JOURNAL ARTICLES by Alessandro Sette
QualeStoria - Rivista di Storia Contemporanea, n. 1, 2022
In July 1920 the Italian Prime Minister, Giovanni Giolitti, set up the Parliamentary Commission o... more In July 1920 the Italian Prime Minister, Giovanni Giolitti, set up the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on war expenditures to examine how government ministries, departments and agencies had managed public money during the Great War. More specifically, the Commission had two task: 1) to ascertain any possible irregular use of public funds, and thus any undue profits obtained by government contractors under the war economy; and 2) to establish any moral, political, administrative and legal responsibility of government servants. At the end of its term, the Commission should submit to the Parliament a Final Report including both the resuls of its inquiry activities and the goals achieved. Among the issues on which the Commission had to investigate – and thus report on – there was the Italian military campaign in Albania (1914-1920), which ended in a humiliating withdrawal of Italian forces. The purpose of this work is to shed new light on the chapter of the Final Report devoted to the Italian intervention in Albania by: 1) reviewing briefly origins and scope of the Commission, as well as the role and importance of Albania in Italy’s Adriatic strategy; 2) examining the results of the Commission’s investigation as recorded in the minutes of proceedings; and 3) making a critical analysis of the the contents of the Final Report.
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Annales Universitatis Apulensis - Series Historica, Volume 23, n. II, 2019
In late-eighteenth century, the three-stage partition (1772, 1793, and 1795) of the Polish-Lithua... more In late-eighteenth century, the three-stage partition (1772, 1793, and 1795) of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth between Russia, Prussia and Austria not only gave the Tsarist Empire control over a great portion of Eastern Europe, it also transformed the largest Jewish community in the world into subjects of the Romanovs. Consequently, the Empress, Catherine II, found herself compelled to solve an unexpected problem, namely, how best to integrate hundreds of thousands of Jews in a nation, Russia, wherefrom the Jews had been expelled just some decades earlier. Taking as a point of departure works by leading historians, such as Simon Dubnow, John D. Klier, Richard Pipes, Michael Aronson, Benjamin Nathans and Hans Rogger, this paper hereby aims at analysing the Jewish policy put into practice by the Russian Government during the reign of Catherine II. More specifically, this work tries to shed new light on how and why the Jewish presence into the Tsarist Empire became a “question” for Russian policymakers. First of all, it explores the religious and social reasons that led Russians to perceive the Jews as an alien element, as well as Catherine II’s personal views on this issue. Further, the paper investigates the differences between Russian and Jewish economic cultures and how the latter affected Catherine II’s early Jewish policy. Thus, the essay concludes in an examination of the logic beyond the foundation of the Pale of Settlement, namely the area in which Jews were forced to reside and work.
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Nuova Rivista Storica, Volume CII, Fascicolo I (Gennaio-Aprile 2018)
Because of its strategic position on the Eastern shore of the Adriatic Sea, Albania played a key ... more Because of its strategic position on the Eastern shore of the Adriatic Sea, Albania played a key role in the Italian diplomatic strategy since the second half of 19th century. This paper aims at investigating all phases of Italy's foreign policy towards Albania during the period 1871-1915. More specifically, it attempts to shed new light on how the Albanian question influenced the path that led the government of Rome to sign first the Treaty of the Triple Alliance with Austria-Hungary and Germany (1871-1882), then the agreement for the maintenance of the status quo in Albania with the Hapsburg Empire (1882-1897) and finally the Pact of London with the Triple Entente (1897-1915).
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Eunomia. Rivista semestrale di Storia e Politica Internazionali, (III) 2014, n. 2
After WWI, the acquisition of Albanian oil fields became one of the most important objectives of ... more After WWI, the acquisition of Albanian oil fields became one of the most important objectives of Italian foreign policy. However, also Great Britain and its flag carrier, the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, aimed at obtaining the same oil reserves coveted by the Italians. Their antithetical claims on Albanian oil caused a harsh diplomatic diatribe that lasted from 1920 to 1925. This conflict not only represented the first friction between the British imperialism and the Italian economic expansionism in the Balkan area but also provoked an intricate dispute which considerably influenced Albania's domestic politics. Largely based on the unpublished documents kept both in the Albanian National Archives and the Historical Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, this work aims to analyze origins and evolution of Italo-British rivalry for Albanian oil fields; the oil policy put into practice by the Italian governments during the period 1920-1925; in which way the Italo-British struggle for oil influenced the Albanian cabinets, and especially those of Ahmet Zogolli and Fan Noli, and finally how the Albanian oil affair ended in 1925.
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CHAPTERS IN EDITED VOLUMES by Alessandro Sette
The Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920) and Its Aftermath: Settlements, Problems and Perceptions (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2020)
The outbreak of WWI forced Italy to decide whether its interests would best be served by joining ... more The outbreak of WWI forced Italy to decide whether its interests would best be served by joining the Austro-Germans or the Triple Entente. Thus, the Foreign Minister, Antonino di San Giuliano, on the one hand, declared Italian neutrality, and on the other hand, negotiated with both the Central
Empires and the Entente, eager to understand which group would have accepted Italy’s demands for intervention in the war. After a few months of pourparlers, the Entente gained the alliance of Rome. In April 1915, indeed, Italy signed the Pact of London, through which it had to declare war on the
Central Empires in exchange for territorial concessions such as Trento and Trieste. Regarding Albania, the Entente Powers and San Giuliano elaborated a plan of partition that, at the end of the war, would have granted Italy full sovereignty over the city of Vlorë and its hinterland, and Serbia and Greece, respectively, the annexation of the districts of Shkodër and Gjirokastër. This decision, however, was not fully accepted by San Giuliano’s successor, Sidney Sonnino. Indeed, this latter believed that an independent Albania would serve as a buffer zone not only between Serbia and the Adriatic coastline but also between Vlorë and Greece. Thus, in June 1917, the Italian Commander-in-Chief in Albania, Giacinto Ferrero, at the request of Sonnino, proclaimed Albanian independence under Italian protection. This stance, however, was rejected by Britain and France. As a consequence, when the war ended in 1918, the fate of Albania was
completely undefined. This work aims to analyze how the Italian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference managed and settled the Albanian question, trying to keep together Italy’s desire to maintain full sovereignty over Vlorë without any partition of Albania, the provisions of the Pact of London and the US President Wilson’s principle of national self-determination.
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Wars and Betweenness: Big Powers and Middle Europe, 1918-1945 (Budapest-New York: CEU Press, 2020)
Based on the unpublished documents kept both in the Albanian National Archives and the Historical... more Based on the unpublished documents kept both in the Albanian National Archives and the Historical Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, this work examines - from an Italian perspective - the origins, evolution and outcomes of Italo-British rivalry for Albanian oil fields in the period 1920-1925 and sheds new light on how the latter influenced the political life in Albania during Ahmet bey Zogolli and Fan S. Noli’s Cabinets.
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Shipëria mes Lindjes dhe Perëndimit (Tiranë: Ani-Print, 2014)
ABSTRACT (Albanian)
Ky punim ka si objektiv të identifikojë dhe të analizojë, qoftë edhe shkurtim... more ABSTRACT (Albanian)
Ky punim ka si objektiv të identifikojë dhe të analizojë, qoftë edhe shkurtimisht, faktorët e origjinës së sjelljes në lidhje me Italinë fashiste nga ana e dy përfaqësuesve të politikës, Ahmet Zogolli e Fan Stilian Nolit, të cilët dominuan institucionet politike shqiptare midis viteve 1922 dhe 1924. Analiza e këtyre elementëve, ende pak të trajtuar në studimet historiografike përkatëse, lejon në të vërtetë një kuptim më të plotë jo vetëm të marrëdhënieve diplomatike midis Shqipërisë dhe Italisë, por edhe të qëndrimit personal të mbajtur nga Zogolli dhe Noli kundrejt Musolinit.
ABSTRACT (Italian)
Il presente lavoro si pone l’obiettivo di individuare ed analizzare, seppur in breve, i fattori alle origini della condotta tenuta nei riguardi dell’Italia fascista dai due esponenti politici che tra il 1922 ed il 1924 dominarono la scena istituzionale albanese, ovvero Ahmet Zogolli e Fan Stilian Noli. L’analisi di tali elementi, ancora poco indagati nei pur approfonditi studi storiografici sul tema, permette una più complessiva comprensione non solo delle relazioni diplomatiche intercorse tra Albania ed Italia nel periodo in questione, ma anche del personale atteggiamento tenuto da Zogolli e Noli nei riguardi di Mussolini.
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ENCYCLOPEDIC ENTRIES by Alessandro Sette
EHNE - Digital Encyclopedia of European History / LINK to full text entry: https://ehne.fr/en/article/material-civilization/first-world-war-european-disintegration/italys-failed-project-trans-balkan-railway-rome-valona-constantinople, 2020
Running East-West through the southern Balkans, the “Corridor VIII” is one of today’s ten Pan-Eur... more Running East-West through the southern Balkans, the “Corridor VIII” is one of today’s ten Pan-European corridors. It connects the Italian ports of Bari and Brindisi to the Bulgarian ports of Burgas and Varna via Albania and North Macedonia by means of both railways and roads. The idea of building such a latitudinal axis in the Balkans linking the Adriatic to the Black Sea dates back to the last decades of the XIXth century when after the Ottoman Empire had first tried and failed, Italy took over the project of the so-called Trans-Balkan railway. Despite continuous efforts up to the Interwar, this “iron highway” remained for a long time on paper though, because of a lack of financial resources, wars and poor strategic-diplomatic planning.
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JOURNAL ARTICLES by Alessandro Sette
CHAPTERS IN EDITED VOLUMES by Alessandro Sette
Empires and the Entente, eager to understand which group would have accepted Italy’s demands for intervention in the war. After a few months of pourparlers, the Entente gained the alliance of Rome. In April 1915, indeed, Italy signed the Pact of London, through which it had to declare war on the
Central Empires in exchange for territorial concessions such as Trento and Trieste. Regarding Albania, the Entente Powers and San Giuliano elaborated a plan of partition that, at the end of the war, would have granted Italy full sovereignty over the city of Vlorë and its hinterland, and Serbia and Greece, respectively, the annexation of the districts of Shkodër and Gjirokastër. This decision, however, was not fully accepted by San Giuliano’s successor, Sidney Sonnino. Indeed, this latter believed that an independent Albania would serve as a buffer zone not only between Serbia and the Adriatic coastline but also between Vlorë and Greece. Thus, in June 1917, the Italian Commander-in-Chief in Albania, Giacinto Ferrero, at the request of Sonnino, proclaimed Albanian independence under Italian protection. This stance, however, was rejected by Britain and France. As a consequence, when the war ended in 1918, the fate of Albania was
completely undefined. This work aims to analyze how the Italian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference managed and settled the Albanian question, trying to keep together Italy’s desire to maintain full sovereignty over Vlorë without any partition of Albania, the provisions of the Pact of London and the US President Wilson’s principle of national self-determination.
Ky punim ka si objektiv të identifikojë dhe të analizojë, qoftë edhe shkurtimisht, faktorët e origjinës së sjelljes në lidhje me Italinë fashiste nga ana e dy përfaqësuesve të politikës, Ahmet Zogolli e Fan Stilian Nolit, të cilët dominuan institucionet politike shqiptare midis viteve 1922 dhe 1924. Analiza e këtyre elementëve, ende pak të trajtuar në studimet historiografike përkatëse, lejon në të vërtetë një kuptim më të plotë jo vetëm të marrëdhënieve diplomatike midis Shqipërisë dhe Italisë, por edhe të qëndrimit personal të mbajtur nga Zogolli dhe Noli kundrejt Musolinit.
ABSTRACT (Italian)
Il presente lavoro si pone l’obiettivo di individuare ed analizzare, seppur in breve, i fattori alle origini della condotta tenuta nei riguardi dell’Italia fascista dai due esponenti politici che tra il 1922 ed il 1924 dominarono la scena istituzionale albanese, ovvero Ahmet Zogolli e Fan Stilian Noli. L’analisi di tali elementi, ancora poco indagati nei pur approfonditi studi storiografici sul tema, permette una più complessiva comprensione non solo delle relazioni diplomatiche intercorse tra Albania ed Italia nel periodo in questione, ma anche del personale atteggiamento tenuto da Zogolli e Noli nei riguardi di Mussolini.
ENCYCLOPEDIC ENTRIES by Alessandro Sette
Empires and the Entente, eager to understand which group would have accepted Italy’s demands for intervention in the war. After a few months of pourparlers, the Entente gained the alliance of Rome. In April 1915, indeed, Italy signed the Pact of London, through which it had to declare war on the
Central Empires in exchange for territorial concessions such as Trento and Trieste. Regarding Albania, the Entente Powers and San Giuliano elaborated a plan of partition that, at the end of the war, would have granted Italy full sovereignty over the city of Vlorë and its hinterland, and Serbia and Greece, respectively, the annexation of the districts of Shkodër and Gjirokastër. This decision, however, was not fully accepted by San Giuliano’s successor, Sidney Sonnino. Indeed, this latter believed that an independent Albania would serve as a buffer zone not only between Serbia and the Adriatic coastline but also between Vlorë and Greece. Thus, in June 1917, the Italian Commander-in-Chief in Albania, Giacinto Ferrero, at the request of Sonnino, proclaimed Albanian independence under Italian protection. This stance, however, was rejected by Britain and France. As a consequence, when the war ended in 1918, the fate of Albania was
completely undefined. This work aims to analyze how the Italian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference managed and settled the Albanian question, trying to keep together Italy’s desire to maintain full sovereignty over Vlorë without any partition of Albania, the provisions of the Pact of London and the US President Wilson’s principle of national self-determination.
Ky punim ka si objektiv të identifikojë dhe të analizojë, qoftë edhe shkurtimisht, faktorët e origjinës së sjelljes në lidhje me Italinë fashiste nga ana e dy përfaqësuesve të politikës, Ahmet Zogolli e Fan Stilian Nolit, të cilët dominuan institucionet politike shqiptare midis viteve 1922 dhe 1924. Analiza e këtyre elementëve, ende pak të trajtuar në studimet historiografike përkatëse, lejon në të vërtetë një kuptim më të plotë jo vetëm të marrëdhënieve diplomatike midis Shqipërisë dhe Italisë, por edhe të qëndrimit personal të mbajtur nga Zogolli dhe Noli kundrejt Musolinit.
ABSTRACT (Italian)
Il presente lavoro si pone l’obiettivo di individuare ed analizzare, seppur in breve, i fattori alle origini della condotta tenuta nei riguardi dell’Italia fascista dai due esponenti politici che tra il 1922 ed il 1924 dominarono la scena istituzionale albanese, ovvero Ahmet Zogolli e Fan Stilian Noli. L’analisi di tali elementi, ancora poco indagati nei pur approfonditi studi storiografici sul tema, permette una più complessiva comprensione non solo delle relazioni diplomatiche intercorse tra Albania ed Italia nel periodo in questione, ma anche del personale atteggiamento tenuto da Zogolli e Noli nei riguardi di Mussolini.