Este artículo rastrea el origen y el despliegue de un conjunto de redes operativas que se formaro... more Este artículo rastrea el origen y el despliegue de un conjunto de redes operativas que se formaron, durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, con el objetivo explícito de cultivar un ambiente favorable para Estados Unidos en la prensa latinoamericana. Coordinadas por una agencia estatal, la Oficina de Asuntos Interamericanos (OIAA) u “Oficina Rockefeller”, estas redes servían como un enlace entre sectores públicos y privados y, como tal, facilitaron la movilización de recursos de poder más allá del ámbito propiamente estatal con fines de crear incentivos y desincentivos destinados a influir en la orientación editorial relacionada con asuntos relevantes para la política exterior estadounidense. Para revelar los impactos y también los límites de semejante despliegue de poder, este artículo se concentra en el caso particular de la prensa colombiana, y para ello analiza fuentes primarias tales como artículos de prensa extranjera y local, así como los archivos de la OIAA.
Hahr-hispanic American Historical Review, Nov 1, 2006
... Nähe: Die USA und die nationalsozialistische Herausforderung in Lateinamerika, 1937 1945 ..... more ... Nähe: Die USA und die nationalsozialistische Herausforderung in Lateinamerika, 1937 1945 ... an understanding of business practices, national sensibilities, linguistic variations, and culturalcodes. ... Arbor: UMI, 1982); Clayton R. Koppes and Gregory D. Black, Hollywood Goes ...
As is well-known among media historians, toward the late 1930s and amidst increasing anxieties ab... more As is well-known among media historians, toward the late 1930s and amidst increasing anxieties about national cohesiveness and the coming of war, radio in the United States came to be used as a means to communicate broader and more inclusive representations of nationhood. Cued by government agencies and civic organizations, the networks now incorporated programs that were meant to embrace, and instill respect for, ethnic and religious minorities. During the war, this trend intensified and broadened in scope, but it came to a rather abrupt end as global victory was at hand. What is less known is that this quest for unity was not limited to the national arena. Toward the late 1930s and particularly during the war years, radio output in the United States changed markedly also with respect to Latin America. Broadcasters, both large and small, engaged in a variety of strategies that invited U.S. audiences not just to acquaint themselves with the Good Neighbors to the south of the Rio Grande, but to imagine themselves as part of a wider, pan-American world and community of nations. Radio historians in the past have focused on the role of broadcasting in the formation of a “public, shared and sociable world-in-common” (P. Scannell), and many have fruitfully employed B. Anderson’s notion of “imagined communities” to highlight the importance of radio in the formation of popular cultures within the national arena. This chapter seeks to expand on these topics by introducing an international perspective and to bridge media studies with recent theoretical and empirical work by constructivists in International Relations. More precisely, it probes into the potential and the limitations of radio as a means to instill notions of familiarity or “we-ness” (P. Scannell) on an international scale.
in: Holger M. Meding und Georg Ismar (eds), Argentinien und das Dritte Reich. Mediale und reale Präsenz, Ideologietransfer, Folgewirkungen, Berlin: wvb, 2008, S. 151-17, 2008
This paper analyzes Nazi Germany's efforts to reach and influence audiences in Argentina and Lati... more This paper analyzes Nazi Germany's efforts to reach and influence audiences in Argentina and Latin America, by way of shortwave broadcasts and retransmission arrangements with South American radio stations. It compares the volume and contents of German programs beamed to Latin America with the broadcasting activities of other powers, including the United States. Based on archival resources and contemporary audience research, it argues that Germany may have led the war on the ether during the early 1930s but that it soon lost out to the Allied.
Despues de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, muchos gobiernos latinoamericanos, pero tambien parte de lo... more Despues de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, muchos gobiernos latinoamericanos, pero tambien parte de los asiaticos, se encaminaron por una linea de desarrollo que seria llamada de manera simplificada «desarrollo hacia adentro» y cuya esencia era la asi denominada «industrializacion sustitutiva de importaciones». Los comienzos del «desarrollo hacia adentro» tienen su base, tal como se lo describe en general, en los anos treinta, cuando las economias latinoamericanas comenzaron a cerrarse frente al impacto negativo producido por la crisis economica mundial. Sin embargo, solamente despues de la Segunda Guerra Mundial llego a ser esta una estrategia de desarrollo economico concebida conscientemente y con perseverancia, que ademas obtuvo su fundamentacion analitica e intelectual en los escritos de Raul Prebisch y de la Comision Economica para America Latina.
El articulo discute y critica las propuestas de Joseph Nye acerca del poder blando. Primero, abri... more El articulo discute y critica las propuestas de Joseph Nye acerca del poder blando. Primero, abrimos la discusion con unos comentarios generales sobre la nocion del poder social. En la parte principal de este articulo, ofrecemos una critica detallada de la concepcion del poder blando propuesta por Nye. Concluimos que esta concepcion es demasiado opaca y confusa para tener mucho potencial analitico. Sin embargo, a pesar de tal fracaso conceptual, Nye apunta a aclarar una forma muy importante y desatendida del poder social: el poder de influir sobre la voluntad y no solo el comportamiento de otros actores. En la ultima seccion del articulo discutimos brevemente la concepcion alternativa propuesta por Steven Lukes acerca de la “tercera dimension” del poder, y concluimos con el esbozo de una manera mas prometedora de dar cuenta de esta forma desatendida del poder social.
Poche categorie delle scienze sociali hanno riscosso in così breve tempo un successo pari a quell... more Poche categorie delle scienze sociali hanno riscosso in così breve tempo un successo pari a quella del soft power, termine ormai familiare tra politici, commentatori politici e professionisti di (quella che oggi chiamiamo) diplomazia pubblica. Coniato da Joseph Nye al principio degli anni Novanta, il termine soft power cerca di definire una dimensione del potere sociale che non si basa sulla metafora del "bastone e della carota" (ossia la capacità di costringere o persuadere attraverso una ricompensa) ma sull'"attrazione", con l'intenzione di spiegare la capacità degli attori del sistema inter-nazionale, soprattutto degli stati, nel guidare e nel condurre gli altri. 1 Nye sostiene che nella Guerra Fredda gli Stati Uniti prevalsero non ultimo grazie all'attrazione esercitata dalla loro cultura e dalle loro istituzioni sul resto del mondo (incluse le popolazioni che vivevano oltre la cortina di ferro). Secondo Nye, dopo l'11 settembre, un'eccess...
Few categories of the social sciences have been so successful as “soft power” to become a househo... more Few categories of the social sciences have been so successful as “soft power” to become a household word among politicians, political commentators, and practitioners of (what today is called) public diplomacy in such a short time. Coined by Joseph Nye in the early 1990s, “soft power” seeks to conceptualize a dimension of power that does not rest on carrots and sticks (that is, on the ability to coerce or induce through rewards), but on attraction, and it does so in order to explain the ability of actors in the international system, mainly states, to guide and lead others. This essay provides a brief outline of Nye’s theoretical propositions before discussing an inherent vagueness, which (we argue) tends to lead to conceptual blurriness when “soft power” is put to analyze phenomena in the real world, including inter-American relations. There are very good reasons for “soft power” to have found ready acceptance well beyond the academic community, we suggest, but in the end this approach does not provide the analytical tools it seems to promise.
This paper discusses and criticizes Joseph Nye’s account of soft power. First, we set the stage a... more This paper discusses and criticizes Joseph Nye’s account of soft power. First, we set the stage and make some general remarks about the notion of social power. In the main part of this paper we offer a detailed critical discussion of Nye’s conception of soft power. We conclude that it is too unclear and confused to be of much analytical use. However, despite this failure, Nye is aiming at explaining an important but also neglected form of social power: the power to influence the will and not just the behavior of other agents. In the last part of this paper we briefly discuss Steven Lukes’ alternative view of a “third dimension” of power and end with a sketch of a more promising way to account for this neglected form of power.
By mid-1940, the Argentine economy seemed to be heading for a major crisis because many of her tr... more By mid-1940, the Argentine economy seemed to be heading for a major crisis because many of her traditional export markets had suddenly become inaccessible. In response, Finance Minister Federico Pinedo and his team developed a wide range of initiatives. These aimed to overcome the crisis and restructure the Argentine economy in order to accommodate it to a changing and difficult international environment.This article analyses the nature, successes and failures of these policies. It argues that while Pinedo's initiatives certainly entailed visionary elements which anticipated major problems of the Argentine and Latin American development of the post-war era, they should not be regarded as some ‘golden opportunity’ for sound economic modernisation that was missed only because Pinedo and his fellow conservatives failed to win political approval and were later pushed aside by the rising force of populism.
Este artículo rastrea el origen y el despliegue de un conjunto de redes operativas que se formaro... more Este artículo rastrea el origen y el despliegue de un conjunto de redes operativas que se formaron, durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, con el objetivo explícito de cultivar un ambiente favorable para Estados Unidos en la prensa latinoamericana. Coordinadas por una agencia estatal, la Oficina de Asuntos Interamericanos (OIAA) u “Oficina Rockefeller”, estas redes servían como un enlace entre sectores públicos y privados y, como tal, facilitaron la movilización de recursos de poder más allá del ámbito propiamente estatal con fines de crear incentivos y desincentivos destinados a influir en la orientación editorial relacionada con asuntos relevantes para la política exterior estadounidense. Para revelar los impactos y también los límites de semejante despliegue de poder, este artículo se concentra en el caso particular de la prensa colombiana, y para ello analiza fuentes primarias tales como artículos de prensa extranjera y local, así como los archivos de la OIAA.
Hahr-hispanic American Historical Review, Nov 1, 2006
... Nähe: Die USA und die nationalsozialistische Herausforderung in Lateinamerika, 1937 1945 ..... more ... Nähe: Die USA und die nationalsozialistische Herausforderung in Lateinamerika, 1937 1945 ... an understanding of business practices, national sensibilities, linguistic variations, and culturalcodes. ... Arbor: UMI, 1982); Clayton R. Koppes and Gregory D. Black, Hollywood Goes ...
As is well-known among media historians, toward the late 1930s and amidst increasing anxieties ab... more As is well-known among media historians, toward the late 1930s and amidst increasing anxieties about national cohesiveness and the coming of war, radio in the United States came to be used as a means to communicate broader and more inclusive representations of nationhood. Cued by government agencies and civic organizations, the networks now incorporated programs that were meant to embrace, and instill respect for, ethnic and religious minorities. During the war, this trend intensified and broadened in scope, but it came to a rather abrupt end as global victory was at hand. What is less known is that this quest for unity was not limited to the national arena. Toward the late 1930s and particularly during the war years, radio output in the United States changed markedly also with respect to Latin America. Broadcasters, both large and small, engaged in a variety of strategies that invited U.S. audiences not just to acquaint themselves with the Good Neighbors to the south of the Rio Grande, but to imagine themselves as part of a wider, pan-American world and community of nations. Radio historians in the past have focused on the role of broadcasting in the formation of a “public, shared and sociable world-in-common” (P. Scannell), and many have fruitfully employed B. Anderson’s notion of “imagined communities” to highlight the importance of radio in the formation of popular cultures within the national arena. This chapter seeks to expand on these topics by introducing an international perspective and to bridge media studies with recent theoretical and empirical work by constructivists in International Relations. More precisely, it probes into the potential and the limitations of radio as a means to instill notions of familiarity or “we-ness” (P. Scannell) on an international scale.
in: Holger M. Meding und Georg Ismar (eds), Argentinien und das Dritte Reich. Mediale und reale Präsenz, Ideologietransfer, Folgewirkungen, Berlin: wvb, 2008, S. 151-17, 2008
This paper analyzes Nazi Germany's efforts to reach and influence audiences in Argentina and Lati... more This paper analyzes Nazi Germany's efforts to reach and influence audiences in Argentina and Latin America, by way of shortwave broadcasts and retransmission arrangements with South American radio stations. It compares the volume and contents of German programs beamed to Latin America with the broadcasting activities of other powers, including the United States. Based on archival resources and contemporary audience research, it argues that Germany may have led the war on the ether during the early 1930s but that it soon lost out to the Allied.
Despues de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, muchos gobiernos latinoamericanos, pero tambien parte de lo... more Despues de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, muchos gobiernos latinoamericanos, pero tambien parte de los asiaticos, se encaminaron por una linea de desarrollo que seria llamada de manera simplificada «desarrollo hacia adentro» y cuya esencia era la asi denominada «industrializacion sustitutiva de importaciones». Los comienzos del «desarrollo hacia adentro» tienen su base, tal como se lo describe en general, en los anos treinta, cuando las economias latinoamericanas comenzaron a cerrarse frente al impacto negativo producido por la crisis economica mundial. Sin embargo, solamente despues de la Segunda Guerra Mundial llego a ser esta una estrategia de desarrollo economico concebida conscientemente y con perseverancia, que ademas obtuvo su fundamentacion analitica e intelectual en los escritos de Raul Prebisch y de la Comision Economica para America Latina.
El articulo discute y critica las propuestas de Joseph Nye acerca del poder blando. Primero, abri... more El articulo discute y critica las propuestas de Joseph Nye acerca del poder blando. Primero, abrimos la discusion con unos comentarios generales sobre la nocion del poder social. En la parte principal de este articulo, ofrecemos una critica detallada de la concepcion del poder blando propuesta por Nye. Concluimos que esta concepcion es demasiado opaca y confusa para tener mucho potencial analitico. Sin embargo, a pesar de tal fracaso conceptual, Nye apunta a aclarar una forma muy importante y desatendida del poder social: el poder de influir sobre la voluntad y no solo el comportamiento de otros actores. En la ultima seccion del articulo discutimos brevemente la concepcion alternativa propuesta por Steven Lukes acerca de la “tercera dimension” del poder, y concluimos con el esbozo de una manera mas prometedora de dar cuenta de esta forma desatendida del poder social.
Poche categorie delle scienze sociali hanno riscosso in così breve tempo un successo pari a quell... more Poche categorie delle scienze sociali hanno riscosso in così breve tempo un successo pari a quella del soft power, termine ormai familiare tra politici, commentatori politici e professionisti di (quella che oggi chiamiamo) diplomazia pubblica. Coniato da Joseph Nye al principio degli anni Novanta, il termine soft power cerca di definire una dimensione del potere sociale che non si basa sulla metafora del "bastone e della carota" (ossia la capacità di costringere o persuadere attraverso una ricompensa) ma sull'"attrazione", con l'intenzione di spiegare la capacità degli attori del sistema inter-nazionale, soprattutto degli stati, nel guidare e nel condurre gli altri. 1 Nye sostiene che nella Guerra Fredda gli Stati Uniti prevalsero non ultimo grazie all'attrazione esercitata dalla loro cultura e dalle loro istituzioni sul resto del mondo (incluse le popolazioni che vivevano oltre la cortina di ferro). Secondo Nye, dopo l'11 settembre, un'eccess...
Few categories of the social sciences have been so successful as “soft power” to become a househo... more Few categories of the social sciences have been so successful as “soft power” to become a household word among politicians, political commentators, and practitioners of (what today is called) public diplomacy in such a short time. Coined by Joseph Nye in the early 1990s, “soft power” seeks to conceptualize a dimension of power that does not rest on carrots and sticks (that is, on the ability to coerce or induce through rewards), but on attraction, and it does so in order to explain the ability of actors in the international system, mainly states, to guide and lead others. This essay provides a brief outline of Nye’s theoretical propositions before discussing an inherent vagueness, which (we argue) tends to lead to conceptual blurriness when “soft power” is put to analyze phenomena in the real world, including inter-American relations. There are very good reasons for “soft power” to have found ready acceptance well beyond the academic community, we suggest, but in the end this approach does not provide the analytical tools it seems to promise.
This paper discusses and criticizes Joseph Nye’s account of soft power. First, we set the stage a... more This paper discusses and criticizes Joseph Nye’s account of soft power. First, we set the stage and make some general remarks about the notion of social power. In the main part of this paper we offer a detailed critical discussion of Nye’s conception of soft power. We conclude that it is too unclear and confused to be of much analytical use. However, despite this failure, Nye is aiming at explaining an important but also neglected form of social power: the power to influence the will and not just the behavior of other agents. In the last part of this paper we briefly discuss Steven Lukes’ alternative view of a “third dimension” of power and end with a sketch of a more promising way to account for this neglected form of power.
By mid-1940, the Argentine economy seemed to be heading for a major crisis because many of her tr... more By mid-1940, the Argentine economy seemed to be heading for a major crisis because many of her traditional export markets had suddenly become inaccessible. In response, Finance Minister Federico Pinedo and his team developed a wide range of initiatives. These aimed to overcome the crisis and restructure the Argentine economy in order to accommodate it to a changing and difficult international environment.This article analyses the nature, successes and failures of these policies. It argues that while Pinedo's initiatives certainly entailed visionary elements which anticipated major problems of the Argentine and Latin American development of the post-war era, they should not be regarded as some ‘golden opportunity’ for sound economic modernisation that was missed only because Pinedo and his fellow conservatives failed to win political approval and were later pushed aside by the rising force of populism.
Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura, 2014
This publication adds to a rapidly growing volume of scholarship on U.S. cultural diplomacy. Most... more This publication adds to a rapidly growing volume of scholarship on U.S. cultural diplomacy. Most of this scholarship focuses on the Cold War and on Europe. This volume, in turn, is concerned with a lesser-known episode that came to fruition during World War II and that focused not on Europe but on Latin America. As Nazi German troops entered Paris, the Franklin D. Roo-sevelt administration set out to launch a massive campaign to win hearts and minds for inter-American cooperation and solidarity. This campaign came to be spearheaded by an emergency agency, the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs or CIAA.
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facilitaron la movilización de recursos de poder más allá del ámbito propiamente estatal con fines de crear incentivos y desincentivos destinados a influir en la orientación editorial relacionada con asuntos relevantes para la política exterior estadounidense. Para revelar los impactos y también los límites de semejante despliegue de poder, este artículo se concentra en el caso particular de la prensa colombiana, y para ello analiza fuentes
primarias tales como artículos de prensa extranjera y local, así como los archivos de la OIAA.
What is less known is that this quest for unity was not limited to the national arena. Toward the late 1930s and particularly during the war years, radio output in the United States changed markedly also with respect to Latin America. Broadcasters, both large and small, engaged in a variety of strategies that invited U.S. audiences not just to acquaint themselves with the Good Neighbors to the south of the Rio Grande, but to imagine themselves as part of a wider, pan-American world and community of nations.
Radio historians in the past have focused on the role of broadcasting in the formation of a “public, shared and sociable world-in-common” (P. Scannell), and many have fruitfully employed B. Anderson’s notion of “imagined communities” to highlight the importance of radio in the formation of popular cultures within the national arena.
This chapter seeks to expand on these topics by introducing an international perspective and to bridge media studies with recent theoretical and empirical work by constructivists in International Relations. More precisely, it probes into the potential and the limitations of radio as a means to instill notions of familiarity or “we-ness” (P. Scannell) on an international scale.
facilitaron la movilización de recursos de poder más allá del ámbito propiamente estatal con fines de crear incentivos y desincentivos destinados a influir en la orientación editorial relacionada con asuntos relevantes para la política exterior estadounidense. Para revelar los impactos y también los límites de semejante despliegue de poder, este artículo se concentra en el caso particular de la prensa colombiana, y para ello analiza fuentes
primarias tales como artículos de prensa extranjera y local, así como los archivos de la OIAA.
What is less known is that this quest for unity was not limited to the national arena. Toward the late 1930s and particularly during the war years, radio output in the United States changed markedly also with respect to Latin America. Broadcasters, both large and small, engaged in a variety of strategies that invited U.S. audiences not just to acquaint themselves with the Good Neighbors to the south of the Rio Grande, but to imagine themselves as part of a wider, pan-American world and community of nations.
Radio historians in the past have focused on the role of broadcasting in the formation of a “public, shared and sociable world-in-common” (P. Scannell), and many have fruitfully employed B. Anderson’s notion of “imagined communities” to highlight the importance of radio in the formation of popular cultures within the national arena.
This chapter seeks to expand on these topics by introducing an international perspective and to bridge media studies with recent theoretical and empirical work by constructivists in International Relations. More precisely, it probes into the potential and the limitations of radio as a means to instill notions of familiarity or “we-ness” (P. Scannell) on an international scale.