A concise grammar of Avestan, incl. abundant information on the historical grammar of the languag... more A concise grammar of Avestan, incl. abundant information on the historical grammar of the language. Also a small number of selected texts with a glossary. 160pp.
Investigating West Germanic Languages: Studies in honor of Robert B. Howell Edited by Jennifer Hendriks and B. Richard Page., 2024
This paper investigates the etymology of Dutch mooi ‘beautiful’. It argues that mooi and Dutch mo... more This paper investigates the etymology of Dutch mooi ‘beautiful’. It argues that mooi and Dutch mouw 'sleeve', which are not directly related within Germanic, may be derived from the same PIE root *muH- 'move'.
Jaarboek van de Vereniging voor Limburgse Dialect- en Naamkunde 25, 2024
In 1933 werd in het Rijksarchief in Brussel een Latijnstalige jaarrekening ontdekt, waarvan de te... more In 1933 werd in het Rijksarchief in Brussel een Latijnstalige jaarrekening ontdekt, waarvan de tekst in 1953 door Meihuizen is gepubliceerd. De Rekening van Gelre beschrijft afdrachten uit alle delen van het graafschap Gelre in het rekenjaar 1294/95. Taalkundige analyse van de volkstalige woorden en namen in de rekening toont aan dat hier regionale deelrekeningen ongewijzigd in de Brusselse samenvatting zijn opgenomen. De stad Geldern zelf vormt het middelpunt van een aantal van de bewijsdragende taal- en schrijfkenmerken.
Zeitschrift für Dialektologie und Linguistik, 2023
The Limburgian dialects contain a participial formation that is traditionally called a gerund, bu... more The Limburgian dialects contain a participial formation that is traditionally called a gerund, but is in fact a converb. The suffix appears in different forms. Since the emergence and development of the converb have not been convincingly explained so far, in this paper I revisit the topic. More precisely, I introduce the converb, discuss the history of the existing studies, treat the different formal variants of the suffix, and propose a linguistic-historical scenario that explains the converb as a continuation of a predicative adjective form on -ēr from Old High German Times.
Acta Linguistica Petropolitana. Vol. 18.1. P. 412–425, 2022
The Proto-Indo-European word for ‘salt’ has reflexes in all the main branches of the Indo-Europea... more The Proto-Indo-European word for ‘salt’ has reflexes in all the main branches of the Indo-European languages with the exception of Anatolian. It can be reconstructed as a neuter l-stem: *séh₂-l, *sh₂-él-. A unique feature of this word is a stem-final element *d in some but not all branches of the family. Evidence for *d is found in Armenian, Germanic, Italic, and Balto-Slavic, with a possible further trace in Indo-Iranian. Since *-d- cannot be explained as an independent innovation that occurred in each branch, this formant was most likely an integral part of the late Proto-Indo-European paradigm of the word for ‘salt’. In this paper, I propose that Late PIE *sh₂éld continues the Indo-Anatolian instrumental singular form *sh₂élt which came to be used as a subject marker when the protolanguage switched from ergative to nominative alignment. The attested word-final *‑d is the result of a phonetic shift *‑t > *‑d that happened after the Anatolian languages had split off. The final *-d of *sʕald was lost in Tocharian and Greek, and was reanalyzed as part of the stem in other branches.
[vø:rter]. Mélanges de linguistique, de philologie et d'histoire ancienne offerts à Rudolf Wachter, 2020
Philology and etymology of the words French regiquine and Latin regiquina, found in juridical doc... more Philology and etymology of the words French regiquine and Latin regiquina, found in juridical documents from the French-speaking part of Switzerland between 1200 and 1600.
A concise grammar of Avestan, incl. abundant information on the historical grammar of the languag... more A concise grammar of Avestan, incl. abundant information on the historical grammar of the language. Also a small number of selected texts with a glossary. 160pp.
Investigating West Germanic Languages: Studies in honor of Robert B. Howell Edited by Jennifer Hendriks and B. Richard Page., 2024
This paper investigates the etymology of Dutch mooi ‘beautiful’. It argues that mooi and Dutch mo... more This paper investigates the etymology of Dutch mooi ‘beautiful’. It argues that mooi and Dutch mouw 'sleeve', which are not directly related within Germanic, may be derived from the same PIE root *muH- 'move'.
Jaarboek van de Vereniging voor Limburgse Dialect- en Naamkunde 25, 2024
In 1933 werd in het Rijksarchief in Brussel een Latijnstalige jaarrekening ontdekt, waarvan de te... more In 1933 werd in het Rijksarchief in Brussel een Latijnstalige jaarrekening ontdekt, waarvan de tekst in 1953 door Meihuizen is gepubliceerd. De Rekening van Gelre beschrijft afdrachten uit alle delen van het graafschap Gelre in het rekenjaar 1294/95. Taalkundige analyse van de volkstalige woorden en namen in de rekening toont aan dat hier regionale deelrekeningen ongewijzigd in de Brusselse samenvatting zijn opgenomen. De stad Geldern zelf vormt het middelpunt van een aantal van de bewijsdragende taal- en schrijfkenmerken.
Zeitschrift für Dialektologie und Linguistik, 2023
The Limburgian dialects contain a participial formation that is traditionally called a gerund, bu... more The Limburgian dialects contain a participial formation that is traditionally called a gerund, but is in fact a converb. The suffix appears in different forms. Since the emergence and development of the converb have not been convincingly explained so far, in this paper I revisit the topic. More precisely, I introduce the converb, discuss the history of the existing studies, treat the different formal variants of the suffix, and propose a linguistic-historical scenario that explains the converb as a continuation of a predicative adjective form on -ēr from Old High German Times.
Acta Linguistica Petropolitana. Vol. 18.1. P. 412–425, 2022
The Proto-Indo-European word for ‘salt’ has reflexes in all the main branches of the Indo-Europea... more The Proto-Indo-European word for ‘salt’ has reflexes in all the main branches of the Indo-European languages with the exception of Anatolian. It can be reconstructed as a neuter l-stem: *séh₂-l, *sh₂-él-. A unique feature of this word is a stem-final element *d in some but not all branches of the family. Evidence for *d is found in Armenian, Germanic, Italic, and Balto-Slavic, with a possible further trace in Indo-Iranian. Since *-d- cannot be explained as an independent innovation that occurred in each branch, this formant was most likely an integral part of the late Proto-Indo-European paradigm of the word for ‘salt’. In this paper, I propose that Late PIE *sh₂éld continues the Indo-Anatolian instrumental singular form *sh₂élt which came to be used as a subject marker when the protolanguage switched from ergative to nominative alignment. The attested word-final *‑d is the result of a phonetic shift *‑t > *‑d that happened after the Anatolian languages had split off. The final *-d of *sʕald was lost in Tocharian and Greek, and was reanalyzed as part of the stem in other branches.
[vø:rter]. Mélanges de linguistique, de philologie et d'histoire ancienne offerts à Rudolf Wachter, 2020
Philology and etymology of the words French regiquine and Latin regiquina, found in juridical doc... more Philology and etymology of the words French regiquine and Latin regiquina, found in juridical documents from the French-speaking part of Switzerland between 1200 and 1600.
PIE *dheh1-'to put, make' and *dheh1-(i-) 'to suck (mother's milk)' look like two separate verbal... more PIE *dheh1-'to put, make' and *dheh1-(i-) 'to suck (mother's milk)' look like two separate verbal roots with a very different meaning, which happen to be homonymous. Yet recent investigations have shown that the morphological behaviour of both verbs is more similar than was previously thought. This article offers a re-evaluation of the evidence and explores the options to bridge the semantic gap between 'put' and 'suck' .
Mélanges offerts en hommage à Marianne Kilian-Schoch. Cahiers de l’ILSL 56, 2018
Many European languages contain an indefinite construction that consists of 'I don't know' and an... more Many European languages contain an indefinite construction that consists of 'I don't know' and an interrogative pronoun, of the type pour je ne sais combien d'années 'for I-don't-know-how-many years' in French. Of the Spanish equivalent, no sé cuánto 'I don't know how many', a superlative no sé cuantísimo 'I don't know how very much/many', 'an awful lot', has been derived in the twentieth century. In this paper, I give examples of its usage from Spanish text corpora, discuss the formal variants of the construction, and argue that no sé cuantísimo has been grammaticalized as a marker of large indefinite quantity. The historical origin of the superlative cuantísimo lies in an analogy with tantísimo 'so very many', attested in Spanish since the 17th century.
Published in: Jan Ceuppens, Hans Smessaert, Jeroen van Craenenbroeck and Guido Vanden Wyngaerd (e... more Published in: Jan Ceuppens, Hans Smessaert, Jeroen van Craenenbroeck and Guido Vanden Wyngaerd (eds.), A Coat of Many Colours. Festschrift for Dany Jaspers. Part 4. 11pp. Published online at: https://dj60.be/
Verkleinde Familienamen in Noord-Limburg: Kleuskens, Litjens en hun voorgangers. Published in: Ja... more Verkleinde Familienamen in Noord-Limburg: Kleuskens, Litjens en hun voorgangers. Published in: Jaarboek 14 van de Vereniging voor Limburgse Dialect- en Naamkunde, p. 5–24.
Powerpoint of my presentation at the 15th Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Wien, 13.... more Powerpoint of my presentation at the 15th Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Wien, 13. September 2016 (leicht korrigierte Version 14. 9.)
Brief announcement of the 2nd edition of Cor van Bree's Manual of Historical Grammar of Dutch (20... more Brief announcement of the 2nd edition of Cor van Bree's Manual of Historical Grammar of Dutch (2016). OPEN ACCESS, see the link below.
Powerpoint of my talk at the Arbeitstagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 6 June 2019, in Lju... more Powerpoint of my talk at the Arbeitstagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 6 June 2019, in Ljubljana.
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For orders: http://unil.ch/clsl/home/menuinst/publications/pour-commander.html
Reviewed by:
Ilya Yakubovich, in: Journal of Indo-European Studies 29 (2001), 476-481
Philip Huyse, in: Abstracta Iranica 25 (2002), online: http://abstractairanica.revues.org/document4116.html
Almut Hintze, in: Kratylos 50 (2005), 200-203
Xavier Tremblay, in: Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 100 (2005), fasc. 2, 144-145"
A unique feature of this word is a stem-final element *d in some but not all branches of the family. Evidence for *d is found in Armenian, Germanic, Italic, and Balto-Slavic, with a possible further trace in Indo-Iranian. Since *-d- cannot be explained as an independent innovation that occurred in each branch, this formant was most likely an integral part of the late Proto-Indo-European paradigm of the word for ‘salt’.
In this paper, I propose that Late PIE *sh₂éld continues the Indo-Anatolian instrumental singular form *sh₂élt which came to be used as a subject marker when the protolanguage switched from ergative to nominative alignment. The attested word-final *‑d is the result of a phonetic shift *‑t > *‑d that happened after the Anatolian languages had split off. The final *-d of *sʕald was lost in Tocharian and Greek, and was reanalyzed as part of the stem in other branches.
For orders: http://unil.ch/clsl/home/menuinst/publications/pour-commander.html
Reviewed by:
Ilya Yakubovich, in: Journal of Indo-European Studies 29 (2001), 476-481
Philip Huyse, in: Abstracta Iranica 25 (2002), online: http://abstractairanica.revues.org/document4116.html
Almut Hintze, in: Kratylos 50 (2005), 200-203
Xavier Tremblay, in: Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 100 (2005), fasc. 2, 144-145"
A unique feature of this word is a stem-final element *d in some but not all branches of the family. Evidence for *d is found in Armenian, Germanic, Italic, and Balto-Slavic, with a possible further trace in Indo-Iranian. Since *-d- cannot be explained as an independent innovation that occurred in each branch, this formant was most likely an integral part of the late Proto-Indo-European paradigm of the word for ‘salt’.
In this paper, I propose that Late PIE *sh₂éld continues the Indo-Anatolian instrumental singular form *sh₂élt which came to be used as a subject marker when the protolanguage switched from ergative to nominative alignment. The attested word-final *‑d is the result of a phonetic shift *‑t > *‑d that happened after the Anatolian languages had split off. The final *-d of *sʕald was lost in Tocharian and Greek, and was reanalyzed as part of the stem in other branches.
(leicht korrigierte Version 14. 9.)