναι η διερεύνηση του χαρακτήρα ορισμένων από τα πιλοτικά ... more Βασική επιδίωξη της παρούσης εργασίας είναι η διερεύνηση του χαρακτήρα ορισμένων από τα πιλοτικά προγράμματα σπουδών τα οποία παράχθηκαν από το Παιδαγωγικό Ινστιτούτο στο πλαίσιο της υλοποίησης του «Νέου Σχολείου» (Υποέργο 1: «Εκπόνηση Προγραμμάτων Σπουδών Πρωτοβάθμιας και Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης και οδηγών για τον εκπαιδευτικό») με τη συγχρηματοδότηση της Ελλάδας και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης (ΕΣΠΑ 2007-2013). Πιο συγκεκριμένα, επιχειρούμε να απαντήσουμε στο ερώτημα ποια είναι η οπτική για το σχεδιασμό του αναλυτικού προγράμματος που χρησιμοποιήθηκε για την παραγωγή αυτών των προγραμμάτων σπουδών για το Δημοτικό Σχολείο, εννοώντας με το συγκεκριμένο όρο εκείνη τη διαδικασία σχεδιασμού η οποία αναφέρεται πρωταρχικά σε θέσεις που αφορούν τα απαραίτητα δομικά στοιχεία του αναλυτικού προγράμματος, δηλαδή τους σκοπούς και το περιεχόμενό τους[1]. Τα πιλοτικά προγράμματα σπουδών, όμως, εμπεριέχουν θέσεις που αναφέρονται και στον τρόπο διδασκαλίας (δηλαδή στη μέθοδο και στη μορφή διδασκαλίας), καθώς και στις διαδικασίες και τις μορφές αξιολόγησης. Συνεπώς, μπορούμε να χρησιμοποιήσουμε τις σχετικές αναφορές των συγγραφέων των πιλοτικών προγραμμάτων σπουδών στην κατεύθυνση της απάντησης του ερωτήματος το οποίο θέσαμε προηγουμένως.
Οι νεοφιλελεύθερες πολιτικές που εφαρμόζονται στην Ελλάδα έχουν ως αποτέλεσμα τη δημιουργία απάνθ... more Οι νεοφιλελεύθερες πολιτικές που εφαρμόζονται στην Ελλάδα έχουν ως αποτέλεσμα τη δημιουργία απάνθρωπων συνθηκών διαβίωσης για το λαό. Η παρούσα εργασία αξιοποιεί το έργο του Erich Fromm για να συζητήσει τη συνεχιζόμενη οικονομική, πολιτική και ανθρωπιστική κρίση στην Ελλάδα χρησιμοποιώντας τις έννοιες «νεκροφιλία», «υπακοή/ ανυπακοή» και «ελπίδα». Ειδικότερα, το νεοφιλελεύθερο πείραμα που εφαρμόστηκε στην Ελλάδα αναλύεται ως μια μορφή «κοινωνικής νεκροφιλίας», δηλαδή εφαρμογής πολιτικών οι οποίες προωθούν το θάνατο, είτε φυσικό είτε συμβολικό, όπως αυτός εκδηλώνεται με την ανάδυση νέων μορφών φασισμού και την αποσύνθεση του σώματος. Στο πλαίσιο της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, ο ελληνικός λαός έχει οριστεί ως «ανυπάκουος» που πρέπει να πειθαρχήσει. Ωστόσο, αυτή η εικόνα βασίζεται σε μια διαστρεβλωμένη έννοια της υπακοής και της ανυπακοής. Η ανυπακοή αναδιατυπώνεται με πολιτική αναφορά και συνδέεται με την έννοια της ανθρώπινης υποκειμενικότητας. Η απάθεια του ελληνικού λαού και η αδράνεια συζητούνται ευρύτερα μέσω του δυϊσμού υπακοή/ανυπακοή. Η εργασία ολοκληρώνεται με μια πραγμάτευση της έννοιας της ελπίδας του Fromm ως πολιτικού σχεδίου με συγκεκριμένο περιεχόμενο, το οποίο μπορεί να προσφέρει ένα ρεαλιστικό πλαίσιο για το στοχασμό νέων κατευθύνσεων.
As critical pedagogy becomes more mainstream on the educational landscape in the United States, i... more As critical pedagogy becomes more mainstream on the educational landscape in the United States, it is important to revisit the original tenets of critical pedagogy and explore their current manifestations. Since the beginning of “criticalism” from the theoretical/foundational work of the Frankfurt School of Critical Social Theory, critical theory challenges traditional theory steeped in positivism and calls out for justice and liberation. This article traces the paths of critical education, critical pedagogies, and Marxist education in the United States by examining the tenets of critical pedagogy from a Marxist point of view while providing a historical context. In addition, this piece presents familiar challenges and critiques lodged against the practice of critical pedagogy in the United States. Examples of revolutionary/Marxist critical pedagogy-in-practice in various K-adult contexts are described and questions about vitality or the ability of critical pedagogy to endure in the face of intensified capitalism are also explored.
Proceedings of the IV International Conference in Critical Education, Jun 2014
Στο πλαίσιο της οικονομικής κρίσης του καπιταλισμού που έχει προκαλέσει μια δίχως όρια ανθρωπιστι... more Στο πλαίσιο της οικονομικής κρίσης του καπιταλισμού που έχει προκαλέσει μια δίχως όρια ανθρωπιστική, κοινωνική και πολιτισμική κρίση διεθνώς με χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα την Ελλάδα, είναι επιτακτική ανάγκη να ξανασκεφτούμε την κριτική παιδαγωγική σε επίπεδο θεωρητικό, σε επίπεδο κατευθύνσεων και στόχων, αλλά και
σε σχέση με τον τρόπο που επαναπροσδιορίζει το ρόλο των εκπαιδευτικών και επιχειρεί να επηρεάσει τις ζωές των μαθητών.
In Griekenland vindt het meest recente en meest verregaande neoliberale experiment plaats ter wer... more In Griekenland vindt het meest recente en meest verregaande neoliberale experiment plaats ter wereld. Als Chili het laboratorium was voor de eerste fase van het neoliberalisme, dan is Griekenland het laboratorium voor een nieuwe, nog hardere implementatie van het neoliberalisme.
Op radicale en gewelddadige wijze werd Griekenland omgevormd tot een land waarin menselijk leven werd weggesmeten in de vuilnisbak van het globale kapitalisme. Ik ben getuige van een nieuwe vorm van sociale necrofilie die de werkruimte, de publieke ruimte en het leven zelf oppeuzelt. Ik krimp ineen wanneer ik woorden hoor als ‘opoffering' of ‘redding’. Dan vraag ik me af: wiens redding en wiens opoffering? Als ik Antonis Samaras, de Griekse eerste minister, hoor verkondigen dat Griekenland een succesverhaal is, dan vraag ik me af: wiens succesverhaal? De cijfers zijn veelzeggend in dit verband.
Iperistoria: Testi Letterature Linguaggi , Mar 2014
In this article I want to explore the ways in which OWS opened a new public sphere that served as... more In this article I want to explore the ways in which OWS opened a new public sphere that served as a site of public pedagogy. What I am interested in are the Occupy movement’s pedagogical characteristics as they have shaped the public discourse, as well as the ways lessons from Occupy can serve as pedagogies and be reinvented in school curricula. In other words, I am attempting to make the political pedagogical and the pedagogical political.
Panayota Gounari ist Professorin für Angewandte Linguistik an der University of Massachusetts in ... more Panayota Gounari ist Professorin für Angewandte Linguistik an der University of Massachusetts in Boston. In einem Artikel von 2014, der Zeit vor Syriza, schreibt sie über Griechenland als Expermentierfeld einer neuen Phase global organisierter neoliberaler Politik. Sie analysiert die Situation als Ausdruck einer neuen Form der sozialen Nekrophilie, die an traditionelle Formen kolonialer Politik und faschistischer Ideologie anschließt, und belegt ihre Thesen an zahlreichen Beispielen und Daten. Trotz der veränderten politischen Lage halte ich viele ihrer Punkte nach wie vor für gültig, nicht nur für Griechenland. Die Zukunft des Landes und mit ihr diejenige Europas hängt davon ab, ob die Öffentlichkeit in der Lage sein wird, sich gegen die zunehmend aggressive Nekropolitik der Eliten zu behaupten, die unsere Gesundheit, unsere Leben und unseren Lebensraum nachhaltig und systematisch zerstören.
In the final countdown to the Greek national elections, we are witnessing the heights of an ongoi... more In the final countdown to the Greek national elections, we are witnessing the heights of an ongoing vicious “fear campaign.” The goal is to coerce Greek voters, who have been living for at least six years in a state of terror and wretchedness, into keeping inpower the same political forces that have crafted their destruction and have transformed Greece into a debt colony. This “fear campaign” launched by the right-wing ruling party and its local and international allies that includes catastrophic scenarios about the exit from the EU and the Euro and the potential disaster of a Left government resonates with a politics of social necrophilia implemented in Greece the last six years of deep recession. It attempts to convince those who have been robbed of their salaries, pensions, jobs, collective bargaining agreements, healthcare and public education—those who have been robbed of their very freedom and humanity, that they actually have something to lose should there be a “regime change” with a Left government in power on January 26th.
The outbreak of the economic, social, and political crisis is affecting education at a global sca... more The outbreak of the economic, social, and political crisis is affecting education at a global scale. The crisis, in tandem with the dominant neoliberal and neoconservative politics that are implemented and promoted internationally as the only solution, redefine the sociopolitical and ideological role of education. Public education is shrinking. It loses its status as a social right. It is projected as a mere commodity for sale while it becomes less democratic and critical.
Understanding the causes of the crisis, the special forms it takes in different countries and the multiple ways in which it influences education, constitutes important questions for all those who do not limit their perspectives to the horizon of neoconservative, neoliberal and technocratic dogmas. Moreover, the critical education movement has the responsibility to rethink its views and practices in light of the crisis as well as the paths that this crisis opens for challenging and overthrowing capitalist domination worldwide.
The International Conference on Critical Education, which was held in Athens in 2011 and 2012 and Ankara in 2013, provides a platform for scholars, educators, activists and others interested in the subject to come together and engage in a free, democratic and productive dialogue. At a time of crisis when public education is under siege by neoliberalism and neoconservatism, we invite you to submit a proposal and to attend the IV International Conference on Critical Education to reflect on the theory and practice of critical education and to contribute to the field.
As academics and educators, we are constantly called to confront and address crises coming in wav... more As academics and educators, we are constantly called to confront and address crises coming in waves. From the neoliberal assault against our societies and the public good, to authoritarianism and the far-right populist insurgence our societies are becoming laboratories for the fierce implementation of capitalism, that has generated more repression, human immiseration, dehumanization and authoritarianism. Our pedagogies must be tuned into these large structural issues and solidly ground to a historical understanding of the world we live in.
How can the language classroom be reinvented as a space for decolonization, transformation, and t... more How can the language classroom be reinvented as a space for decolonization, transformation, and the development of critical consciousness? Language researchers and educators should not shy away from taking up these issues, as part of a critical language pedagogy. This is the critical pedagogy I would like to talk about here. A pedagogy that names, interrupts, challenges, critiques, and has a proposal for a different kind of language classrooms, curricula, schools, and communities that in turn affect societies and human life as a whole. This Special Issue of L2 Journal comes out at a very unusual historical juncture. The year 2020 is being registered in our lives and in our collective imaginary as the year that has radically changed human life as we know it. A pandemic of historic proportions has ruptured our existence and shaken our sense of “normalcy,” redefining human life and relations, teaching, learning, and labor. At the same time, an unprecedented and long overdue wave of demonstrations, protests, and mobilizations, triggered by the murder of another Black man by the police, brought to the fore once more the Black Lives Matter movement, capturing the ongoing oppression, discrimination, violence, and systemic racism against people of color in the United States. Both events and their consequences are forcing us to rethink our pedagogies. How are we, as academics, researchers, and language educators, engaging with this social and political reality? How do we educate and raise educators’ and students’ critical consciousness, so that they will always find themselves on the right side of history? If we want to claim doing engaged scholarship that truly aims at improving the lives of students, their families, their communities, and our society, we must be ready to talk about the workings of power and power asymmetries, the unequal distribution of wealth and power, racism, and the role of schooling in all this
THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CRITICAL MEDIA LITERACY, 2019
In this chapter, I contextualize the teacher mobilizations of 2018–2019 as a form of critical pub... more In this chapter, I contextualize the teacher mobilizations of 2018–2019 as a form of critical public pedagogy in the context of authoritarian politics of austerity. I, first, frame Trump administration as a typical authoritarian model of governance that is bolstered and grown in advanced capitalist societies. I focus specifically on the state of education on the last thirty years and its problems. I, then use educators’ mobilizations across the United States, as a powerful moment of resistance and disruption, against capitalism, authoritarianism and hate.
Με αφορμή το περιστατικό ένοπλης βίας στο γυμνάσιο Marjory Stoneman Douglas στο Πάρκλαντ της Φλόρ... more Με αφορμή το περιστατικό ένοπλης βίας στο γυμνάσιο Marjory Stoneman Douglas στο Πάρκλαντ της Φλόριντα, η προβληματική του άρθρου αυτού αναπτύσσεται πάνω σε δύο κεντρικούς άξονες: τη στρατιωτικοποίηση της εκπαίδευσης (μιλιταριστική εκπαίδευση) και την εκπαίδευση για τη στρατιωτικοποίηση (εκπαιδευτικός μιλιταρισμός). Οι δύο αυτοί άξονες εντάσσονται σε ένα πλαίσιο γενικής στρατιωτικοποίησης της αμερικανικής κοινωνίας αλλά και μιας επιθετικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής των ΗΠΑ. Τα σχολεία αποτελούν πλέον αγορές για τη βιομηχανία του πολέμου και της ασφάλειας, καθώς η εκπαίδευση επιχειρηματικοποιείται. Η στρατιωτικοποίηση της εκπαίδευσης πραγματοποιείται στο όνομα της ασφάλειας και της προστασίας και είναι εξαιρετικά επικερδής για τις εταιρείες που πωλούν «προϊόντα ασφάλειας». Ωστόσο, η συζήτηση για τη στρατιωτικοποίηση της εκπαίδευσης αφορά, στην ουσία, το ρόλο, τους σκοπούς και την αποστολή της δημόσιας εκπαίδευσης που έχει απαξιωθεί και αποψιλωθεί τα τελευταία τριάντα χρόνια μέσα από αλλεπάλληλα κύματα νεοφιλελεύθερων μεταρρυθμίσεων.
Το μακρινό Μάρτιο του 1998, ο Μάικ Κάμερον, μαθητής της τρίτης τάξης στο Λύκειο Γκρηνμπράιερ, στο... more Το μακρινό Μάρτιο του 1998, ο Μάικ Κάμερον, μαθητής της τρίτης τάξης στο Λύκειο Γκρηνμπράιερ, στο ‘Εβανς της Τζόρτζια εμφανίστηκε στο σχολείο φορώντας ένα μπλε-κόκκινο μπλουζάκι με το λογότυπο της Pepsi Cola. Την ημέρα εκείνη υψηλόβαθμα στελέχη της Coca Cola πραγματοποιούσαν επίσκεψη στο σχολείο στο πλαίσιο της «Ημέρας της Coca Cola στην Εκπαίδευση». Το σχολείο θεώρησε ότι η συμπεριφορά του Μάικ ήταν προσβλητική αφού αποκάλυψε το μπλουζάκι Pepsi που φορούσε την ώρα που έβγαζαν την ομαδική αναμνηστική ομαδική φωτογραφία με τους εκπροσώπους της Coca Cola και τους υπόλοιπους μαθητές, οι οποίοι είχαν στοιχηθεί με τέτοιο τρόπο ώστε να διαβάζεται η λέξη «Κόκα» (Coke). Αποτέλεσμα: ο Μάικ πήρε ημερήσια αποβολή.
Βασική επιδίωξη της παρούσης εργασίας είναι η διερεύνηση του χαρακτήρα ορισμένων από τα πιλοτικά ... more Βασική επιδίωξη της παρούσης εργασίας είναι η διερεύνηση του χαρακτήρα ορισμένων από τα πιλοτικά προγράμματα σπουδών τα οποία παράχθηκαν από το Παιδαγωγικό Ινστιτούτο στο πλαίσιο της υλοποίησης του «Νέου Σχολείου» (Υποέργο 1: «Εκπόνηση Προγραμμάτων Σπουδών Πρωτοβάθμιας και Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης και οδηγών για τον εκπαιδευτικό») με τη συγχρηματοδότηση της Ελλάδας και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης (ΕΣΠΑ 2007-2013). Πιο συγκεκριμένα, επιχειρούμε να απαντήσουμε στο ερώτημα ποια είναι η οπτική για το σχεδιασμό του αναλυτικού προγράμματος που χρησιμοποιήθηκε για την παραγωγή αυτών των προγραμμάτων σπουδών για το Δημοτικό Σχολείο, εννοώντας με το συγκεκριμένο όρο εκείνη τη διαδικασία σχεδιασμού η οποία αναφέρεται πρωταρχικά σε θέσεις που αφορούν τα απαραίτητα δομικά στοιχεία του αναλυτικού προγράμματος, δηλαδή τους σκοπούς και το περιεχόμενό τους[1]. Τα πιλοτικά προγράμματα σπουδών, όμως, εμπεριέχουν θέσεις που αναφέρονται και στον τρόπο διδασκαλίας (δηλαδή στη μέθοδο και στη μορφή διδασκαλίας), καθώς και στις διαδικασίες και τις μορφές αξιολόγησης. Συνεπώς, μπορούμε να χρησιμοποιήσουμε τις σχετικές αναφορές των συγγραφέων των πιλοτικών προγραμμάτων σπουδών στην κατεύθυνση της απάντησης του ερωτήματος το οποίο θέσαμε προηγουμένως.
Οι νεοφιλελεύθερες πολιτικές που εφαρμόζονται στην Ελλάδα έχουν ως αποτέλεσμα τη δημιουργία απάνθ... more Οι νεοφιλελεύθερες πολιτικές που εφαρμόζονται στην Ελλάδα έχουν ως αποτέλεσμα τη δημιουργία απάνθρωπων συνθηκών διαβίωσης για το λαό. Η παρούσα εργασία αξιοποιεί το έργο του Erich Fromm για να συζητήσει τη συνεχιζόμενη οικονομική, πολιτική και ανθρωπιστική κρίση στην Ελλάδα χρησιμοποιώντας τις έννοιες «νεκροφιλία», «υπακοή/ ανυπακοή» και «ελπίδα». Ειδικότερα, το νεοφιλελεύθερο πείραμα που εφαρμόστηκε στην Ελλάδα αναλύεται ως μια μορφή «κοινωνικής νεκροφιλίας», δηλαδή εφαρμογής πολιτικών οι οποίες προωθούν το θάνατο, είτε φυσικό είτε συμβολικό, όπως αυτός εκδηλώνεται με την ανάδυση νέων μορφών φασισμού και την αποσύνθεση του σώματος. Στο πλαίσιο της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, ο ελληνικός λαός έχει οριστεί ως «ανυπάκουος» που πρέπει να πειθαρχήσει. Ωστόσο, αυτή η εικόνα βασίζεται σε μια διαστρεβλωμένη έννοια της υπακοής και της ανυπακοής. Η ανυπακοή αναδιατυπώνεται με πολιτική αναφορά και συνδέεται με την έννοια της ανθρώπινης υποκειμενικότητας. Η απάθεια του ελληνικού λαού και η αδράνεια συζητούνται ευρύτερα μέσω του δυϊσμού υπακοή/ανυπακοή. Η εργασία ολοκληρώνεται με μια πραγμάτευση της έννοιας της ελπίδας του Fromm ως πολιτικού σχεδίου με συγκεκριμένο περιεχόμενο, το οποίο μπορεί να προσφέρει ένα ρεαλιστικό πλαίσιο για το στοχασμό νέων κατευθύνσεων.
As critical pedagogy becomes more mainstream on the educational landscape in the United States, i... more As critical pedagogy becomes more mainstream on the educational landscape in the United States, it is important to revisit the original tenets of critical pedagogy and explore their current manifestations. Since the beginning of “criticalism” from the theoretical/foundational work of the Frankfurt School of Critical Social Theory, critical theory challenges traditional theory steeped in positivism and calls out for justice and liberation. This article traces the paths of critical education, critical pedagogies, and Marxist education in the United States by examining the tenets of critical pedagogy from a Marxist point of view while providing a historical context. In addition, this piece presents familiar challenges and critiques lodged against the practice of critical pedagogy in the United States. Examples of revolutionary/Marxist critical pedagogy-in-practice in various K-adult contexts are described and questions about vitality or the ability of critical pedagogy to endure in the face of intensified capitalism are also explored.
Proceedings of the IV International Conference in Critical Education, Jun 2014
Στο πλαίσιο της οικονομικής κρίσης του καπιταλισμού που έχει προκαλέσει μια δίχως όρια ανθρωπιστι... more Στο πλαίσιο της οικονομικής κρίσης του καπιταλισμού που έχει προκαλέσει μια δίχως όρια ανθρωπιστική, κοινωνική και πολιτισμική κρίση διεθνώς με χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα την Ελλάδα, είναι επιτακτική ανάγκη να ξανασκεφτούμε την κριτική παιδαγωγική σε επίπεδο θεωρητικό, σε επίπεδο κατευθύνσεων και στόχων, αλλά και
σε σχέση με τον τρόπο που επαναπροσδιορίζει το ρόλο των εκπαιδευτικών και επιχειρεί να επηρεάσει τις ζωές των μαθητών.
In Griekenland vindt het meest recente en meest verregaande neoliberale experiment plaats ter wer... more In Griekenland vindt het meest recente en meest verregaande neoliberale experiment plaats ter wereld. Als Chili het laboratorium was voor de eerste fase van het neoliberalisme, dan is Griekenland het laboratorium voor een nieuwe, nog hardere implementatie van het neoliberalisme.
Op radicale en gewelddadige wijze werd Griekenland omgevormd tot een land waarin menselijk leven werd weggesmeten in de vuilnisbak van het globale kapitalisme. Ik ben getuige van een nieuwe vorm van sociale necrofilie die de werkruimte, de publieke ruimte en het leven zelf oppeuzelt. Ik krimp ineen wanneer ik woorden hoor als ‘opoffering' of ‘redding’. Dan vraag ik me af: wiens redding en wiens opoffering? Als ik Antonis Samaras, de Griekse eerste minister, hoor verkondigen dat Griekenland een succesverhaal is, dan vraag ik me af: wiens succesverhaal? De cijfers zijn veelzeggend in dit verband.
Iperistoria: Testi Letterature Linguaggi , Mar 2014
In this article I want to explore the ways in which OWS opened a new public sphere that served as... more In this article I want to explore the ways in which OWS opened a new public sphere that served as a site of public pedagogy. What I am interested in are the Occupy movement’s pedagogical characteristics as they have shaped the public discourse, as well as the ways lessons from Occupy can serve as pedagogies and be reinvented in school curricula. In other words, I am attempting to make the political pedagogical and the pedagogical political.
Panayota Gounari ist Professorin für Angewandte Linguistik an der University of Massachusetts in ... more Panayota Gounari ist Professorin für Angewandte Linguistik an der University of Massachusetts in Boston. In einem Artikel von 2014, der Zeit vor Syriza, schreibt sie über Griechenland als Expermentierfeld einer neuen Phase global organisierter neoliberaler Politik. Sie analysiert die Situation als Ausdruck einer neuen Form der sozialen Nekrophilie, die an traditionelle Formen kolonialer Politik und faschistischer Ideologie anschließt, und belegt ihre Thesen an zahlreichen Beispielen und Daten. Trotz der veränderten politischen Lage halte ich viele ihrer Punkte nach wie vor für gültig, nicht nur für Griechenland. Die Zukunft des Landes und mit ihr diejenige Europas hängt davon ab, ob die Öffentlichkeit in der Lage sein wird, sich gegen die zunehmend aggressive Nekropolitik der Eliten zu behaupten, die unsere Gesundheit, unsere Leben und unseren Lebensraum nachhaltig und systematisch zerstören.
In the final countdown to the Greek national elections, we are witnessing the heights of an ongoi... more In the final countdown to the Greek national elections, we are witnessing the heights of an ongoing vicious “fear campaign.” The goal is to coerce Greek voters, who have been living for at least six years in a state of terror and wretchedness, into keeping inpower the same political forces that have crafted their destruction and have transformed Greece into a debt colony. This “fear campaign” launched by the right-wing ruling party and its local and international allies that includes catastrophic scenarios about the exit from the EU and the Euro and the potential disaster of a Left government resonates with a politics of social necrophilia implemented in Greece the last six years of deep recession. It attempts to convince those who have been robbed of their salaries, pensions, jobs, collective bargaining agreements, healthcare and public education—those who have been robbed of their very freedom and humanity, that they actually have something to lose should there be a “regime change” with a Left government in power on January 26th.
The outbreak of the economic, social, and political crisis is affecting education at a global sca... more The outbreak of the economic, social, and political crisis is affecting education at a global scale. The crisis, in tandem with the dominant neoliberal and neoconservative politics that are implemented and promoted internationally as the only solution, redefine the sociopolitical and ideological role of education. Public education is shrinking. It loses its status as a social right. It is projected as a mere commodity for sale while it becomes less democratic and critical.
Understanding the causes of the crisis, the special forms it takes in different countries and the multiple ways in which it influences education, constitutes important questions for all those who do not limit their perspectives to the horizon of neoconservative, neoliberal and technocratic dogmas. Moreover, the critical education movement has the responsibility to rethink its views and practices in light of the crisis as well as the paths that this crisis opens for challenging and overthrowing capitalist domination worldwide.
The International Conference on Critical Education, which was held in Athens in 2011 and 2012 and Ankara in 2013, provides a platform for scholars, educators, activists and others interested in the subject to come together and engage in a free, democratic and productive dialogue. At a time of crisis when public education is under siege by neoliberalism and neoconservatism, we invite you to submit a proposal and to attend the IV International Conference on Critical Education to reflect on the theory and practice of critical education and to contribute to the field.
How to Critique Authoritarian Populism: Methodologies of the Frankfurt School, 2021
The analysis of right-wing authoritarianism as manifested through language and discourses, in its... more The analysis of right-wing authoritarianism as manifested through language and discourses, in its contemporary iteration in social media, has a lot to gain from revisiting Critical Theory. More specifically, Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) analyzing authoritarianism in social media can find important theoretical, conceptual, and analytical tools in Theodor Adorno et al.’s The Authoritarian Personality as well as in Herbert Marcuse’s work, particularly “One Dimensional Man.” Herbert Marcuse’s work, however, remains largely unexplored in the CDS field. In this chapter I explore existing connections in the bibliography between the Frankfurt School’s CT and CDS. I discuss Marcuse’s work related to discourse in order to draw theoretical, conceptual and analytical tools that can support and enrich inquiry into right-wing authoritarian discourse aspiring to further build on it so as to create a framework that will address current needs for scholars who work on authoritarianism in social media.
Disrupting Hate in Education Teacher Activists, Democracy, and Global Pedagogies of Interruption, 2021
In this chapter, I, first, frame the Trump administration as an authoritarian capitalist model o... more In this chapter, I, first, frame the Trump administration as an authoritarian capitalist model of governance that flourishes in the current global geopolitical landscape. By linking capitalism with authoritarianism and, in turn, with “new fascism,” (Marcuse 1967b) I provide a broader sociopolitical context, where I, then, situate hate and violence in education as a serious embodiment, expression, and reflection of authoritarian politics. Drawing on surveys and studies conducted after the 2016 U.S. election, I am mapping the landscape in the nation’s schools in the context of what is often referred to as “teaching in the age of Trump” (Cole, 2019; Costello, 2016; O’Brien, 2019; Rinard, 2018; Rogers et al. 2017; Rogers, Ishimoto, Kwako, Berryman, & Diera, 2019; Voght, 2017). Data from surveys is further framed by news stories reported in the media in the period between January 2016 and as of the writing of these lines. These stories paint the picture of a hostile school environment, with increased hate incidents, racism, bullying, and the spread of fake news, as well as the emboldening of reactionary educators to openly manifest their white supremacist, racist and discriminatory ideologies. I am proposing critical public pedagogy as both a theoretical framework and a practice (praxis) that can shape teachers’ understanding of schooling and its role in the broader sociopolitical context that in turn, would disrupt politics of hate. Critical public pedagogy is deeply historical, it makes relations of power explicit, rejects objectivity and neutrality and sees schools as sites of struggle, as opposed to neutral sites of learning. Critical public pedagogy further makes the pedagogical political by integrating public issues into the school microcosm.
This chapter reviews the educational literature on student resistance and attempts to recast it i... more This chapter reviews the educational literature on student resistance and attempts to recast it in the context of authoritarian capitalism. It proposes a pedagogy of resistance and disobedience with specific goals and political content. Resistance must be distinguished from rebelliousness as reaction without clear political meaning. Student resistance in inner city schools has been one of the largest sustained guerilla warfare campaigns since the advent of mass literacy. Henry Giroux's analysis proposes to reframe school failure and oppositional behavior away from functionalism and mainstream educational psychology to political analysis. Authoritarianism and commodification seem to be among the leading ideologies shaping education, particularly the educational vision of the Trump administration with the appointment of Betsy DeVos, a multi-millionaire, second-generation, religious right funder, as Secretary of Education. Such educational process of estrangement functions to alienate students from the world around them, from themselves, and from each other.
After Donald Trump’s election as President of the United States, the discussion on authoritariani... more After Donald Trump’s election as President of the United States, the discussion on authoritarianism has re-emerged. This chapter attempts to create a context where the shift in discourse and the normalization of racist, nationalistic and nativist narratives in the public realm is presented, examined, and questioned. Drawing on the work of the Frankfurt School, and more particularly, on Lowenthal and Guterman’s Prophets of Deceit, I contend that what we are witnessing with Trump’s ascend to power is not simply right-wing populism and its ensuing discourses and practices but rather, a full-fledged, neofascist, authoritarian turn. In order to illustrate this point, I am turning to the function of social media, particularly Twitter. Social media are understood as a new kind of symbolic “machine”, an effective political instrument that, in the context of advanced capitalism, both dehumanize politics and struggles and absolve people from the guilt of inertia in the face of major social and economic crises. Twitter as a large dissemination platform is exploited by Trump to promote his brand of authoritarian, corporate capitalism and reactionary politics. Trump’s tweets are analyzed as an instrument of discourse production, reorientation and social control and the characteristics (operationalism, discourse as commodity, self as a brand, amusement, dehistoricization) of this one-dimensional discourse are presented.
Reclaiming the Sane Society: Essays on Erich Fromm's Thought (Miri, S., Lake, R, & Kress, T. Eds), 2014
Neoliberal policies currently implemented in Greece have resulted in inhumane conditions of livin... more Neoliberal policies currently implemented in Greece have resulted in inhumane conditions of living for the people. This chapter draws on Erich Fromm’s work in order to discuss the ongoing economic, political, and humanitarian crisis in Greece using his concepts of necrophilia, obedience/disobedience and hope. More specifically, the neoliberal experiment implemented in Greece is analyzed as a form of “social necrophilia” that is, policies that promote death, whether physical or symbolic” as manifested in the emergence of new forms of fascism and the degeneration of the body. In the context of the European Union, Greek people have been typecast as “disobedient” and in need of discipline. However, this portrayal is based on a distorted notion of obedience and disobedience. Disobedience is recast with a political referent and it is connected with a notion of human agency. Greek people’s apathy and inertia are further discussed through the obedience/disobedience binary. The chapter concludes with a discussion of Fromm’s notion of hope as a political project with specific content that can provide a realistic framework for rethinking new orientations.
In Bryan Wright and Peter Trifonas, (Eds.) Critical Peace Education: Difficult Dialogues. (New York: Springer, 2013).
Panayota Gounari examines some of the limits of peace (as) discourse in this chapter. By critiqui... more Panayota Gounari examines some of the limits of peace (as) discourse in this chapter. By critiquing the dominant discourse on peace and human rights, she exposes some of the fundamental elements of hegemonic Western teleology. In “critiquing the discourse of peace as agency,” she proffers a critical review of what has taken place internationally during the past ten years that reveals how violent and bloody this decade has been despite a designation in 2000 by the United Nations for an International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-violence for the Children of the World. Despite the hard work, strides, and achievements made by peace organizations and movements worldwide and despite the positive interventions and the increasing awareness on issues pertaining to nonviolence and peace, the history of humanity remains one of atrocities, pain, and devastation. Calling for a deeper reflection and understanding of the multiple forms of economic, political, symbolic, and discursive violence, and their very real human consequences, as well as an intensified move toward militarization worldwide, Gounari wonders how do we reconcile a decade dedicated in the “culture of peace” with the ongoing wars and aggression? Furthermore, she acknowledges a tension that exists at the discursive level, as well: through the designation of an International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-violence for the Children of the World, institutions like UNESCO that are legitimized to define, process, and work on peace produce their own discourse in reports, news briefs, and other antiviolence and pro-peace material and provide specific recommendations and directives. Gounari analyzes the dominant discourse and “universal” character of peace and human rights and the way they have been used to neutralize or even promote aggression. This has been done in the context of a liberal ideology of missionary politics that promotes tolerance. She interrogates this missionary politics of tolerance and provides some thoughts on violence drawing on the seminal work of Slavoj Zizek, Herbert Marcuse, Walter Benjamin, and Hannah Arendt in an attempt to provide a theoretical framework of understanding the ongoing aggression worldwide. Finally, Gounari looks at peace education through the lens of critical pedagogy as a radical educational discourse and pedagogy, to suggest ways to integrate pressing questions about violence in the curriculum.
CHAPTER 2 Language as Racism: A New Policy of Exclusion Panayota Gounari andDonaldo Macedo In the... more CHAPTER 2 Language as Racism: A New Policy of Exclusion Panayota Gounari andDonaldo Macedo In the first place we should insist if the immigrant who comes here in good faith becomes an American and assimilates him-self to us, he shall be treated with an exact equality ...
The present obsession with “historical literacy” has reached unprecedented proportions in the Uni... more The present obsession with “historical literacy” has reached unprecedented proportions in the United States, both in the education debate and in the public arena. We are witnessing an intellectual battle over a redefinition of history. Conservatives are accusing youth of historical illiteracy while they promote their own version of official history as fact banking of worthy and glorious events. At the same time, they marginalize other subjugated histories that do not fit the “westernized” paradigm of hegemonic history. Unfortunately, hegemonic history, as it is taught in schools, becomes a powerful tool that regulates the way people live and provides paradigms for mimesis rather than creating structures in which new social and cultural spaces are able to emerge. It works to conserve the past rather than as a means of insight into the past. It aids the creation and shaping of what is considered to be common sense to the degree that it imposes conceptions that are accepted and lived uncritically. I argue that history and its multifaceted constructed memories should move beyond a superficial level of remembering and celebrating the past, or parroting the “official history” to include other histories that have been traditionally marginalized and distorted. History should be understood as porous and always-in-the-making, rather than immobile, determined, and stagnant. In its unchallenged version it denotes a clearly cut sequence of events that privilege some versions of history over others and measures all memories against a Western paradigm of historical narrative. Ultimately, our knowledge of the past should shed light to the complexities of our social, political, cultural, and ideological existence and our agency. This relation to the past would enable us to locate ourselves in reference to memories and histories and thus make sense of our own contemporary reality.
Deadline for submitting abstracts: May 1, 2019
Deadline for submitting manuscripts: November 18, 2019
This Special Issue invites contributions that engage in theoretical, conceptual and/or classroom-based discussions and analyses that involve Critical Pedagogy in language teaching and learning, language teacher education and attempt to address the following questions:
o What concepts/constructs can be drawn from the Critical Pedagogy theoretical framework of 1980s, 1990s and beyond for second language pedagogies? What are the limitations of this framework and how can they be addressed?
o How can we move beyond a reductionistic appropriation of critical pedagogy theory as simply a “critical approach” to language teaching or “critical language awareness” to a meaningful and transformative theoretical framework for language teaching? How can Critical Pedagogy inform FL pedagogy? What would it mean to use a Critical Pedagogy theoretical framework to understand teaching and learning language?
o How might a language pedagogy of Praxis as the dialogical relationship between critical reflection and action look like? How can we develop language teacher education approaches that would foster praxis?
o What would it mean to ground our language pedagogies, especially those for oppressed and marginalized groups, on the premise that pedagogy is disruptive and its goal is not simply social change but also sociopolitical transformation?
o If culture is understood as a site of struggle and a sphere for language pedagogy, what are the implications for language teaching?
o How can issues of teacher and student agency be addressed in the context of language learning as production of specific knowledge, values, identities, and desires?
o How can we theorize language teaching in a way that connects pedagogical practices with larger structural analyses of the society?
o What kinds of knowledges are legitimized in the foreign language classroom? What are some of the underlying ideologies shaping those pedagogies? How might inequalities be produced and reproduced? How can the Western-centered focus be challenged and ultimately, changed?
o How are language and language teaching and learning redefined in the current sociopolitical context in the United States and around the world? How might current politics have pushed linguists and language educators to rethink critical pedagogy in their methodologies, approaches, agendas and pedagogies? What spaces have opened up for new pedagogies?
o How could new settings of critical pedagogy be explored in the context of “public pedagogy”? Can the foreign language classroom become a site for social change where teachers and students can examine and challenge societal and cultural norms and practices?
Special issue of Journal of Pedagogy, 3 (2), pp. 161-173, 2013
Editorial
Andrew Wilkins - 'Pedagogy of the consumer: The politics of neo - liberal welfare re... more Editorial
Andrew Wilkins - 'Pedagogy of the consumer: The politics of neo - liberal welfare reform'
Articles
Kevin J. Burke - 'Strange bedfellows: The new neoliberalism of catholic schooling in the United States'
Christopher G. Robbins & Serhiy Kovalchuk - 'Dangerous disciplines: Understanding pedagogies of punishment in the neoliberal states of America'
Jon Frauley - 'Post-Social politics, employability, and the security effects of higher education'
Magnus Dahlstedt & Fredrik Hertzberg - ' Schooling entrepreneurs: Entrepreneurship, governmentality and education policy in Sweden at the turn of the millennium'
Susan M. Martin - 'Education as a spectral technology: Corporate culture at work in Ontario‘s schools'
Glenn C. Savage - 'Being different and the same? The paradoxes of ‘tailoring’ in education quasi - markets'
Panayota Gounari & George Grollios - 'Educational reform in Greece: Central concepts and a critique
Special issue of Journal of Pedagogy, 4 (1), pp. 5-125, 2013
Editorial
Andrew Wilkins - Shades of Freire: Exorcising the Spectre Haunting Pedagogy
Artic... more Editorial
Andrew Wilkins - Shades of Freire: Exorcising the Spectre Haunting Pedagogy
Articles
Kyle Wanberg: - Pedagogy Against the State: The Ban on Ethnic Studies in Arizona
Zachary A. Casey, Brian D. Lozenski & Shannon K. McManimon - From Neoliberal Policy to Neoliberal Pedagogy: Racializing and Historicizing Classroom Management
Encarna Rodríguez - Child-centered Pedagogies, Curriculum Reforms and Neoliberalism. Many Causes for Concern, some Reasons for Hope
Anne M. Harris - In Transit/ion: Sudanese Students’ resettlement, Pedagogy and Material Conditions
Anne Price & Andrew McConney - Is ‘Teach for All’ Knocking on your Door
Eugenio Echeverria & Patricia Hannam - Philosophical Inquiry and the Advancement of Democratic Praxis
What does the backlash against Critical Race Theory, the Capitol insurrection, Trumpism, Twitter,... more What does the backlash against Critical Race Theory, the Capitol insurrection, Trumpism, Twitter, and neo-Nazis have in common? From Twitter to Capitol Hill: Far-right Authoritarian Populist Discourses, Social Media, and Critical Pedagogy delves deep into conservative social media and far-right extremist platforms to understand the revival and proliferation of far-right authoritarian populist discourses after Trump’s ascent to power. After the January 6th Capitol insurrection and the role social media have played in normalizing and promoting far-right populist authoritarianism, there is a renewed interest to study digital discursive aggression. Inspired by Critical Theory, Panayota Gounari masterfully uses Critical Discourse Studies to analyze social media data and articulate a discursive, pedagogical and historical project.
After President Trump’s election, BREXIT and the widespread rise of far-Right political parties, much public discussion has intensely focused on populism and authoritarianism. In the middle of the twentieth century, members of the early Frankfurt School prolifically studied and theorized fascism and anti-Semitism in Germany and the United States. In this volume, leading European and American scholars apply insights from the early Frankfurt School to present-day authoritarian populism, including the Trump phenomenon and related developments across the globe. Chapters are arranged into three sections exploring different aspects of the topic: theories, historical foundations, and manifestations via social media. Contributions examine the vital political, psychological and anthropological theories of early Frankfurt School thinkers, and how their insights could be applied now amidst the insecurities and confusions of twenty-first century life. The many theorists considered include Adorno, Fromm, Löwenthal and Marcuse, alongside analysis of Austrian Facebook pages and Trump’s tweets and operatic media drama. This book is a major contribution towards deeper understanding of populism’s resurgence in the age of digital capitalism.
CONTENTS
Preface Douglas Kellner
Introduction: The Frankfurt School and Authoritarian Populism – A Historical Outline Jeremiah Morelock
Part 1: THEORIES OF AUTHORITARIANISM
1. Frankfurt School Critical Theory and the Persistence of Authoritarian Populism in the United States John Abromeit
2. The Persistence of the Authoritarian Appeal: On Critical Theory as a Framework for Studying Populist Actors in European Democracies Lars Rensmann
3. Understanding Right and Left Populism Samir Gandesha
4. Donald Trump as Authoritarian Populist: A Frommian Analysis Douglas Kellner
PART 2: FOUNDATIONS OF AUTHORITARIANISM
5. From Modernity to Bigotry Stephen Eric Bronner
6. Opposing Authoritarian Populism: The Challenge and Necessity of a New World System Charles Reitz
7. Public Sphere and World-System: Theorizing Populism at the Margins Jeremiah Morelock and Felipe Ziotti Narita
Part 3: DIGITAL AUTHORITARIANISM
8. Racism, Nationalism and Right-Wing Extremism Online: The Austrian Presidential Election 2016 on Facebook Christian Fuchs
9. Authoritarianism, Discourse and Social Media: Trump as the ‘American Agitator’ Panayota Gounari
10. Phantasmagoria and the Trump Opera Forrest Muelrath
ΤΙ ΣΧΟΛΕΙΟ ΘΕΛΟΥΜΕ; Το ερώτημα έχει απασχολήσει εκατοντάδες παιδαγωγούς και ιστορικούς της εκπαί... more ΤΙ ΣΧΟΛΕΙΟ ΘΕΛΟΥΜΕ; Το ερώτημα έχει απασχολήσει εκατοντάδες παιδαγωγούς και ιστορικούς της εκπαίδευσης. Ένα σχολείο κατακερματισμένο, ταξικό, με εμμονή στην αποτελεσματικότητα και την αυταρχική αξιολόγηση, όπου η εκπαιδευτική διαδικασία εξομοιώνεται με τη μηχανιστική μετάδοση αποσπασματικών γνώσεων; Ή ένα σχολείο που καλλιεργεί πρωτίστως τη σκέψη, απελευθερώνει τη φαντασία και τη δημιουργικότητα, δημιουργεί ανθρώπους, όπως έλεγε ο Βραζιλιάνος παιδαγωγός και φιλόσοφος Πάουλο Φρέιρε (Paulo Freire), ικανούς να φτιάξουν «έναν κόσμο όπου θα είναι πιο εύκολο να αγαπάς»; Σ’ αυτό το ερώτημα απαντά η απελευθερωτική και κριτική παιδαγωγική του Πάουλο Φρέιρε, την οποία παρουσιάζουν στο βιβλίο τους ο δάσκαλος και καθηγητής στο Παιδαγωγικό Τμήμα του ΑΠΘ Γιώργος Γρόλλιος και η καθηγήτρια στο Τμήμα Εφαρμοσμένης Γλωσσολογίας στο University of Massachusetts Boston Παναγιώτα Γούναρη. Ειδικότερα διερευνούν τους τρόπους με τους οποίους η ελληνική εκπαιδευτική κοινότητα προσέλαβε την παιδαγωγική και εφἠρμοσε την παιδαγωγική τού Φρέιρε.
"Η κριτική παιδαγωγική είναι ένα ρεύμα θεωρητικής σκέψης, η διάρκεια ζωής του οποίου έχει υπερβεί... more "Η κριτική παιδαγωγική είναι ένα ρεύμα θεωρητικής σκέψης, η διάρκεια ζωής του οποίου έχει υπερβεί, πλέον, τα τριάντα χρόνια. Η βιβλιογραφική παραγωγή των εκπροσώπων της είναι ογκώδης και η διεθνής απήχησή της σημαντική. Η παρούσα συλλογή κειμένων μπορεί να συμβάλει στο να έλθουν σε επαφή περισσότεροι εκπαιδευτικοί στη χώρα μας με αναλύσεις και απόψεις των βασικών εκπροσώπων της κριτικής παιδαγωγικής. Επίσης, μπορεί να βοηθήσει εκείνους που εργάζονται πιο συστηματικά για την ανάπτυξη ενός κινήματος στην εκπαίδευση, οι πολιτικές και παιδαγωγικές αναζητήσεις και πρακτικές του οποίου δεν εγκλείονται στα στενά πλαίσια συντηρητικών και τεχνοκρατικών παιδαγωγικών προσεγγίσεων, να εμπλουτίσουν τη θεματολογία και να βαθύνουν τον προβληματισμό τους. Η κριτική ανάγνωση και αξιοποίηση των κειμένων της κριτικής παιδαγωγικής είναι επίσης χρήσιμη επειδή στις μέρες μας χρειάζεται ένα νέος πολιτικός και παιδαγωγικός διεθνισμός. Όταν το δίπολο του νεοφιλελευθερισμού και του νεοσυντηρητισμού συνεχίζει να προβάλλεται ως μονόδρομος σε παγκόσμια κλίμακα, ένας νέος διεθνισμός με κεντρική επιδίωξη τον ριζικό μετασχηματισμό των κοινωνικών και πολιτικών δομών, των εκπαιδευτικών συστημάτων και των παιδαγωγικών πρακτικών είναι επιτακτικά αναγκαίος. Ο διεθνισμός αυτός δεν μπορεί παρά να θεμελιώνεται, μεταξύ άλλων, στην κατανόηση των ιδιαίτερων χαρακτηριστικών των ριζοσπαστικών θεωρητικών και πρακτικών παιδαγωγικών εγχειρημάτων που έχουν αναπτυχθεί και συνεχίζουν να αναπτύσσονται σε διάφορες χώρες. Η κριτική παιδαγωγική στις Η.Π.Α. αποτελεί ένα τέτοιο εγχείρημα.
Ο παρών τόμος συμπεριλαμβάνει κείμενα των Henry Giroux, Michael Apple, Stanley Aronowitz, Peter McLaren, bell hooks, και άλλων."
Η Ηγεμονία της Αγγλικής Γλώσσας των Donaldo Macedo, Βασιλικής Δενδρινού και Παναγιώτας Γούναρη εί... more Η Ηγεμονία της Αγγλικής Γλώσσας των Donaldo Macedo, Βασιλικής Δενδρινού και Παναγιώτας Γούναρη είναι ένα εξαιρετικά προκλητικό βιβλίο. Μας προκαλεί όλους να αναστοχαστούμε θέματα γλωσσικών πολιτικών και εκπαίδευσης. Καταδεικνύει πώς η αγγλική γλώσσα, ιδιαίτερα στην «επίσημη» μορφή της, τόσο στις ΗΠΑ όσο και παγκοσμίως, εξυπηρετεί συγκεκριμένα συμφέροντα. Δείχνει πειστικά πώς η επικρατούσα τάση στην εκπαίδευση εκθλίβει τις διαφορές κοινωνικής τάξης, φύλου, «φυλής» και άλλων δεικτών ανισότητας και, με αυτόν τον τρόπο, εξυπηρετεί τη δημιουργία ανισοτήτων...
Τα επιχειρήματα διατυπώνονται με σαφήνεια, αντλώντας από τον πλούτο της κριτικής θεωρίας που παρουσιάζεται με εύληπτο τρόπο. Έτσι, το βιβλίο δείχνει πώς μια επιστημονική εργασία που είναι κοινωνικά και πολιτικά ενημερωμένη, μπορεί να αποφύγει τον εμπειρισμό και την ανεπάρκεια, στα οποία έχει παγιδευτεί τόσο πολύ το «επιστημονικό» έργο. Αυτά είναι τα κακά του «μη αναστοχαστικού θετικισμού και της ακαδημαϊκής επιδειξιομανίας» που κατήγγειλε πριν από έναν αιώνα ο Max Weber, ένας από τους βασικούς θεμελιωτές της έρευνας των κοινωνικών επιστημών...
Os autores de A Hegemonia da Língua Inglesa facultam-nos aquela que será, porventura, a melhor an... more Os autores de A Hegemonia da Língua Inglesa facultam-nos aquela que será, porventura, a melhor análise do movimento English Only nos Estados Unidos bem como das ramificações, dispersas por todo o mundo, de políticas linguísticas que favorecem a língua inglesa. O livro constitui, simultaneamente, uma boa leitura e uma excepcional fonte de informação. Veicula uma fascinante compreensão dos múltiplos significados de língua e das políticas subjacentes à política linguística e ao discurso educativo.
Lengua, ideología y poder ofrece un análisis de las consecuencias sociales y políticas del neolib... more Lengua, ideología y poder ofrece un análisis de las consecuencias sociales y políticas del neoliberalismo, que impone el inglés como la lengua inevitablemente predominante en el mundo. Los autores muestran cómo el modelo del «sólo-inglés» americano está dominando cada vez más espacios sociales. Este libro nos ofrece la posibilidad de reflexionar sobre qué futuro lingüístico queremos construir. Índice La política de la intolerancia: la política de los EE.UU. en acción: La lengua como ideología. Las escuelas y la reproducción de la lengua legítima ● Discursos europeos de homogeneización en el discurso de planificación lingüística: Planteamiento del problema. Definición del concepto de discurso. La planificación lingüística como disciplina. Los discursos de la lingüística. Los discursos de los currículos y de la planificación de la enseñanza de la lengua. Las lenguas extranjeras en las escuelas y el futuro lingüístico europeo ● El colonialismo del «sólo-inglés»: El «sólo-inglés» como una forma de colonialismo. El cientifismo como neoclasicismo. La fractura de identidades culturales ● El racismo lingüístico en el discurso europeo sobre la enseñanza de lengua extranjera: Conceptos para la investigación de prácticas de evaluación relacionadas con la lengua. Las prácticas de racismo lingüístico. El racismo lingüístico y los discursos europeos de homogeneización. La enseñanza de lenguas extranjeras y el racismo lingüístico ● Exigir la lengua de la posibilidad: más allá del cinismo del neoliberalismo: Las funciones del neoliberalismo. ¿El discurso de lo inevitable o lo inevitable del discurso? El caso de la libertad
Addressing ethnic cleansing, culture wars, human sufferings, terrorism, immigration, and intensif... more Addressing ethnic cleansing, culture wars, human sufferings, terrorism, immigration, and intensified xenophobia, Globalization of Racism explains why it is vital that we gain a nuanced understanding of how ideology underlies all social, cultural, and political discourse and racist actions. The book looks at recent developments in France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the United States and uses examples from the mass media, popular culture, and politics to address the challenges these and other countries face in their democratic institutions. The eminent authors of this important book show how we can educate for critical citizenry in the ever-increasing multicultural and multiracial world of the twenty-first century.
* Shows how-far from reaching the "end of racism"--that racism today has in fact become globalized.
* Examines how the War on Terror has justified racial profiling and legitimated wholesale racism against Muslims.
* Presents racism in historical, theoretical, and political contexts.
* Includes fascinating case studies from all over the world, but focuses on U.S. racism as the basic counter exemplar.
* Gives voice to disenfranchised peoples and causes everywhere.
The Hegemony of English succinctly exposes how the neoliberal ideology of globalization promotes ... more The Hegemony of English succinctly exposes how the neoliberal ideology of globalization promotes dominating language policies. In the United States and Europe these policies lead to linguistic and cultural discrimination while, worldwide, they aim to stamp out a greater use and participation of national and subordinate languages in world commerce and in international organizations such as the European Union. Democracy calls for broad, multi-ethnic participation, and the authors point us toward more effective approaches in an increasingly interconnected world.
EDITORIAL
Andrew Wilkins:
Pedagogy of the consumer: The politics of neo-liberal welfare refor... more EDITORIAL
Andrew Wilkins:
Pedagogy of the consumer: The politics of neo-liberal welfare reform
ARTICLES
Kevin J. Burke:
Strange bedfellows: The new neoliberalism of catholic schooling
in the United States
Christopher G. Robbins, Serhiy Kovalchuk:
Dangerous disciplines: Understanding pedagogies of punishment
in the neoliberal states of America
Jon Frauley:
Post-Social politics, employability, and the security effects
of higher education
Magnus Dahlstedt, Fredrik Hertzberg:
Schooling entrepreneurs: Entrepreneurship, governmentality
and education policy in Sweden at the turn of the millennium
Susan M. Martin:
Education as a spectral technology: Corporate culture at work
in Ontario‘s schools
Glenn C. Savage:
Being different and the same? The paradoxes of ‘tailoring’ in education quasi - markets
Panayota Gounari, George Grollios:
Educational reform in Greece: Central concepts and a critique
We have come to Wall Street as refugees from this native dreamland, seeking asylum in the actual.... more We have come to Wall Street as refugees from this native dreamland, seeking asylum in the actual. That is what we seek to occupy. We seek to rediscover and reclaim the world (…) What do we want from Wall Street? Nothing, because it has nothing to offer us. We wouldn't be here if Wall Street fed off itself; we are here because it is feeding off everyone. It is sustaining the phantoms and ghosts we have always known and whose significance we now understand. We have come here to vanish those ghosts; to assert our real selves and lives; to build genuine relationships with each other and the world; and to remind ourselves that another path is possible. If the phantoms of Wall Street are confused by our presence in their dream, so much the better. It is time that the unreal be exposed for what it is. (Communiqué 1)
An interview with Panayota Gounari. The interview was organized and coordinated by Jeremiah Morel... more An interview with Panayota Gounari. The interview was organized and coordinated by Jeremiah Morelock and Felipe Ziotti Narita.
This paper aims to provide a better understanding of the current developments in higher education... more This paper aims to provide a better understanding of the current developments in higher education in Greece. Towards this direction, it offers a historicized overview of the relation between the state and higher education in Greece over the last forty years by situating it within a broader context, that is, by taking into consideration both students’ protests from below and the wider global transformations from above. In order to conceptualize the historicity of these dynamics, we propose a periodization in three temporally discrete, though dialectically interlinked, phases as we set to explain the substantial penetration, through specific policies, of neoliberalism in the Greek university after 2008, a project that until that time had not been successful.
The Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, 2015
As critical pedagogy becomes more mainstream on the educational landscape in the United States, i... more As critical pedagogy becomes more mainstream on the educational landscape in the United States, it is important to revisit the original tenets of critical pedagogy and explore their current manifestations. Since the beginning of “criticalism” from the theoretical/foundational work of the Frankfurt School of Critical Social Theory, critical theory challenges traditional theory steeped in positivism and calls out for justice and liberation. This article traces the paths of critical education, critical pedagogies, and Marxist education in the United States by examining the tenets of critical pedagogy from a Marxist point of view while providing a historical context. In addition, this piece presents familiar challenges and critiques lodged against the practice of critical pedagogy in the United States. Examples of revolutionary/Marxist critical pedagogy-inpractice in various K-adult contexts are described and questions about vitality or the ability of critical pedagogy to endure in the ...
Despite the lack of an official language policy, the United States has managed to achieve a very ... more Despite the lack of an official language policy, the United States has managed to achieve a very high level of monolingualism to the degree that speaking a language other than English constitutes a liability. American monolingualism is part and parcel of an assimilationist ideology that decimated the American indigenous languages as well as the many languages brought to this shore by various waves of immigrants. As the mainstream culture felt threatened by the presence of multiple languages, which were perceived as competing with English, the reaction by the media, educational institutions, and government agencies was to launch periodic assaults on languages other than English in order to impose English as the "common language." This was the case with American-Indian languages during the colonial period and German during the first and second World Wars. The recent referenda in many states that resulted in abolishing bilingual education programs illustrate the intolerance t...
Introduction Chapter 1: The Politics of Intolerance: U.S. Language Policy in Process Chapter 2: E... more Introduction Chapter 1: The Politics of Intolerance: U.S. Language Policy in Process Chapter 2: European Discourses of Homogenization in the Discourse of Language Planning Chapter 3: The Colonialism of English-Only Chapter 4: Linguoracism in European Foreign Language Education Discourse Chapter 5: Reclaiming the Language of Possibility: Beyond the Cynicism of Neoliberalism Notes About the Authors Index
Resumen Este artículo pretende redefinir lo que una perspectiva crítica en la formación en idioma... more Resumen Este artículo pretende redefinir lo que una perspectiva crítica en la formación en idiomas puede representar y cómose sitúa en el contexto de diferentes enfoques de literacidad (funcional/interaccionista/reproductiva/crítica), yanaliza sus implicaciones en la ...
Page 1. «SW* H1 '<t » LENGUA, IDEOLOGÍA Y PODER La hegemonía del inglés Donaldo M... more Page 1. «SW* H1 '<t » LENGUA, IDEOLOGÍA Y PODER La hegemonía del inglés Donaldo Macedo, Bessie Dendrinos, Panayota Gounari ""r^vm V£3 i^ .*' "3)k ** V K u**.* "1« - *>¿ Crítica y fundamentos EGHÓ Page 2. LENGUA ...
Page 1. «SW* H1 '<t » LENGUA, IDEOLOGÍA Y PODER La hegemonía del inglés Donaldo M... more Page 1. «SW* H1 '<t » LENGUA, IDEOLOGÍA Y PODER La hegemonía del inglés Donaldo Macedo, Bessie Dendrinos, Panayota Gounari ""r^vm V£3 i^ .*' "3)k ** V K u**.* "1« - *>¿ Crítica y fundamentos EGHÓ Page 2. LENGUA ...
Uploads
Articles by Panayota Gounari
This Special Issue of L2 Journal comes out at a very unusual historical juncture. The year 2020 is being registered in our lives and in our collective imaginary as the year that has radically changed human life as we know it. A pandemic of historic proportions has ruptured our existence and shaken our sense of “normalcy,” redefining human life and relations, teaching, learning, and labor. At the same time, an unprecedented and long overdue wave of demonstrations, protests, and mobilizations, triggered by the murder of another Black man by the police, brought to the fore once more the Black Lives Matter movement, capturing the ongoing oppression, discrimination, violence, and systemic racism against people of color in the United States. Both events and their consequences are forcing us to rethink our pedagogies. How are we, as academics, researchers, and language educators, engaging with this social and political reality? How do we educate and raise educators’ and students’ critical consciousness, so that they will always find themselves on the right side of history? If we want to claim doing engaged scholarship that truly aims at improving the lives of students, their families, their communities, and our society, we must be ready to talk about the workings of
power and power asymmetries, the unequal distribution of wealth and power, racism, and the role of schooling in all this
educators’ mobilizations across the United States, as a powerful moment of resistance and disruption, against capitalism, authoritarianism and hate.
σε σχέση με τον τρόπο που επαναπροσδιορίζει το ρόλο των εκπαιδευτικών και επιχειρεί να επηρεάσει τις ζωές των μαθητών.
Op radicale en gewelddadige wijze werd Griekenland omgevormd tot een land waarin menselijk leven werd weggesmeten in de vuilnisbak van het globale kapitalisme. Ik ben getuige van een nieuwe vorm van sociale necrofilie die de werkruimte, de publieke ruimte en het leven zelf oppeuzelt. Ik krimp ineen wanneer ik woorden hoor als ‘opoffering' of ‘redding’. Dan vraag ik me af: wiens redding en wiens opoffering? Als ik Antonis Samaras, de Griekse eerste minister, hoor verkondigen dat Griekenland een succesverhaal is, dan vraag ik me af: wiens succesverhaal? De cijfers zijn veelzeggend in dit verband.
Understanding the causes of the crisis, the special forms it takes in different countries and the multiple ways in which it influences education, constitutes important questions for all those who do not limit their perspectives to the horizon of neoconservative, neoliberal and technocratic dogmas. Moreover, the critical education movement has the responsibility to rethink its views and practices in light of the crisis as well as the paths that this crisis opens for challenging and overthrowing capitalist domination worldwide.
The International Conference on Critical Education, which was held in Athens in 2011 and 2012 and Ankara in 2013, provides a platform for scholars, educators, activists and others interested in the subject to come together and engage in a free, democratic and productive dialogue. At a time of crisis when public education is under siege by neoliberalism and neoconservatism, we invite you to submit a proposal and to attend the IV International Conference on Critical Education to reflect on the theory and practice of critical education and to contribute to the field.
This Special Issue of L2 Journal comes out at a very unusual historical juncture. The year 2020 is being registered in our lives and in our collective imaginary as the year that has radically changed human life as we know it. A pandemic of historic proportions has ruptured our existence and shaken our sense of “normalcy,” redefining human life and relations, teaching, learning, and labor. At the same time, an unprecedented and long overdue wave of demonstrations, protests, and mobilizations, triggered by the murder of another Black man by the police, brought to the fore once more the Black Lives Matter movement, capturing the ongoing oppression, discrimination, violence, and systemic racism against people of color in the United States. Both events and their consequences are forcing us to rethink our pedagogies. How are we, as academics, researchers, and language educators, engaging with this social and political reality? How do we educate and raise educators’ and students’ critical consciousness, so that they will always find themselves on the right side of history? If we want to claim doing engaged scholarship that truly aims at improving the lives of students, their families, their communities, and our society, we must be ready to talk about the workings of
power and power asymmetries, the unequal distribution of wealth and power, racism, and the role of schooling in all this
educators’ mobilizations across the United States, as a powerful moment of resistance and disruption, against capitalism, authoritarianism and hate.
σε σχέση με τον τρόπο που επαναπροσδιορίζει το ρόλο των εκπαιδευτικών και επιχειρεί να επηρεάσει τις ζωές των μαθητών.
Op radicale en gewelddadige wijze werd Griekenland omgevormd tot een land waarin menselijk leven werd weggesmeten in de vuilnisbak van het globale kapitalisme. Ik ben getuige van een nieuwe vorm van sociale necrofilie die de werkruimte, de publieke ruimte en het leven zelf oppeuzelt. Ik krimp ineen wanneer ik woorden hoor als ‘opoffering' of ‘redding’. Dan vraag ik me af: wiens redding en wiens opoffering? Als ik Antonis Samaras, de Griekse eerste minister, hoor verkondigen dat Griekenland een succesverhaal is, dan vraag ik me af: wiens succesverhaal? De cijfers zijn veelzeggend in dit verband.
Understanding the causes of the crisis, the special forms it takes in different countries and the multiple ways in which it influences education, constitutes important questions for all those who do not limit their perspectives to the horizon of neoconservative, neoliberal and technocratic dogmas. Moreover, the critical education movement has the responsibility to rethink its views and practices in light of the crisis as well as the paths that this crisis opens for challenging and overthrowing capitalist domination worldwide.
The International Conference on Critical Education, which was held in Athens in 2011 and 2012 and Ankara in 2013, provides a platform for scholars, educators, activists and others interested in the subject to come together and engage in a free, democratic and productive dialogue. At a time of crisis when public education is under siege by neoliberalism and neoconservatism, we invite you to submit a proposal and to attend the IV International Conference on Critical Education to reflect on the theory and practice of critical education and to contribute to the field.
Twitter as a large dissemination platform is exploited by Trump to promote his brand of authoritarian, corporate capitalism and reactionary politics. Trump’s tweets are analyzed as an instrument of discourse production, reorientation and social control and the characteristics (operationalism, discourse as commodity, self as a brand, amusement, dehistoricization) of this one-dimensional discourse are presented.
Deadline for submitting abstracts: May 1, 2019
Deadline for submitting manuscripts: November 18, 2019
This Special Issue invites contributions that engage in theoretical, conceptual and/or classroom-based discussions and analyses that involve Critical Pedagogy in language teaching and learning, language teacher education and attempt to address the following questions:
o What concepts/constructs can be drawn from the Critical Pedagogy theoretical framework of 1980s, 1990s and beyond for second language pedagogies? What are the limitations of this framework and how can they be addressed?
o How can we move beyond a reductionistic appropriation of critical pedagogy theory as simply a “critical approach” to language teaching or “critical language awareness” to a meaningful and transformative theoretical framework for language teaching? How can Critical Pedagogy inform FL pedagogy? What would it mean to use a Critical Pedagogy theoretical framework to understand teaching and learning language?
o How might a language pedagogy of Praxis as the dialogical relationship between critical reflection and action look like? How can we develop language teacher education approaches that would foster praxis?
o What would it mean to ground our language pedagogies, especially those for oppressed and marginalized groups, on the premise that pedagogy is disruptive and its goal is not simply social change but also sociopolitical transformation?
o If culture is understood as a site of struggle and a sphere for language pedagogy, what are the implications for language teaching?
o How can issues of teacher and student agency be addressed in the context of language learning as production of specific knowledge, values, identities, and desires?
o How can we theorize language teaching in a way that connects pedagogical practices with larger structural analyses of the society?
o What kinds of knowledges are legitimized in the foreign language classroom? What are some of the underlying ideologies shaping those pedagogies? How might inequalities be produced and reproduced? How can the Western-centered focus be challenged and ultimately, changed?
o How are language and language teaching and learning redefined in the current sociopolitical context in the United States and around the world? How might current politics have pushed linguists and language educators to rethink critical pedagogy in their methodologies, approaches, agendas and pedagogies? What spaces have opened up for new pedagogies?
o How could new settings of critical pedagogy be explored in the context of “public pedagogy”? Can the foreign language classroom become a site for social change where teachers and students can examine and challenge societal and cultural norms and practices?
Andrew Wilkins - 'Pedagogy of the consumer: The politics of neo - liberal welfare reform'
Articles
Kevin J. Burke - 'Strange bedfellows: The new neoliberalism of catholic schooling in the United States'
Christopher G. Robbins & Serhiy Kovalchuk - 'Dangerous disciplines: Understanding pedagogies of punishment in the neoliberal states of America'
Jon Frauley - 'Post-Social politics, employability, and the security effects of higher education'
Magnus Dahlstedt & Fredrik Hertzberg - ' Schooling entrepreneurs: Entrepreneurship, governmentality and education policy in Sweden at the turn of the millennium'
Susan M. Martin - 'Education as a spectral technology: Corporate culture at work in Ontario‘s schools'
Glenn C. Savage - 'Being different and the same? The paradoxes of ‘tailoring’ in education quasi - markets'
Panayota Gounari & George Grollios - 'Educational reform in Greece: Central concepts and a critique
Andrew Wilkins - Shades of Freire: Exorcising the Spectre Haunting Pedagogy
Articles
Kyle Wanberg: - Pedagogy Against the State: The Ban on Ethnic Studies in Arizona
Zachary A. Casey, Brian D. Lozenski & Shannon K. McManimon - From Neoliberal Policy to Neoliberal Pedagogy: Racializing and Historicizing Classroom Management
Encarna Rodríguez - Child-centered Pedagogies, Curriculum Reforms and Neoliberalism. Many Causes for Concern, some Reasons for Hope
Anne M. Harris - In Transit/ion: Sudanese Students’ resettlement, Pedagogy and Material Conditions
Anne Price & Andrew McConney - Is ‘Teach for All’ Knocking on your Door
Eugenio Echeverria & Patricia Hannam - Philosophical Inquiry and the Advancement of Democratic Praxis
After President Trump’s election, BREXIT and the widespread rise of far-Right political parties, much public discussion has intensely focused on populism and authoritarianism. In the middle of the twentieth century, members of the early Frankfurt School prolifically studied and theorized fascism and anti-Semitism in Germany and the United States. In this volume, leading European and American scholars apply insights from the early Frankfurt School to present-day authoritarian populism, including the Trump phenomenon and related developments across the globe. Chapters are arranged into three sections exploring different aspects of the topic: theories, historical foundations, and manifestations via social media. Contributions examine the vital political, psychological and anthropological theories of early Frankfurt School thinkers, and how their insights could be applied now amidst the insecurities and confusions of twenty-first century life. The many theorists considered include Adorno, Fromm, Löwenthal and Marcuse, alongside analysis of Austrian Facebook pages and Trump’s tweets and operatic media drama. This book is a major contribution towards deeper understanding of populism’s resurgence in the age of digital capitalism.
CONTENTS
Preface
Douglas Kellner
Introduction: The Frankfurt School and Authoritarian Populism – A Historical Outline
Jeremiah Morelock
Part 1: THEORIES OF AUTHORITARIANISM
1. Frankfurt School Critical Theory and the Persistence of Authoritarian Populism in the United States
John Abromeit
2. The Persistence of the Authoritarian Appeal: On Critical Theory as a Framework for Studying Populist Actors in European Democracies
Lars Rensmann
3. Understanding Right and Left Populism
Samir Gandesha
4. Donald Trump as Authoritarian Populist: A Frommian Analysis
Douglas Kellner
PART 2: FOUNDATIONS OF AUTHORITARIANISM
5. From Modernity to Bigotry
Stephen Eric Bronner
6. Opposing Authoritarian Populism: The Challenge and Necessity of a New World System
Charles Reitz
7. Public Sphere and World-System: Theorizing Populism at the Margins
Jeremiah Morelock and Felipe Ziotti Narita
Part 3: DIGITAL AUTHORITARIANISM
8. Racism, Nationalism and Right-Wing Extremism Online: The Austrian Presidential Election 2016 on Facebook
Christian Fuchs
9. Authoritarianism, Discourse and Social Media: Trump as the ‘American Agitator’
Panayota Gounari
10. Phantasmagoria and the Trump Opera
Forrest Muelrath
Σ’ αυτό το ερώτημα απαντά η απελευθερωτική και κριτική παιδαγωγική του Πάουλο Φρέιρε, την οποία παρουσιάζουν στο βιβλίο τους ο δάσκαλος και καθηγητής στο Παιδαγωγικό Τμήμα του ΑΠΘ Γιώργος Γρόλλιος και η καθηγήτρια στο Τμήμα Εφαρμοσμένης Γλωσσολογίας στο University of Massachusetts Boston Παναγιώτα Γούναρη. Ειδικότερα διερευνούν τους τρόπους με τους οποίους η ελληνική εκπαιδευτική κοινότητα προσέλαβε την παιδαγωγική και εφἠρμοσε την παιδαγωγική τού Φρέιρε.
Ο παρών τόμος συμπεριλαμβάνει κείμενα των Henry Giroux, Michael Apple, Stanley Aronowitz, Peter McLaren, bell hooks, και άλλων."
Τα επιχειρήματα διατυπώνονται με σαφήνεια, αντλώντας από τον πλούτο της κριτικής θεωρίας που παρουσιάζεται με εύληπτο τρόπο. Έτσι, το βιβλίο δείχνει πώς μια επιστημονική εργασία που είναι κοινωνικά και πολιτικά ενημερωμένη, μπορεί να αποφύγει τον εμπειρισμό και την ανεπάρκεια, στα οποία έχει παγιδευτεί τόσο πολύ το «επιστημονικό» έργο. Αυτά είναι τα κακά του «μη αναστοχαστικού θετικισμού και της ακαδημαϊκής επιδειξιομανίας» που κατήγγειλε πριν από έναν αιώνα ο Max Weber, ένας από τους βασικούς θεμελιωτές της έρευνας των κοινωνικών επιστημών...
Índice
La política de la intolerancia: la política de los EE.UU. en acción: La lengua como ideología. Las escuelas y la reproducción de la lengua legítima ● Discursos europeos de homogeneización en el discurso de planificación lingüística: Planteamiento del problema. Definición del concepto de discurso. La planificación lingüística como disciplina. Los discursos de la lingüística. Los discursos de los currículos y de la planificación de la enseñanza de la lengua. Las lenguas extranjeras en las escuelas y el futuro lingüístico europeo ● El colonialismo del «sólo-inglés»: El «sólo-inglés» como una forma de colonialismo. El cientifismo como neoclasicismo. La fractura de identidades culturales ● El racismo lingüístico en el discurso europeo sobre la enseñanza de lengua extranjera: Conceptos para la investigación de prácticas de evaluación relacionadas con la lengua. Las prácticas de racismo lingüístico. El racismo lingüístico y los discursos europeos de homogeneización. La enseñanza de lenguas extranjeras y el racismo lingüístico ● Exigir la lengua de la posibilidad: más allá del cinismo del neoliberalismo: Las funciones del neoliberalismo. ¿El discurso de lo inevitable o lo inevitable del discurso? El caso de la libertad
* Shows how-far from reaching the "end of racism"--that racism today has in fact become globalized.
* Examines how the War on Terror has justified racial profiling and legitimated wholesale racism against Muslims.
* Presents racism in historical, theoretical, and political contexts.
* Includes fascinating case studies from all over the world, but focuses on U.S. racism as the basic counter exemplar.
* Gives voice to disenfranchised peoples and causes everywhere.
Andrew Wilkins:
Pedagogy of the consumer: The politics of neo-liberal welfare reform
ARTICLES
Kevin J. Burke:
Strange bedfellows: The new neoliberalism of catholic schooling
in the United States
Christopher G. Robbins, Serhiy Kovalchuk:
Dangerous disciplines: Understanding pedagogies of punishment
in the neoliberal states of America
Jon Frauley:
Post-Social politics, employability, and the security effects
of higher education
Magnus Dahlstedt, Fredrik Hertzberg:
Schooling entrepreneurs: Entrepreneurship, governmentality
and education policy in Sweden at the turn of the millennium
Susan M. Martin:
Education as a spectral technology: Corporate culture at work
in Ontario‘s schools
Glenn C. Savage:
Being different and the same? The paradoxes of ‘tailoring’ in education quasi - markets
Panayota Gounari, George Grollios:
Educational reform in Greece: Central concepts and a critique