Center for Educational Policy Studies Journal, 2018
Achievement gaps between immigrant and native students indicate failure to assure educational equ... more Achievement gaps between immigrant and native students indicate failure to assure educational equity in the majority of countries assessed by the Programme for International Student Assessment in 2009 (PISA, 2009). The present article explains disparate achievement results in Europe, first testing the hypothesis of old and new democracies. In further contextualisation of the achievement results, the analysis seeks explanations beyond the common education system explanatory model. Specifically, the article considers results from Croatia, Serbia and Slovenia, highlighting the significance of language distance between native and immigrant students as well as migration regimes as important factors in creating or reducing the achievement gap between native and immigrant students. Evidence has been found that immigrant students score worse in countries with guest labour immigration regimes than in the countries with large scale forced immigration of people of the same ethnic(linguistic) o...
ENAKOST SPOLOV NA SLOVENSKEM POLITIČNEM PARKETU, 2018
Po pravkar končanih volitvah v Slo- veniji se je delež žensk v Državnem zboru s 35,6 odstotkov zn... more Po pravkar končanih volitvah v Slo- veniji se je delež žensk v Državnem zboru s 35,6 odstotkov znižal na 24,5 odstotkov. To se je zgodilo navkljub uzakonjeni 35-odstotni spolni kvoti na kandidatnih listah in navkljub temu, da je bilo na njih 44 odstot- kov žensk, kar je največ doslej.
Pričujoči prispevek tematizira vprašanja (ne)enakosti spolov v akademskem polju v Slo- veniji in ... more Pričujoči prispevek tematizira vprašanja (ne)enakosti spolov v akademskem polju v Slo- veniji in vlogo institucij pri reproduciranju neenakosti v njem. V članku najprej na osnovi nekaterih izbranih statističnih podatkov predstavimo trenutno »stanje stvari« v slovenskem akademskem prostoru in ugotavljamo, kakšna je razporeditev moči (odločanja) v njem. V nadaljevanju z analizo samopredstavitvenih dokumentov treh slovenskih univerz, dostop- nih na njihovih spletnih straneh, posebnih institutov, ukrepov ali politik enakosti spolov na tem področju skušamo poiskati odgovor na vprašanje, kako spol mislijo izbrane akademske institucije v Sloveniji. Zbrane podatke in ugotovitve nato primerjamo s stanjem na izbranih bližnjih akademskih institucijah (Univerza na Dunaju in Univerza v Bologni), ki vzpostavljanje enakosti spolov razumeta kot prednostno nalogo. Glede na tako pridobljene in primerjane podatke prispevek sklenemo z ugotovitvijo, da akademske institucije v Sloveniji spola ne mis- lijo. KLJUČNE BESEDE spol, ženske, enakost, moč, akademsko polje, institucije
Academic Institutions in Slovenia and Gender (In)Equality The paper addresses the issue of gender (in)equality in the academic field in Slovenia and the role of institutions in the reproduction of inequality therein. On the basis of selected statistical data, the article begins by presenting the “state of affairs” in the Slovenian academic field and determins the distribution of its (decision-making) power. We continue with an analysis of the ”self-presentation documents” from three Slovene universities, of the special institutes, and of the measures or gender equality policies in this field. Thus, we try to find an answer to the question of how gender is thought of by the selected academic institutions in Slovenia. We then compare the collected data and findings with the situation at selected nearby academic institutions (University of Vienna and the University of Bologna) which understand gender equality as a priority. According to the obtained and compared data, the article concludes that the academic institutions in Slovenia do not think gender. KEYWORDS gender, women, equality, power, academic field, institutions
The paper discusses the issue of feminist knowledge production and reproduction in relation to th... more The paper discusses the issue of feminist knowledge production and reproduction in relation to the subject and her geo-political location. This discussion was prompted by Sofi Oksanen's letter to Melania Trump in 2017. We argue that this letter is subtly based on the power dynamics of the centre, semi-periphery and periphery, and we attempt to make these dynamics visible. Namely, Oksanen addresses M. Trump as the one who made it without the necessary critique of what 'making-it' means, while at the same time she positions her as the potential hero that can save 'us' all, where 'us' refers to the women in the semi-periphery. This heroization of M. Trump presupposes that post-socialist countries face gender (and gendered) issues at the same time as it presupposes that these issues cannot be effectively and successfully addressed by the women in the post-socialist countries themselves. Thus, Oksanen's heroization is based on a twofold process of constituting a vulnerable subject stripped of her agency, i.e. the women in post-socialist countries, and an autonomous, agentic subject for whose intervention she calls for, that is, a 'Western-ized' subject. Such gestures, which are evident in the letter, are a part of reproducing the geopolitical dynamics between the centre, semi-periphery and periphery, or, more specifically, of constructing the semi-peripheral post-socialist countries, the construct of which neglects the vigour of feminist practices, productions and movements in post-socialist countries.
The first feminists were more than aware of the fact that education is one of the crucial areas w... more The first feminists were more than aware of the fact that education is one of the crucial areas with potential for achieving gender equality and equity. Mary Astell demanded higher education institutions for women as early as in 1694. In the eighteenth century, two exceptional thinkers, Mary Wollstonecraft and Olympe de Gouges, claimed that women and men are born equal and yet do not have equal rights. They both believed that education would bring women greater equality. Inspired by Catherine Maculay's Letters of Education (1790), Wollstonecraft advocated changes to the education of girls, claiming that education should not differ for boys and girls. She argued for education of women that would equip them for cooperation with men and fought for the same model of education for both genders in families and schools, as she believed that women would be free if they were enlightened and able to provide for themselves independently of men. In her opinion, women were weak due to education that forced them, from their earliest years, to be passive, obedient and (only) beautiful. She recognised the reasons for the subordi-nation of women as being rooted in the social environment and insufficient education. Her claim for equal educational opportunities for girls and women, allowing women to participate equally in all spheres of social life, aligns her with those thinkers who advocated a different social order, and therefore a different gender order. Maculay's and Wollstonecraft's ideas were undoubtedly revolutionary and had to wait for centuries to become our reality, but they were crucially important ideas that eventually became the basis for changes in social conditions allowing structural changes to take place in the various fields of our individual and social lives. On the background of these and similar ideas, and despite the fact that gender equality seemed to be a rather distant goal, we witnessed the rise of second-wave feminism in the 1960s and 1970s. The fact that feminism was and is not just one unique phenomenon – there are many feminisms supported by different feminist organisations and groups with specific attitudes and demands – led to debate on a wide range of topics, including inequality in education, demands for more gender-neutral schools, critiques of gender-stereotypical subjects, the inability of girls to make different professional choices, the unequal treatment of girls and boys in institutionalised contexts, and the effects of the hidden curriculum that privileges boys at almost all levels. Among the important demands of the second-wave feminist movement – based on an awareness of the lack or almost complete absence of knowledge on women's lives in history and in the present time in the official curriculum – was a demand for special courses on women, in order to fill the gap in
e aim of the present paper is to map the development of women’s and gender studies (WGS) in the ... more e aim of the present paper is to map the development of women’s and gender studies (WGS) in the academic eld in Slovenia. Slovenia is the rst of the former Yugoslav state republics in which WGS have succeed- ed in entering the academic eld and becoming part of institutionalised university study. In this paper we will ask the following questions: How, when and why did this happen? How was this connected to women’s and feminist movements and politics regarding women’s issues and de- mands? What were the obstacles in this process? Who were the agents and what were the factors that supported demands for the incorporation of WGS in academia? How has the eld evolved in the last few decades? What were the phases of this development? Which elds were the fore- runners, which were the late-comers and which are still le aside? What are the thematic scopes taught in WGS courses? In which degrees are the courses o ered and what are their modules? Who teaches them? e mapping in this paper is mainly based on primary sources of uni- versity programmes and their curricula at faculties of the University of Ljubljana, as well as on interviews with important agents in the eld.
The following paper deals with masculinities in political field and analyses representations of d... more The following paper deals with masculinities in political field and analyses representations of different types of masculinities that we evaluated as common in Slovene politics between 1945 and 2016. We will be interested in the ways different masculinities in Slovenia have formed through chosen time periods and homosocial circumstances, and which masculinities have formed, how they have maintained and sustained their domination in the political field, how they maintain status quo and prevent “different” types of masculinities (especially marginalized and subordinated) and femininities from entering “their” field. Analysis of representations of masculinities of the most visible politicians focuses on written memories, media content and historical analysis of specific time periods.
After the first multi-party election in the Slovene National Assembly the share of women MPs drop... more After the first multi-party election in the Slovene National Assembly the share of women MPs dropped dramatically (from 24 per cent in 1986 to 17.5 per cent in 1990) and did not substantially change during the following two decades. This led to a debate among feminist activists and scholars and left-oriented female politicians regarding the absence of effective measures to improve the situation. The first proposals to introduce gender quotas initially for internal party bodies and later for national elections were put forward by women in the centre and left-wing parties. The voluntary quotas adopted by these parties did not yield visible progress on the presence of women in important political bodies, as these parties' gatekeepers did not fully respect their own rules when composing candidate lists. It was only when legal quotas were introduced that significant changes occurred in the share of women at the highest levels of Slovene politics. In contrast to previous studies on gender quotas in Slovenia, this paper focuses on the importance of the legal and institutional mechanisms in the Slovene context that increased the number of women in politics and examines the political process that paved the way for greater gender equality by using data from elections and putting the data into a broader context. The authors conclude that without gender quotas imposed by legislation the percentage of women in the last parliamentary election in 2014 would not have increased to 37 per cent (the highest among CEE countries) but also identify some limitations to the effectiveness of quota regulations in the Slovene political and institutional context.
The study of gender quotas is a growing area of political and gender studies. However, the issue ... more The study of gender quotas is a growing area of political and gender studies. However, the issue of gender quotas remains relatively understudied in the Central East European region, despite the fact that almost all countries in the region have adopted some kind of gender quotas (legislated or voluntary party). Differences in political legacy, leading ideologies, party systems as well as differences in attitudes towards gender equality policies and the strength of women’s movement are among those factors which might had led to variation in the pace of changes in women’s political representation and in the adopted policies to change women’s historical under-representation. In the special section country case studies as well as comparative studies of the legitimacy and effectiveness of gender quotas in the region are published.
Leta 1879 je Henrik Ibsen objavil igro, s katero je razburkal ne samo gledališke, ampak tudi mnog... more Leta 1879 je Henrik Ibsen objavil igro, s katero je razburkal ne samo gledališke, ampak tudi mnoge druge vode. Kmalu po tem, ko je zagledala luč sveta, so nekatere igralke zavračale igranje v »nespodobni« predstavi, nekatera gleda-lišča pa celo spremenila njen konec (Koler 1996), da ne bi bil preveč odmaknjen od prevladujoče morale in vrednot tistega časa. Polemike okrog omenjenega Ibsenovega dela so v literarnih in teoretskih kro-gih žive še danes. O Hiši za lutke se še vedno krešejo mnenja. Ali gre za umetniško delo, ki si ni hotelo umazati rok z aktualnimi dogajanji tistega časa in je naslavljalo univerzalna humanistična vprašanja, ali pa je avtor vendarle hotel poseči v tedaj aktualne razprave in se (podobno kot John Stuart Mill) zavzemati za »žensko stvar« (a woman's cause)? Zakaj je pravzaprav Ibsen iz-bral Noro za osebo, ki bo zase zahtevala univerzalne človekove pravice? Kako bi bilo delo sprejeto, če bi naslovna junakinja ne bila Nora, ampak na primer Frederik? Je bil Ibsen feminist ali vsaj podpornik feminizma? So skozi njegove like govorile zagovornice pravic žensk? Zakaj je to (pa ne samo to) njegovo delo tako aktualno še danes? To je mnogo, a še vedno le en delček vprašanj, ki so si jih zastavljale/-i avtorice/-ji, ki se ukvarjajo s tem delom. IBSEN IN FEMINISTIČNI ANGAŽMAJI TISTEGA ČASA Nekatere poznavalke Ibsenovega življenja in dela (J. Templeton, K. Orjasaeter, T. Moi) pravijo, da je Ibsen igro dlje časa skrbno načrtoval in da vsebuje (kot mnoga druga umetniška dela) kar nekaj elementov iz vsakdanjega življenja nekaterih oseb iz njegovega okolja in tudi iz njegovega življenja. Iz različnih virov je sklepati, da so v času priprav na to delo (pa tudi širše) na Ibsena vpli-vala številna dogajanja in pomembne osebe iz njegovega zasebnega življenja: novinarka in njegova »protežiranka Laura Petersen Kieler s svojo življenjsko
Povzetek. V pričujočem besedilu, ki povzema rezultate raziskovanja v dveh desetletjih, preverjamo... more Povzetek. V pričujočem besedilu, ki povzema rezultate raziskovanja v dveh desetletjih, preverjamo, kako so se opredeljevanja o enakosti spolov v raziskavah javnega mnenja »preslikala« v razmerja spolov v politiki. Za ta namen smo izluščili nekaj (za predmet preučevanja) povednih vprašanj in analizirali spreminjanje prefe-renc respondentov in respondentk v času prehajanja med dvema družbenima ureditvama. Ugotovili smo, da se je v 90. letih, to je v času, ko smo imeli v politiki izred-no nizke deleže žensk, močno znižal tudi delež tistih, ki so enakost spolov ocenjevali zelo pozitivno (v pri-merjavi s socialističnim obdobjem), zvišal pa se je delež tistih, ki so bili do te vrednote neodločeni (tako med moškimi kot med ženskami). Moški so bili hkrati ocenje-ni kot boljši politični voditelji. Delež takšnih stališč je v naslednjem raziskovanem obdobju konstantno padal in se leta 2011 skoraj prepolovil, kar morda nakazuje pozitivne premike tudi na tem področju in napoveduje možen premik k rahljanju moške dominacije v politiki. Ključni pojmi: enakost spolov, politika, javno mnenje, politična kultura, vrednote, Slovenija Uvod V zadnjem času v Evropski uniji (EU) skoraj ni zaslediti dokumenta, ki ne bi omenjal enakosti spolov. Enakost žensk in moških je tudi ena dekla riranih temeljnih vrednot (EU). Deklarativna zavezanost enakosti sicer sega v leto 1957, ko je načelo enakega plačila za enako delo postalo del Rimske pogodbe. Čeprav še vedno obstajajo razlike, je EU na tem področju v zadnjih desetletjih naredila pomemben napredek. Svoj delež so k temu prispevali tudi sprejete politike in zakonodaja v zvezi z enakim obravna vanjem moških in žensk, uveljavljanje strategije »gender mainstreaming« (integracije načela enakosti spolov v vse politike in na vseh ravneh) ter posebni ukrepi za izboljšanje položaja deprivilegiranega spola (žensk), ki
A great deal has been written about the importance of economic equality for ensuring equal opport... more A great deal has been written about the importance of economic equality for ensuring equal opportunities for women to enter public life and politics. Vir-ginia Woolf 's metaphor of a room of her own, demands for the opening up of " masculinised " professions to women, demands for equal pay for equal work, calls for the elimination of visible and non-visible barriers to the advancement of women in professional careers, and recent attempts to legislate quotas for the highest decision-making positions in business in the European Union bear witness to the fact that, despite certain shis in the direction of establishing gender equality in the fields of the economy and business, work and earnings, economic power and decision making, men still retain a privileged position in this area in relation to women as a social group. e importance of the economic independence of women for their active participation in politics was determined by a number of studies in the second half of the 20 th century, a period when, particularly immediately aer the Second World War, the proportion of women in politics was not high (Rule, 1987; Norris, Ingle-hart and Welzel, 2002; Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Although important shis can be observed regarding the position of women in the area of employment in Slovenia in the last ten years (particularly the high representation of women in the labour market, increased full-time employment, and the breaking through of women into particular " prestige " fields, such as law, journalism and the university), we nonetheless find that women have not yet achieved appropriate positions in the labour market, as data clearly indicate the continued presence of horizontal and vertical gender segregation/segmentation, as well as differences in pay between the genders (Kanjuo-Mrčela, 1996, 2000, 2007). It is therefore clear that women still encounter certain (gender-specific) limitations that condition their position in the sphere of paid work. e limitations that women face on entering the field of paid work cannot be considered purely in terms of evident (inadequate policies and legislation) and concealed (glass architecture) discrimination, but must also be reflected upon in the context of existing social practices and habitus, which continue to reproduce the conventional images of masculinity and femininity that dominate processes of
Readdressing the question of how (contemporary) societies are structured (producing and reproduci... more Readdressing the question of how (contemporary) societies are structured (producing and reproducing the existing relations) and how they change, we cannot but reflect on the almost eternal sociological questions and dilemmas, such as: Which is more important, structure or action, supra-individual complex units or agents? Who conditions whom? Do structures establish the conditions for individuals' actions or do individuals create structures through their actions? ose who have addressed these issues have tended to place themselves on one or the other side of these dilemmas. Amongst those who have attempted to overcome these " apparent dilemmas " is Anthony Giddens, who says: " structure is 'subject-less'. […] structuration, as the reproduction of practices, refers abstractly to the dynamic process whereby structures come into being. By the duality of structure I mean that social structure is both constituted by human agency and yet is at the same time the very medium of this constitution " (1993, 128–129.). We could, therefore, say that structures have been formed throughout history and are accordingly constructed and persistent, representing the framework of their agents; on the other hand, they are, as Marx would put it, created by individuals and groups acting in specific situations and circumstances that they have not themselves chosen. As such, structures are subjected to change and are changing; or, in the words of Pierre Bourdieu: " rough the economic and social necessity that they bring to bear on the relatively autonomous world of the domestic economy and family relations, or more precisely, through the specifically familial manifestations of this external necessity (forms of the division of labour between the sexes, household objects, modes of consumption, parent-child relations , etc.), the structures characterizing a determinate class of conditions of existence produce the structures of the habitus, which in their turn are the basis of the perception and appreciation of all subsequent experiences " (1990, 54). As structured structures, they are strong, resistant and rigid, while at the same time being vulnerable and prone to change. ey are diverse in the different moments of history, and vary in their susceptibility to persistence and change. is applies not only to class structures coming into being and changing throughout history,
Center for Educational Policy Studies Journal, 2018
Achievement gaps between immigrant and native students indicate failure to assure educational equ... more Achievement gaps between immigrant and native students indicate failure to assure educational equity in the majority of countries assessed by the Programme for International Student Assessment in 2009 (PISA, 2009). The present article explains disparate achievement results in Europe, first testing the hypothesis of old and new democracies. In further contextualisation of the achievement results, the analysis seeks explanations beyond the common education system explanatory model. Specifically, the article considers results from Croatia, Serbia and Slovenia, highlighting the significance of language distance between native and immigrant students as well as migration regimes as important factors in creating or reducing the achievement gap between native and immigrant students. Evidence has been found that immigrant students score worse in countries with guest labour immigration regimes than in the countries with large scale forced immigration of people of the same ethnic(linguistic) o...
ENAKOST SPOLOV NA SLOVENSKEM POLITIČNEM PARKETU, 2018
Po pravkar končanih volitvah v Slo- veniji se je delež žensk v Državnem zboru s 35,6 odstotkov zn... more Po pravkar končanih volitvah v Slo- veniji se je delež žensk v Državnem zboru s 35,6 odstotkov znižal na 24,5 odstotkov. To se je zgodilo navkljub uzakonjeni 35-odstotni spolni kvoti na kandidatnih listah in navkljub temu, da je bilo na njih 44 odstot- kov žensk, kar je največ doslej.
Pričujoči prispevek tematizira vprašanja (ne)enakosti spolov v akademskem polju v Slo- veniji in ... more Pričujoči prispevek tematizira vprašanja (ne)enakosti spolov v akademskem polju v Slo- veniji in vlogo institucij pri reproduciranju neenakosti v njem. V članku najprej na osnovi nekaterih izbranih statističnih podatkov predstavimo trenutno »stanje stvari« v slovenskem akademskem prostoru in ugotavljamo, kakšna je razporeditev moči (odločanja) v njem. V nadaljevanju z analizo samopredstavitvenih dokumentov treh slovenskih univerz, dostop- nih na njihovih spletnih straneh, posebnih institutov, ukrepov ali politik enakosti spolov na tem področju skušamo poiskati odgovor na vprašanje, kako spol mislijo izbrane akademske institucije v Sloveniji. Zbrane podatke in ugotovitve nato primerjamo s stanjem na izbranih bližnjih akademskih institucijah (Univerza na Dunaju in Univerza v Bologni), ki vzpostavljanje enakosti spolov razumeta kot prednostno nalogo. Glede na tako pridobljene in primerjane podatke prispevek sklenemo z ugotovitvijo, da akademske institucije v Sloveniji spola ne mis- lijo. KLJUČNE BESEDE spol, ženske, enakost, moč, akademsko polje, institucije
Academic Institutions in Slovenia and Gender (In)Equality The paper addresses the issue of gender (in)equality in the academic field in Slovenia and the role of institutions in the reproduction of inequality therein. On the basis of selected statistical data, the article begins by presenting the “state of affairs” in the Slovenian academic field and determins the distribution of its (decision-making) power. We continue with an analysis of the ”self-presentation documents” from three Slovene universities, of the special institutes, and of the measures or gender equality policies in this field. Thus, we try to find an answer to the question of how gender is thought of by the selected academic institutions in Slovenia. We then compare the collected data and findings with the situation at selected nearby academic institutions (University of Vienna and the University of Bologna) which understand gender equality as a priority. According to the obtained and compared data, the article concludes that the academic institutions in Slovenia do not think gender. KEYWORDS gender, women, equality, power, academic field, institutions
The paper discusses the issue of feminist knowledge production and reproduction in relation to th... more The paper discusses the issue of feminist knowledge production and reproduction in relation to the subject and her geo-political location. This discussion was prompted by Sofi Oksanen's letter to Melania Trump in 2017. We argue that this letter is subtly based on the power dynamics of the centre, semi-periphery and periphery, and we attempt to make these dynamics visible. Namely, Oksanen addresses M. Trump as the one who made it without the necessary critique of what 'making-it' means, while at the same time she positions her as the potential hero that can save 'us' all, where 'us' refers to the women in the semi-periphery. This heroization of M. Trump presupposes that post-socialist countries face gender (and gendered) issues at the same time as it presupposes that these issues cannot be effectively and successfully addressed by the women in the post-socialist countries themselves. Thus, Oksanen's heroization is based on a twofold process of constituting a vulnerable subject stripped of her agency, i.e. the women in post-socialist countries, and an autonomous, agentic subject for whose intervention she calls for, that is, a 'Western-ized' subject. Such gestures, which are evident in the letter, are a part of reproducing the geopolitical dynamics between the centre, semi-periphery and periphery, or, more specifically, of constructing the semi-peripheral post-socialist countries, the construct of which neglects the vigour of feminist practices, productions and movements in post-socialist countries.
The first feminists were more than aware of the fact that education is one of the crucial areas w... more The first feminists were more than aware of the fact that education is one of the crucial areas with potential for achieving gender equality and equity. Mary Astell demanded higher education institutions for women as early as in 1694. In the eighteenth century, two exceptional thinkers, Mary Wollstonecraft and Olympe de Gouges, claimed that women and men are born equal and yet do not have equal rights. They both believed that education would bring women greater equality. Inspired by Catherine Maculay's Letters of Education (1790), Wollstonecraft advocated changes to the education of girls, claiming that education should not differ for boys and girls. She argued for education of women that would equip them for cooperation with men and fought for the same model of education for both genders in families and schools, as she believed that women would be free if they were enlightened and able to provide for themselves independently of men. In her opinion, women were weak due to education that forced them, from their earliest years, to be passive, obedient and (only) beautiful. She recognised the reasons for the subordi-nation of women as being rooted in the social environment and insufficient education. Her claim for equal educational opportunities for girls and women, allowing women to participate equally in all spheres of social life, aligns her with those thinkers who advocated a different social order, and therefore a different gender order. Maculay's and Wollstonecraft's ideas were undoubtedly revolutionary and had to wait for centuries to become our reality, but they were crucially important ideas that eventually became the basis for changes in social conditions allowing structural changes to take place in the various fields of our individual and social lives. On the background of these and similar ideas, and despite the fact that gender equality seemed to be a rather distant goal, we witnessed the rise of second-wave feminism in the 1960s and 1970s. The fact that feminism was and is not just one unique phenomenon – there are many feminisms supported by different feminist organisations and groups with specific attitudes and demands – led to debate on a wide range of topics, including inequality in education, demands for more gender-neutral schools, critiques of gender-stereotypical subjects, the inability of girls to make different professional choices, the unequal treatment of girls and boys in institutionalised contexts, and the effects of the hidden curriculum that privileges boys at almost all levels. Among the important demands of the second-wave feminist movement – based on an awareness of the lack or almost complete absence of knowledge on women's lives in history and in the present time in the official curriculum – was a demand for special courses on women, in order to fill the gap in
e aim of the present paper is to map the development of women’s and gender studies (WGS) in the ... more e aim of the present paper is to map the development of women’s and gender studies (WGS) in the academic eld in Slovenia. Slovenia is the rst of the former Yugoslav state republics in which WGS have succeed- ed in entering the academic eld and becoming part of institutionalised university study. In this paper we will ask the following questions: How, when and why did this happen? How was this connected to women’s and feminist movements and politics regarding women’s issues and de- mands? What were the obstacles in this process? Who were the agents and what were the factors that supported demands for the incorporation of WGS in academia? How has the eld evolved in the last few decades? What were the phases of this development? Which elds were the fore- runners, which were the late-comers and which are still le aside? What are the thematic scopes taught in WGS courses? In which degrees are the courses o ered and what are their modules? Who teaches them? e mapping in this paper is mainly based on primary sources of uni- versity programmes and their curricula at faculties of the University of Ljubljana, as well as on interviews with important agents in the eld.
The following paper deals with masculinities in political field and analyses representations of d... more The following paper deals with masculinities in political field and analyses representations of different types of masculinities that we evaluated as common in Slovene politics between 1945 and 2016. We will be interested in the ways different masculinities in Slovenia have formed through chosen time periods and homosocial circumstances, and which masculinities have formed, how they have maintained and sustained their domination in the political field, how they maintain status quo and prevent “different” types of masculinities (especially marginalized and subordinated) and femininities from entering “their” field. Analysis of representations of masculinities of the most visible politicians focuses on written memories, media content and historical analysis of specific time periods.
After the first multi-party election in the Slovene National Assembly the share of women MPs drop... more After the first multi-party election in the Slovene National Assembly the share of women MPs dropped dramatically (from 24 per cent in 1986 to 17.5 per cent in 1990) and did not substantially change during the following two decades. This led to a debate among feminist activists and scholars and left-oriented female politicians regarding the absence of effective measures to improve the situation. The first proposals to introduce gender quotas initially for internal party bodies and later for national elections were put forward by women in the centre and left-wing parties. The voluntary quotas adopted by these parties did not yield visible progress on the presence of women in important political bodies, as these parties' gatekeepers did not fully respect their own rules when composing candidate lists. It was only when legal quotas were introduced that significant changes occurred in the share of women at the highest levels of Slovene politics. In contrast to previous studies on gender quotas in Slovenia, this paper focuses on the importance of the legal and institutional mechanisms in the Slovene context that increased the number of women in politics and examines the political process that paved the way for greater gender equality by using data from elections and putting the data into a broader context. The authors conclude that without gender quotas imposed by legislation the percentage of women in the last parliamentary election in 2014 would not have increased to 37 per cent (the highest among CEE countries) but also identify some limitations to the effectiveness of quota regulations in the Slovene political and institutional context.
The study of gender quotas is a growing area of political and gender studies. However, the issue ... more The study of gender quotas is a growing area of political and gender studies. However, the issue of gender quotas remains relatively understudied in the Central East European region, despite the fact that almost all countries in the region have adopted some kind of gender quotas (legislated or voluntary party). Differences in political legacy, leading ideologies, party systems as well as differences in attitudes towards gender equality policies and the strength of women’s movement are among those factors which might had led to variation in the pace of changes in women’s political representation and in the adopted policies to change women’s historical under-representation. In the special section country case studies as well as comparative studies of the legitimacy and effectiveness of gender quotas in the region are published.
Leta 1879 je Henrik Ibsen objavil igro, s katero je razburkal ne samo gledališke, ampak tudi mnog... more Leta 1879 je Henrik Ibsen objavil igro, s katero je razburkal ne samo gledališke, ampak tudi mnoge druge vode. Kmalu po tem, ko je zagledala luč sveta, so nekatere igralke zavračale igranje v »nespodobni« predstavi, nekatera gleda-lišča pa celo spremenila njen konec (Koler 1996), da ne bi bil preveč odmaknjen od prevladujoče morale in vrednot tistega časa. Polemike okrog omenjenega Ibsenovega dela so v literarnih in teoretskih kro-gih žive še danes. O Hiši za lutke se še vedno krešejo mnenja. Ali gre za umetniško delo, ki si ni hotelo umazati rok z aktualnimi dogajanji tistega časa in je naslavljalo univerzalna humanistična vprašanja, ali pa je avtor vendarle hotel poseči v tedaj aktualne razprave in se (podobno kot John Stuart Mill) zavzemati za »žensko stvar« (a woman's cause)? Zakaj je pravzaprav Ibsen iz-bral Noro za osebo, ki bo zase zahtevala univerzalne človekove pravice? Kako bi bilo delo sprejeto, če bi naslovna junakinja ne bila Nora, ampak na primer Frederik? Je bil Ibsen feminist ali vsaj podpornik feminizma? So skozi njegove like govorile zagovornice pravic žensk? Zakaj je to (pa ne samo to) njegovo delo tako aktualno še danes? To je mnogo, a še vedno le en delček vprašanj, ki so si jih zastavljale/-i avtorice/-ji, ki se ukvarjajo s tem delom. IBSEN IN FEMINISTIČNI ANGAŽMAJI TISTEGA ČASA Nekatere poznavalke Ibsenovega življenja in dela (J. Templeton, K. Orjasaeter, T. Moi) pravijo, da je Ibsen igro dlje časa skrbno načrtoval in da vsebuje (kot mnoga druga umetniška dela) kar nekaj elementov iz vsakdanjega življenja nekaterih oseb iz njegovega okolja in tudi iz njegovega življenja. Iz različnih virov je sklepati, da so v času priprav na to delo (pa tudi širše) na Ibsena vpli-vala številna dogajanja in pomembne osebe iz njegovega zasebnega življenja: novinarka in njegova »protežiranka Laura Petersen Kieler s svojo življenjsko
Povzetek. V pričujočem besedilu, ki povzema rezultate raziskovanja v dveh desetletjih, preverjamo... more Povzetek. V pričujočem besedilu, ki povzema rezultate raziskovanja v dveh desetletjih, preverjamo, kako so se opredeljevanja o enakosti spolov v raziskavah javnega mnenja »preslikala« v razmerja spolov v politiki. Za ta namen smo izluščili nekaj (za predmet preučevanja) povednih vprašanj in analizirali spreminjanje prefe-renc respondentov in respondentk v času prehajanja med dvema družbenima ureditvama. Ugotovili smo, da se je v 90. letih, to je v času, ko smo imeli v politiki izred-no nizke deleže žensk, močno znižal tudi delež tistih, ki so enakost spolov ocenjevali zelo pozitivno (v pri-merjavi s socialističnim obdobjem), zvišal pa se je delež tistih, ki so bili do te vrednote neodločeni (tako med moškimi kot med ženskami). Moški so bili hkrati ocenje-ni kot boljši politični voditelji. Delež takšnih stališč je v naslednjem raziskovanem obdobju konstantno padal in se leta 2011 skoraj prepolovil, kar morda nakazuje pozitivne premike tudi na tem področju in napoveduje možen premik k rahljanju moške dominacije v politiki. Ključni pojmi: enakost spolov, politika, javno mnenje, politična kultura, vrednote, Slovenija Uvod V zadnjem času v Evropski uniji (EU) skoraj ni zaslediti dokumenta, ki ne bi omenjal enakosti spolov. Enakost žensk in moških je tudi ena dekla riranih temeljnih vrednot (EU). Deklarativna zavezanost enakosti sicer sega v leto 1957, ko je načelo enakega plačila za enako delo postalo del Rimske pogodbe. Čeprav še vedno obstajajo razlike, je EU na tem področju v zadnjih desetletjih naredila pomemben napredek. Svoj delež so k temu prispevali tudi sprejete politike in zakonodaja v zvezi z enakim obravna vanjem moških in žensk, uveljavljanje strategije »gender mainstreaming« (integracije načela enakosti spolov v vse politike in na vseh ravneh) ter posebni ukrepi za izboljšanje položaja deprivilegiranega spola (žensk), ki
A great deal has been written about the importance of economic equality for ensuring equal opport... more A great deal has been written about the importance of economic equality for ensuring equal opportunities for women to enter public life and politics. Vir-ginia Woolf 's metaphor of a room of her own, demands for the opening up of " masculinised " professions to women, demands for equal pay for equal work, calls for the elimination of visible and non-visible barriers to the advancement of women in professional careers, and recent attempts to legislate quotas for the highest decision-making positions in business in the European Union bear witness to the fact that, despite certain shis in the direction of establishing gender equality in the fields of the economy and business, work and earnings, economic power and decision making, men still retain a privileged position in this area in relation to women as a social group. e importance of the economic independence of women for their active participation in politics was determined by a number of studies in the second half of the 20 th century, a period when, particularly immediately aer the Second World War, the proportion of women in politics was not high (Rule, 1987; Norris, Ingle-hart and Welzel, 2002; Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Although important shis can be observed regarding the position of women in the area of employment in Slovenia in the last ten years (particularly the high representation of women in the labour market, increased full-time employment, and the breaking through of women into particular " prestige " fields, such as law, journalism and the university), we nonetheless find that women have not yet achieved appropriate positions in the labour market, as data clearly indicate the continued presence of horizontal and vertical gender segregation/segmentation, as well as differences in pay between the genders (Kanjuo-Mrčela, 1996, 2000, 2007). It is therefore clear that women still encounter certain (gender-specific) limitations that condition their position in the sphere of paid work. e limitations that women face on entering the field of paid work cannot be considered purely in terms of evident (inadequate policies and legislation) and concealed (glass architecture) discrimination, but must also be reflected upon in the context of existing social practices and habitus, which continue to reproduce the conventional images of masculinity and femininity that dominate processes of
Readdressing the question of how (contemporary) societies are structured (producing and reproduci... more Readdressing the question of how (contemporary) societies are structured (producing and reproducing the existing relations) and how they change, we cannot but reflect on the almost eternal sociological questions and dilemmas, such as: Which is more important, structure or action, supra-individual complex units or agents? Who conditions whom? Do structures establish the conditions for individuals' actions or do individuals create structures through their actions? ose who have addressed these issues have tended to place themselves on one or the other side of these dilemmas. Amongst those who have attempted to overcome these " apparent dilemmas " is Anthony Giddens, who says: " structure is 'subject-less'. […] structuration, as the reproduction of practices, refers abstractly to the dynamic process whereby structures come into being. By the duality of structure I mean that social structure is both constituted by human agency and yet is at the same time the very medium of this constitution " (1993, 128–129.). We could, therefore, say that structures have been formed throughout history and are accordingly constructed and persistent, representing the framework of their agents; on the other hand, they are, as Marx would put it, created by individuals and groups acting in specific situations and circumstances that they have not themselves chosen. As such, structures are subjected to change and are changing; or, in the words of Pierre Bourdieu: " rough the economic and social necessity that they bring to bear on the relatively autonomous world of the domestic economy and family relations, or more precisely, through the specifically familial manifestations of this external necessity (forms of the division of labour between the sexes, household objects, modes of consumption, parent-child relations , etc.), the structures characterizing a determinate class of conditions of existence produce the structures of the habitus, which in their turn are the basis of the perception and appreciation of all subsequent experiences " (1990, 54). As structured structures, they are strong, resistant and rigid, while at the same time being vulnerable and prone to change. ey are diverse in the different moments of history, and vary in their susceptibility to persistence and change. is applies not only to class structures coming into being and changing throughout history,
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Papers by Slavko Gaber
KLJUČNE BESEDE spol, ženske, enakost, moč, akademsko polje, institucije
Academic Institutions in Slovenia and Gender (In)Equality
The paper addresses the issue of gender (in)equality in the academic field in Slovenia and the role of institutions in the reproduction of inequality therein. On the basis of selected statistical data, the article begins by presenting the “state of affairs” in the Slovenian academic field and determins the distribution of its (decision-making) power. We continue with an analysis of the ”self-presentation documents” from three Slovene universities, of the special institutes, and of the measures or gender equality policies in this field. Thus, we try to find an answer to the question of how gender is thought of by the selected academic institutions in Slovenia. We then compare the collected data and findings with the situation at selected nearby academic institutions (University of Vienna and the University of Bologna) which understand gender equality as a priority. According to the obtained and compared data, the article concludes that the academic institutions in Slovenia do not think gender.
KEYWORDS gender, women, equality, power, academic field, institutions
e mapping in this paper is mainly based on primary sources of uni- versity programmes and their curricula at faculties of the University of Ljubljana, as well as on interviews with important agents in the eld.
Keywords: women’s studies, gender studies, institutionalisation, map- ping, academia, course
KLJUČNE BESEDE spol, ženske, enakost, moč, akademsko polje, institucije
Academic Institutions in Slovenia and Gender (In)Equality
The paper addresses the issue of gender (in)equality in the academic field in Slovenia and the role of institutions in the reproduction of inequality therein. On the basis of selected statistical data, the article begins by presenting the “state of affairs” in the Slovenian academic field and determins the distribution of its (decision-making) power. We continue with an analysis of the ”self-presentation documents” from three Slovene universities, of the special institutes, and of the measures or gender equality policies in this field. Thus, we try to find an answer to the question of how gender is thought of by the selected academic institutions in Slovenia. We then compare the collected data and findings with the situation at selected nearby academic institutions (University of Vienna and the University of Bologna) which understand gender equality as a priority. According to the obtained and compared data, the article concludes that the academic institutions in Slovenia do not think gender.
KEYWORDS gender, women, equality, power, academic field, institutions
e mapping in this paper is mainly based on primary sources of uni- versity programmes and their curricula at faculties of the University of Ljubljana, as well as on interviews with important agents in the eld.
Keywords: women’s studies, gender studies, institutionalisation, map- ping, academia, course