The last decade saw the issue of polarisation garnering increased scholarly attention. While poli... more The last decade saw the issue of polarisation garnering increased scholarly attention. While political polarisation has been almost unequivocally studied as synonymous with ideological polarisation, scholars have recently addressed polarisation along partisan lines manifesting through strong in-group favouritism and out-group unfavouritism, labelled as affective polarisation. This paper investigates patterns of affective polarisation in the Slovenian (digital) public sphere, through analysis of discourse of former Slovenian PM Janez Janša on Twitter. The affective-discursive analysis of Janša’s Twitter resulted in the identification and exploration of four affective-discursive practices: Dangerous Outsider, Pride and Patriotism, Immoral and Incompetent Women and Defection. We find that through interplay of these practices and by employing strategies of discursive closure, Janša successfully fuels polarisation among partisans by solidifying divisions along the in-group-out-group axis. The paper contributes to affective polarisation literature by demonstrating how political actors condition competitive environments around different social identities thereby minimising opportunities for meaningful deliberation and debate beyond the differences.
This editorial introduces a thematic issue that examines the consequences of the accession of the... more This editorial introduces a thematic issue that examines the consequences of the accession of the Central and East European countries to the EU 20 years onward. The socioeconomic transformation of these countries in the pre-accession period was considered a remarkable success, that was attributed to the EU's conditionality policy. However, in the post-accession period, when these countries gained full membership rights and began playing a more active political role, they started deviating from some EU norms and rules, against a backdrop of EU crises. This shift has been, notably, reflected in concerns about democratic backsliding and rule of law violations. Nonetheless, the contributions in this issue also underscore that these countries have internalized (both top-down and bottom-up) EU norms and rules to a much greater extent than the focus on conditionality would suggest. Moreover, since Russia invaded Ukraine, Central and East European countries have become entrepreneurs of EU policy and bolstered its transformative power. These findings indicate a need to focus not only on the fundamental shortcomings in these countries-as the attention conferred to the (lack of post-accession) conditionality suggests-but also to consider other factors, such as the quality of the EU's governance and political system, policy learning, geopolitics, and member states' domestic politics.
External shocks and policy spillovers have facilitated a gradual shift away from the exceptionali... more External shocks and policy spillovers have facilitated a gradual shift away from the exceptionalism (exclusive role of agricultural interests) in the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). This article argues that post-Lisbon decision-making rules and procedures, against some of the expectations, slowed this process. First, the parallel veto-based negotiations on the bloc’s finances gave status quo actors the opportunity to influence the CAP indirectly (by blocking the redistribution of CAP funds) and directly (through package deals). Second, the co-decision procedure allowed the ministers of agriculture and the European Parliament’s Committee of agriculture to change the proposals of the more reform-minded Commission more easily. The argument is supported by the case of the CAP 2023–2027 reform, which resulted in limited changes given the Brexit-related cut in CAP funding (external shock) and the inclusion of environmental targets as part of the European Green Deal (policy spillover effects).
This editorial introduces a thematic issue that examines the consequences of the accession of the... more This editorial introduces a thematic issue that examines the consequences of the accession of the Central and East European countries to the EU 20 years onward. The socioeconomic transformation of these countries in the pre-accession period was considered a remarkable success, that was attributed to the EU's conditionality policy. However, in the post-accession period, when these countries gained full membership rights and began playing a more active political role, they started deviating from some EU norms and rules, against a backdrop of EU crises. This shift has been, notably, reflected in concerns about democratic backsliding and rule of law violations. Nonetheless, the contributions in this issue also underscore that these countries have internalized (both top-down and bottom-up) EU norms and rules to a much greater extent than the focus on conditionality would suggest. Moreover, since Russia invaded Ukraine, Central and East European countries have become entrepreneurs of EU policy and bolstered its transformative power. These findings indicate a need to focus not only on the fundamental shortcomings in these countries-as the attention conferred to the (lack of post-accession) conditionality suggests-but also to consider other factors, such as the quality of the EU's governance and political system, policy learning, geopolitics, and member states' domestic politics.
External shocks and policy spillovers have facilitated a gradual shift away from the exceptionali... more External shocks and policy spillovers have facilitated a gradual shift away from the exceptionalism (exclusive role of agricultural interests) in the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). This article argues that post-Lisbon decision-making rules and procedures, against some of the expectations, slowed this process. First, the parallel veto-based negotiations on the bloc’s finances gave status quo actors the opportunity to influence the CAP indirectly (by blocking the redistribution of CAP funds) and directly (through package deals). Second, the co-decision procedure allowed the ministers of agriculture and the European Parliament’s Committee of agriculture to change the proposals of the more reform-minded Commission more easily. The argument is supported by the case of the CAP 2023–2027 reform, which resulted in limited changes given the Brexit-related cut in CAP funding (external shock) and the inclusion of environmental targets as part of the European Green Deal (policy spillover effects).
This book offers an in-depth analysis of the attitudes and opinions of the rest of Europe towards... more This book offers an in-depth analysis of the attitudes and opinions of the rest of Europe towards the UK’s decision to leave. Covering the period from David Cameron’s attempt to renegotiate the UK’s EU membership prior to the Referendum and closing with the triggering of Article 50, the book charts the individual member-states’ response to the UK’s referendum process and result. Each essay draws on the research of country experts and together they provide essential context for understanding the likely negotiating position of the European nations towards the UK at this historic juncture and a fascinating insight into their likely future relations with the UK.
In conclusion, the results of the research are summarized. Rationalist, ideational and critical r... more In conclusion, the results of the research are summarized. Rationalist, ideational and critical realist approaches are considered not simply as alternative explanations, but also as alternative approaches to science. By being based on broader meta-theoretical assumptions, the critical realist approach enables reflection on and endorsement of existing research and progress towards a deeper level of explanation. Furthermore, realist assumptions of the nature of the object of inquiry are considered essential for the introduction of relevant explanations and for bringing about real policy change in terms of CAP reform, as well as in terms of change in other related policies.
This chapter presents the existing approaches towards explaining and understanding CAP reforms. F... more This chapter presents the existing approaches towards explaining and understanding CAP reforms. Firstly, rational and public choice theories based explanations of CAP as an agricultural supports policy are elaborated. Secondly, it is argued that explanation of the international dimension of CAP has been developed within Liberal intergovernmental theory. Thirdly, changes in policy contexts explaining CAP reforms (changes in external trade, budgetary costs and the policy paradigm) and changes in institutions engaged in representation and decision-making (changes in the policy network, path dependency, changes in decision-making procedures and agency quality) are identified. Finally, ideational approaches reflecting on CAP reform from the perspective of the changing ideas of things are identified: liberal constructivism and critical discourse analysis.
This article focuses on works that take “central Europe” as a subject of research. There are two ... more This article focuses on works that take “central Europe” as a subject of research. There are two conclusions one can draw from the overview that follows. The first one is that there is no common definition of “central Europe” The second one is that in spite of the lack of consensus, the literature on central Europe is abundant. The reason for that seems obvious. Central Europe has never existed merely as a geographic term; it has always been about an idea, about politics, about identity, or the combination of those. The recent memory—the period after the end of the Cold War—proves this point. Furthermore, the “returning” of central Europe to “Europe” after 1989 met an unprecedented response in the academic community; the region has become an attractive study field for scholars. The following overview, which remains and will remain work in progress, is an attempt to capture some of that academic contribution.
The last decade saw the issue of polarisation garnering increased scholarly attention. While poli... more The last decade saw the issue of polarisation garnering increased scholarly attention. While political polarisation has been almost unequivocally studied as synonymous with ideological polarisation, scholars have recently addressed polarisation along partisan lines manifesting through strong in-group favouritism and out-group unfavouritism, labelled as affective polarisation. This paper investigates patterns of affective polarisation in the Slovenian (digital) public sphere, through analysis of discourse of former Slovenian PM Janez Janša on Twitter. The affective-discursive analysis of Janša’s Twitter resulted in the identification and exploration of four affective-discursive practices: Dangerous Outsider, Pride and Patriotism, Immoral and Incompetent Women and Defection. We find that through interplay of these practices and by employing strategies of discursive closure, Janša successfully fuels polarisation among partisans by solidifying divisions along the in-group-out-group axis. The paper contributes to affective polarisation literature by demonstrating how political actors condition competitive environments around different social identities thereby minimising opportunities for meaningful deliberation and debate beyond the differences.
This editorial introduces a thematic issue that examines the consequences of the accession of the... more This editorial introduces a thematic issue that examines the consequences of the accession of the Central and East European countries to the EU 20 years onward. The socioeconomic transformation of these countries in the pre-accession period was considered a remarkable success, that was attributed to the EU's conditionality policy. However, in the post-accession period, when these countries gained full membership rights and began playing a more active political role, they started deviating from some EU norms and rules, against a backdrop of EU crises. This shift has been, notably, reflected in concerns about democratic backsliding and rule of law violations. Nonetheless, the contributions in this issue also underscore that these countries have internalized (both top-down and bottom-up) EU norms and rules to a much greater extent than the focus on conditionality would suggest. Moreover, since Russia invaded Ukraine, Central and East European countries have become entrepreneurs of EU policy and bolstered its transformative power. These findings indicate a need to focus not only on the fundamental shortcomings in these countries-as the attention conferred to the (lack of post-accession) conditionality suggests-but also to consider other factors, such as the quality of the EU's governance and political system, policy learning, geopolitics, and member states' domestic politics.
External shocks and policy spillovers have facilitated a gradual shift away from the exceptionali... more External shocks and policy spillovers have facilitated a gradual shift away from the exceptionalism (exclusive role of agricultural interests) in the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). This article argues that post-Lisbon decision-making rules and procedures, against some of the expectations, slowed this process. First, the parallel veto-based negotiations on the bloc’s finances gave status quo actors the opportunity to influence the CAP indirectly (by blocking the redistribution of CAP funds) and directly (through package deals). Second, the co-decision procedure allowed the ministers of agriculture and the European Parliament’s Committee of agriculture to change the proposals of the more reform-minded Commission more easily. The argument is supported by the case of the CAP 2023–2027 reform, which resulted in limited changes given the Brexit-related cut in CAP funding (external shock) and the inclusion of environmental targets as part of the European Green Deal (policy spillover effects).
This editorial introduces a thematic issue that examines the consequences of the accession of the... more This editorial introduces a thematic issue that examines the consequences of the accession of the Central and East European countries to the EU 20 years onward. The socioeconomic transformation of these countries in the pre-accession period was considered a remarkable success, that was attributed to the EU's conditionality policy. However, in the post-accession period, when these countries gained full membership rights and began playing a more active political role, they started deviating from some EU norms and rules, against a backdrop of EU crises. This shift has been, notably, reflected in concerns about democratic backsliding and rule of law violations. Nonetheless, the contributions in this issue also underscore that these countries have internalized (both top-down and bottom-up) EU norms and rules to a much greater extent than the focus on conditionality would suggest. Moreover, since Russia invaded Ukraine, Central and East European countries have become entrepreneurs of EU policy and bolstered its transformative power. These findings indicate a need to focus not only on the fundamental shortcomings in these countries-as the attention conferred to the (lack of post-accession) conditionality suggests-but also to consider other factors, such as the quality of the EU's governance and political system, policy learning, geopolitics, and member states' domestic politics.
External shocks and policy spillovers have facilitated a gradual shift away from the exceptionali... more External shocks and policy spillovers have facilitated a gradual shift away from the exceptionalism (exclusive role of agricultural interests) in the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). This article argues that post-Lisbon decision-making rules and procedures, against some of the expectations, slowed this process. First, the parallel veto-based negotiations on the bloc’s finances gave status quo actors the opportunity to influence the CAP indirectly (by blocking the redistribution of CAP funds) and directly (through package deals). Second, the co-decision procedure allowed the ministers of agriculture and the European Parliament’s Committee of agriculture to change the proposals of the more reform-minded Commission more easily. The argument is supported by the case of the CAP 2023–2027 reform, which resulted in limited changes given the Brexit-related cut in CAP funding (external shock) and the inclusion of environmental targets as part of the European Green Deal (policy spillover effects).
This book offers an in-depth analysis of the attitudes and opinions of the rest of Europe towards... more This book offers an in-depth analysis of the attitudes and opinions of the rest of Europe towards the UK’s decision to leave. Covering the period from David Cameron’s attempt to renegotiate the UK’s EU membership prior to the Referendum and closing with the triggering of Article 50, the book charts the individual member-states’ response to the UK’s referendum process and result. Each essay draws on the research of country experts and together they provide essential context for understanding the likely negotiating position of the European nations towards the UK at this historic juncture and a fascinating insight into their likely future relations with the UK.
In conclusion, the results of the research are summarized. Rationalist, ideational and critical r... more In conclusion, the results of the research are summarized. Rationalist, ideational and critical realist approaches are considered not simply as alternative explanations, but also as alternative approaches to science. By being based on broader meta-theoretical assumptions, the critical realist approach enables reflection on and endorsement of existing research and progress towards a deeper level of explanation. Furthermore, realist assumptions of the nature of the object of inquiry are considered essential for the introduction of relevant explanations and for bringing about real policy change in terms of CAP reform, as well as in terms of change in other related policies.
This chapter presents the existing approaches towards explaining and understanding CAP reforms. F... more This chapter presents the existing approaches towards explaining and understanding CAP reforms. Firstly, rational and public choice theories based explanations of CAP as an agricultural supports policy are elaborated. Secondly, it is argued that explanation of the international dimension of CAP has been developed within Liberal intergovernmental theory. Thirdly, changes in policy contexts explaining CAP reforms (changes in external trade, budgetary costs and the policy paradigm) and changes in institutions engaged in representation and decision-making (changes in the policy network, path dependency, changes in decision-making procedures and agency quality) are identified. Finally, ideational approaches reflecting on CAP reform from the perspective of the changing ideas of things are identified: liberal constructivism and critical discourse analysis.
This article focuses on works that take “central Europe” as a subject of research. There are two ... more This article focuses on works that take “central Europe” as a subject of research. There are two conclusions one can draw from the overview that follows. The first one is that there is no common definition of “central Europe” The second one is that in spite of the lack of consensus, the literature on central Europe is abundant. The reason for that seems obvious. Central Europe has never existed merely as a geographic term; it has always been about an idea, about politics, about identity, or the combination of those. The recent memory—the period after the end of the Cold War—proves this point. Furthermore, the “returning” of central Europe to “Europe” after 1989 met an unprecedented response in the academic community; the region has become an attractive study field for scholars. The following overview, which remains and will remain work in progress, is an attempt to capture some of that academic contribution.
The chapter investigates the interplay of populism, on the one hand, and truth and knowledge prod... more The chapter investigates the interplay of populism, on the one hand, and truth and knowledge production, on the other, in the context of the post-truth condition. We emphasize that such an inquiry must begin by clearly delineating the meaning of populism as such and by applying that understanding to the populist relation to truth and knowledge production, without essentializing or simplifying the relation between the two. To illustrate this, we assess the case of Janez Janša and Slovenian Democratic Party to show how they employ the strategy of ‘counterknowledge’ to assert their belief in truth supported by alternative inquiry. Our findings suggest that Janša and SDS do not necessarily oppose science or expert knowledge, nor do they solely privilege folk knowledge. Rather, they advocate a particular kind of counter-expertise arising from their own epistemic community in which SDS works to portray itself as the only reliable authority on truth. This way, SDS’s truth-claims are part of their hegemonic struggle used to solidify political antagonisms through a hybrid strategy of political cognitive relativism. Analysis thus shows that populists are not necessarily irrational actors who negate scientific epistemology, but rather issue truth-claims as a way of consolidating their political agenda.
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