This article analyses a clause of the alliance treaty between Sinope and Heraclea Pontica concern... more This article analyses a clause of the alliance treaty between Sinope and Heraclea Pontica concerning the exiles of both cities (I.Sinope 1, lines 8-15). The clause in question states that the exiles may remain in the cities (ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι διατελεῖν) on condition that they do not commit any crimes and prescribes the measures to be taken should this occur. After explaining the content of the treaty, the existing interpretative proposals on the clause are discussed and the hypothesis that the cities in question are Sinope and Heraclea is put forward; some examples of treaties showing a similar concern to regulate the issue of exiles are adduced. Lastly, considerations are offered as to the reasons that led Sinope and Heraclea to introduce such a treaty clause.
This paper analyses Euxitheus' legal arguments in the trial against Eubulides (Dem. 57) and propo... more This paper analyses Euxitheus' legal arguments in the trial against Eubulides (Dem. 57) and proposes a new analysis of the ephesis procedure. Within this framework it argues that Euxitheus' forensic strategy is not only relevant to the question at issue-to prove his status as a legitimate citizen (gnesios polites), as someone born from two citizen parents-but is also characterised by a strict adherence to the laws and procedure involving his case. The relation between rhetoric and law emerging in Euxitheus' speech reveals a rhetorical strategy grounded on legal evidence and documents. This essay will especially focus on two important arguments in the speech, that is, the use of religious arguments and the theme of the plot against Euxitheus, which prove extremely enlightening in showing the how the relevant procedure shaped Euxitheus' arguments. To this aim section II compares Dem. 57 and other probable cases of ephesis in order to reassess how the ephesis procedure worked when it arose from a diapsephisis. Section III shows that the arguments used by Euxitheus are to be considered relevant to winning an ephesis case in court. The entire speech is effectively constructed to demonstrate 'what is true' against Eubulides' 'false accusations' and 'defamatory statements' (57.1), that is, to use legal arguments against 'the sykophant's game': to allege everything but prove nothing'.
The article aims to analyze to what extent the oligarchical constitutional utopia, developed in t... more The article aims to analyze to what extent the oligarchical constitutional utopia, developed in the context of Athens, addressed the issue of people’s courts. The importance of the “democratic” model by Solon seems to have been recognized (for instance by Theramenes, Isocrates and Demetrius of Phalerum) ; the only ones who suppressed certain courts were the Thirty Tyrants, whose political project was not interested in consensus and faded in the constitutional utopia.
This paper aims to reconstruct the main argument of the speech ascribed to Lysias Against Nikides... more This paper aims to reconstruct the main argument of the speech ascribed to Lysias Against Nikides for idleness. First of all, the fragments that constitute the discourse are thoroughly illustrated; after that, previous hypothesis concerning the discourse’s reconstruction (by Gernet and Dreizehnter) are subjected to a careful examination. Specifically, Dreizehnter’s assumptions that this discourse would have been composed on the occasion of a trial for doroxenia (the indictment of a foreigner for bribing the judges to declare him an Athenian citizen), and that the connection with idleness in the sources would hail from a misunderstanding are brought into question. However, a different interpretation of the fragments allows to argue that the subject matter of the suit for which the discourse was composed constitutes an authentic case of a trial for idleness, carried out in the form of a graphè arghias against Nikides, who is suggested to have been a local official, charged in the course of the mandatory account at the end of the appointment’s year (euthyna).
This paper aims at verifying the reliability of a passage from Bekker’s Anecdota Graeca (I 310 1-... more This paper aims at verifying the reliability of a passage from Bekker’s Anecdota Graeca (I 310 1-5). In this passage the very existence of the adjudication procedure concerning a disputed property (epidikasia) in connection with criminal behaviours as idleness (argia) and insanity (paranoia) seems to be attested. Firstly, I reconstruct the procedure normally used to prosecute these crimes; secondly, I assess the applicability of the epidikasia procedure in the case of argia and paranoia; finally, I assert that the passage lacks reliability and the epidikasia procedure was never used in connection with argia and paranoia. At the same time I argue that the source of the error lies in the synthesis that seems to have marked the composition of the lexicon’s section in which the passage is included.
This paper aims at investigating the presence of genocides in the archaic and classical Greece. F... more This paper aims at investigating the presence of genocides in the archaic and classical Greece. For this purpose, I consider the destruction of the cities throughout military conflicts as authentic cases of genocides. The relative frequency of this phenomenon clashes with the existence of a clause included in the Amphictyonic oath forbidding to destroy the cities members of this sacred league. I identify the reasons for the gap between the norm and the customs’ war both in the Greek inability to set efficient legal rulings in order to prevent cities’ destruction and in the limited field of application of guaranties and legal protections just to those cities that shown respect for the Amphictyonic rules.
This paper deals with the concept of constitutional change (metabolè politeiôn) in the surviving ... more This paper deals with the concept of constitutional change (metabolè politeiôn) in the surviving fragments of Theopompus’ Philippikà. In particular, the analysis of the Philippikà let to identify three main thematic cores pertaining to this topic: the first group is characterized by those fragments showing a clear relation between the crisis of a form of government and the leaders’ behaviour; the second includes those passages describing the consequences of the adoption of a new constitutional form on the civic community’s customs; the last group is composed by those fragments in which the malpractice and the licentiousness of a community are considered the main reasons for its extinction. Therefore, we can conclude that not only Theopompus undertook a general reflection on the constitutional change, but also his position about this topic reveals itself as very interesting, if compared with the historiographical works of the same period.
abstract – The aim of this paper is to ascertain what is worthy of mention (axiologon) in Aristot... more abstract – The aim of this paper is to ascertain what is worthy of mention (axiologon) in Aristotle's account of Solon of Athens in his Athenaion Politeia (5-13, 1). The section on Solon in the treaty is remarkably useful due to the quantity of the information, the quality of data passed down and the originality of the key to interpreting his reform. However, it is noteworthy that, although Aristotle knew almost all of Solon's laws, as shown by his composition of a work on his axones, he choose to include only some of the laws in Ath. Pol. Therefore, I will compare the account of Solon's reforms and laws in the treaty with Plutarch's Life of Solon, in order to examine the criteria that led to Aristotle's selection. For this purpose, I will present the laws in a synoptic way, according to the macro-area of Athenian law to which they pertain, namely that concerning private law, moral crimes, offences against the community and family law. I conclude that in the Ath. Pol. Aristotle selected the laws of Solon that pointed to a change or some features of discontinuity with the past in the structure of the constitution, in order to illustrate the ethos of Solon's politeia.
Riassunto: L'articolo analizza un passo di un'orazione demostenica (57.32) in cui vengono invocat... more Riassunto: L'articolo analizza un passo di un'orazione demostenica (57.32) in cui vengono invocate due leggi-la prima ascritta al legislatore Solone, la seconda al politico ateniese Aristofonte di Azenia-il cui contenuto divide la critica. Se la contestualizzazione della legge all'interno dell'argomentazione dell'attore Eus-siteo permette di identificare il contenuto delle due leggi, l'analisi dell'attività legislativa di Solone e Aristofonte consente di chiarire il rapporto esistente fra la promulgazione della norma soloniana e la ripresa della stessa promossa da Aristofonte. Lo studio della legge nel quadro delle riforme attribuite a Solone, infine, autorizza a difenderne la storicità e a propendere per il carattere genuino dell'attribuzione all'antico legislatore. Summary: The article analyses a passage of an oration by Demosthenes (57.32) in which two laws are mentioned-the first ascribed to the legislator Solon, and the second to the Athenian politician Aristophon of Azenia-about whose contents critics are divided. While the context of the law within the argumentations of the actor Eussiteos enables us to identify the content of the two laws, an analysis of Solon's and Aristophon's legislative work makes it possible to clarify the relationship that existed between the issuing of Solon's ordinance and its resumption promoted by Aristophon. The study of the law in the framework of the reforms attributed to Solon provides evidence in defense of its historicity and the correct-ness of its attribution to Solon. Nel 345/344 a. C. Eussiteo, un Ateniese residente nel demo di Alimunte, si pre-sentò davanti al tribunale popolare per chiedere la riammissione nel corpo civico, dopoché ne era stato escluso per esercizio abusivo della cittadinanza, mediante
Call for Papers - International Conference on “Manipulation and Perception: Forms and Ways of Per... more Call for Papers - International Conference on “Manipulation and Perception: Forms and Ways of Persuasive Communication in Ancient World” 25-27 Sept. 2019 Cagliari, Sardinia, Italy
This article analyses a clause of the alliance treaty between Sinope and Heraclea Pontica concern... more This article analyses a clause of the alliance treaty between Sinope and Heraclea Pontica concerning the exiles of both cities (I.Sinope 1, lines 8-15). The clause in question states that the exiles may remain in the cities (ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι διατελεῖν) on condition that they do not commit any crimes and prescribes the measures to be taken should this occur. After explaining the content of the treaty, the existing interpretative proposals on the clause are discussed and the hypothesis that the cities in question are Sinope and Heraclea is put forward; some examples of treaties showing a similar concern to regulate the issue of exiles are adduced. Lastly, considerations are offered as to the reasons that led Sinope and Heraclea to introduce such a treaty clause.
This paper analyses Euxitheus' legal arguments in the trial against Eubulides (Dem. 57) and propo... more This paper analyses Euxitheus' legal arguments in the trial against Eubulides (Dem. 57) and proposes a new analysis of the ephesis procedure. Within this framework it argues that Euxitheus' forensic strategy is not only relevant to the question at issue-to prove his status as a legitimate citizen (gnesios polites), as someone born from two citizen parents-but is also characterised by a strict adherence to the laws and procedure involving his case. The relation between rhetoric and law emerging in Euxitheus' speech reveals a rhetorical strategy grounded on legal evidence and documents. This essay will especially focus on two important arguments in the speech, that is, the use of religious arguments and the theme of the plot against Euxitheus, which prove extremely enlightening in showing the how the relevant procedure shaped Euxitheus' arguments. To this aim section II compares Dem. 57 and other probable cases of ephesis in order to reassess how the ephesis procedure worked when it arose from a diapsephisis. Section III shows that the arguments used by Euxitheus are to be considered relevant to winning an ephesis case in court. The entire speech is effectively constructed to demonstrate 'what is true' against Eubulides' 'false accusations' and 'defamatory statements' (57.1), that is, to use legal arguments against 'the sykophant's game': to allege everything but prove nothing'.
The article aims to analyze to what extent the oligarchical constitutional utopia, developed in t... more The article aims to analyze to what extent the oligarchical constitutional utopia, developed in the context of Athens, addressed the issue of people’s courts. The importance of the “democratic” model by Solon seems to have been recognized (for instance by Theramenes, Isocrates and Demetrius of Phalerum) ; the only ones who suppressed certain courts were the Thirty Tyrants, whose political project was not interested in consensus and faded in the constitutional utopia.
This paper aims to reconstruct the main argument of the speech ascribed to Lysias Against Nikides... more This paper aims to reconstruct the main argument of the speech ascribed to Lysias Against Nikides for idleness. First of all, the fragments that constitute the discourse are thoroughly illustrated; after that, previous hypothesis concerning the discourse’s reconstruction (by Gernet and Dreizehnter) are subjected to a careful examination. Specifically, Dreizehnter’s assumptions that this discourse would have been composed on the occasion of a trial for doroxenia (the indictment of a foreigner for bribing the judges to declare him an Athenian citizen), and that the connection with idleness in the sources would hail from a misunderstanding are brought into question. However, a different interpretation of the fragments allows to argue that the subject matter of the suit for which the discourse was composed constitutes an authentic case of a trial for idleness, carried out in the form of a graphè arghias against Nikides, who is suggested to have been a local official, charged in the course of the mandatory account at the end of the appointment’s year (euthyna).
This paper aims at verifying the reliability of a passage from Bekker’s Anecdota Graeca (I 310 1-... more This paper aims at verifying the reliability of a passage from Bekker’s Anecdota Graeca (I 310 1-5). In this passage the very existence of the adjudication procedure concerning a disputed property (epidikasia) in connection with criminal behaviours as idleness (argia) and insanity (paranoia) seems to be attested. Firstly, I reconstruct the procedure normally used to prosecute these crimes; secondly, I assess the applicability of the epidikasia procedure in the case of argia and paranoia; finally, I assert that the passage lacks reliability and the epidikasia procedure was never used in connection with argia and paranoia. At the same time I argue that the source of the error lies in the synthesis that seems to have marked the composition of the lexicon’s section in which the passage is included.
This paper aims at investigating the presence of genocides in the archaic and classical Greece. F... more This paper aims at investigating the presence of genocides in the archaic and classical Greece. For this purpose, I consider the destruction of the cities throughout military conflicts as authentic cases of genocides. The relative frequency of this phenomenon clashes with the existence of a clause included in the Amphictyonic oath forbidding to destroy the cities members of this sacred league. I identify the reasons for the gap between the norm and the customs’ war both in the Greek inability to set efficient legal rulings in order to prevent cities’ destruction and in the limited field of application of guaranties and legal protections just to those cities that shown respect for the Amphictyonic rules.
This paper deals with the concept of constitutional change (metabolè politeiôn) in the surviving ... more This paper deals with the concept of constitutional change (metabolè politeiôn) in the surviving fragments of Theopompus’ Philippikà. In particular, the analysis of the Philippikà let to identify three main thematic cores pertaining to this topic: the first group is characterized by those fragments showing a clear relation between the crisis of a form of government and the leaders’ behaviour; the second includes those passages describing the consequences of the adoption of a new constitutional form on the civic community’s customs; the last group is composed by those fragments in which the malpractice and the licentiousness of a community are considered the main reasons for its extinction. Therefore, we can conclude that not only Theopompus undertook a general reflection on the constitutional change, but also his position about this topic reveals itself as very interesting, if compared with the historiographical works of the same period.
abstract – The aim of this paper is to ascertain what is worthy of mention (axiologon) in Aristot... more abstract – The aim of this paper is to ascertain what is worthy of mention (axiologon) in Aristotle's account of Solon of Athens in his Athenaion Politeia (5-13, 1). The section on Solon in the treaty is remarkably useful due to the quantity of the information, the quality of data passed down and the originality of the key to interpreting his reform. However, it is noteworthy that, although Aristotle knew almost all of Solon's laws, as shown by his composition of a work on his axones, he choose to include only some of the laws in Ath. Pol. Therefore, I will compare the account of Solon's reforms and laws in the treaty with Plutarch's Life of Solon, in order to examine the criteria that led to Aristotle's selection. For this purpose, I will present the laws in a synoptic way, according to the macro-area of Athenian law to which they pertain, namely that concerning private law, moral crimes, offences against the community and family law. I conclude that in the Ath. Pol. Aristotle selected the laws of Solon that pointed to a change or some features of discontinuity with the past in the structure of the constitution, in order to illustrate the ethos of Solon's politeia.
Riassunto: L'articolo analizza un passo di un'orazione demostenica (57.32) in cui vengono invocat... more Riassunto: L'articolo analizza un passo di un'orazione demostenica (57.32) in cui vengono invocate due leggi-la prima ascritta al legislatore Solone, la seconda al politico ateniese Aristofonte di Azenia-il cui contenuto divide la critica. Se la contestualizzazione della legge all'interno dell'argomentazione dell'attore Eus-siteo permette di identificare il contenuto delle due leggi, l'analisi dell'attività legislativa di Solone e Aristofonte consente di chiarire il rapporto esistente fra la promulgazione della norma soloniana e la ripresa della stessa promossa da Aristofonte. Lo studio della legge nel quadro delle riforme attribuite a Solone, infine, autorizza a difenderne la storicità e a propendere per il carattere genuino dell'attribuzione all'antico legislatore. Summary: The article analyses a passage of an oration by Demosthenes (57.32) in which two laws are mentioned-the first ascribed to the legislator Solon, and the second to the Athenian politician Aristophon of Azenia-about whose contents critics are divided. While the context of the law within the argumentations of the actor Eussiteos enables us to identify the content of the two laws, an analysis of Solon's and Aristophon's legislative work makes it possible to clarify the relationship that existed between the issuing of Solon's ordinance and its resumption promoted by Aristophon. The study of the law in the framework of the reforms attributed to Solon provides evidence in defense of its historicity and the correct-ness of its attribution to Solon. Nel 345/344 a. C. Eussiteo, un Ateniese residente nel demo di Alimunte, si pre-sentò davanti al tribunale popolare per chiedere la riammissione nel corpo civico, dopoché ne era stato escluso per esercizio abusivo della cittadinanza, mediante
Call for Papers - International Conference on “Manipulation and Perception: Forms and Ways of Per... more Call for Papers - International Conference on “Manipulation and Perception: Forms and Ways of Persuasive Communication in Ancient World” 25-27 Sept. 2019 Cagliari, Sardinia, Italy
The aim of this paper is to evaluate the applicability of the modern label of ‘political refugee’... more The aim of this paper is to evaluate the applicability of the modern label of ‘political refugee’ to the case of Alcibiades on the occasion of his first exile. Political exile, whether voluntary or imposed by the political or judicial authority, is the phenomenon from antiquity that most resembles the modern concept of political refugee. Through the analysis of ancient sources concerning the first removal of Alcibiades from Athens - a forced removal, due the risk of capital punishment relating to his indictment for impiety – the paper shows it is possible to date back the origins of the proliferation of political refugees to ancient Greece and to consider Alcibiades as a genuine political refugee.
Abstract–. This paper focuses on diplomacy by political exiles during the Classical Age. Although... more Abstract–. This paper focuses on diplomacy by political exiles during the Classical Age. Although their agency has attracted some interest from modern scholars, recourse to diplomatic channels has been largely neglected. Yet political exiles often relied upon diplomacy to gain support and chances of reintegration at home. After an introduction where I include this topic in the broader issue of political exiles’ agency (§ I), I present three different ways in which political exiles made recourse to diplomacy (§ II) and I focus on two case studies—Epidamnos and Phlious—that explain how their discourse worked (§ III).
Nota presentata dal m.e. Cinzia Bearzot (Adunanza del 18 gennaio 2018) SUNTO.-Questo articolo ana... more Nota presentata dal m.e. Cinzia Bearzot (Adunanza del 18 gennaio 2018) SUNTO.-Questo articolo analizza il ruolo delle leggi di Solone nell'orazione Contro Ti-marco con particolare riferimento al progetto educativo che l'oratore attribuisce all'an-tico legislatore. Dopo aver precisato il contesto storico e giuridico del processo (§ 1), descrivo dapprima quali leggi l'oratore chiama in causa (§2); discuto, poi, la questione dell'attendibilità dell'attribuzione di queste leggi a Solone (§ 3); infine, presento qual-che considerazione sulla strategia retorica impiegata da Eschine e sostengo che non solo le sue leggi, ma anche i suoi componimenti poetici, il suo ruolo di oratore politico e il personaggio stesso di Solone formano parte integrante di questa strategia (§ 4). *** ABSTRACT.-This article analyses the role of Solon's laws in the discourse Against Timarchus with particular reference to the educational project that the speaker attributes to this ancient legislator. After explaining the historical and juridical context of the trial (§ 1), firstly, I describe what laws the speaker calls into question (§2); then, I discuss the issue of the reliability of the attribution of these laws to Solon (§ 3); finally, I present some considerations on Aeschines' rhetorical strategy and I argue that not only his laws, but also his poems, his role as political speaker and the very character of Solon form an integral part of this strategy (§ 4). # Mi sia consentito di rivolgere un sentito ringraziamento al Prof. Michele Faraguna che mi ha permesso di leggere un suo contributo inedito sul significato del concetto di eukosmia. Istituto Lombardo (Rend. Lettere) 152, 3-33 (2018) Scienze dell'antichità Storia greca
Convegno Internazionale STORIE ALTROVE. Aspetti economici, rappresentazioni politiche e tracce ma... more Convegno Internazionale STORIE ALTROVE. Aspetti economici, rappresentazioni politiche e tracce materiali della mobilità nella storia (Torino, Fondazione Einaudi, 20-21 giugno 2024)
Mirabilia and Violence around the Indus, International Conference, Cagliari 08-10 Marzo 2023
The historiographical tradition on Alexander gives us an ambiguous and ancipitous image of the Ma... more The historiographical tradition on Alexander gives us an ambiguous and ancipitous image of the Macedonian king: on the one hand, Alexander is represented and praised as a warrior king and a valiant conqueror; on the other hand, he is biased as the example of the hero who, at the height of his success, fell victim to pleasures and vices and was overcome by them. This paper will consider Alexander’s negative characterisation focusing on the digression on Alexander’s voluptuousness in Athenaeus' Deipnosophistae (Ath. Deipn. 12.53-55.537d-540a). The king is included in a catalogue of well-known luxurious people (trypheroi) along with Persian and Near-Eastern rulers, tyrants (Polycrates of Samos, Dionysius II of Syracuse), Athenian and Spartan politicians, but he is also paired with other Macedonians, like Philip II and some of Alexander's companions (Cleitus the White, Perdiccas, Craterus, Leonnatus). What is interesting for Athenaeus is the luxury of Alexander’s court. In order to provide a treatment of this topic, Athenaeus draws on a heterogeneous tradition made of historians (Ephippus of Olynthus, Nicobule, Chares of Mitylene, Polycleitus of Larissa, Phylarchus, Agatarchides of Cnidus) philosophers (Clearchus of Soli) and rhetoricians (Theocritus of Chios) in whose writings he could find useful data to restore the image of Alexander as the one who rivalled the Persian rulers in terms of pomp and love of pleasures. In so doing, Athenaeus proves to be a particularly important source as cover-text (Bollansée-Schepens 2005) as he retains quotations from authors whose works are known only through indirect tradition et per fragmenta, but whose recovery becomes crucial to understand the genesis of the image of Alexander as trypheros. However, Athenaeus’ effort to consult and preserve otherwise lost “historical” material confronts the historian with the central question of Athenaeus’ selection of the source and the relationship between the Deipnosophistae and his sources, in terms of accuracy and reliability. Scholars have engaged extensively with this issue in recent decades, even with regard to the causal connection between tryphe and political decadence, often reaching divergent conclusions (Zecchini 1989 and 2007; Lenfant 2007; Gorman-Gorman 2014; Hau 2016). In particular, Gorman and Gorman (2007 and 2014) have argued that the focus on tryphe in the Deipnosophistae belongs to Athenaeus rather than to the historians he quoted. Against this excessively skeptical conclusion we should consider not only that it is improbable that the interest in this topic arises that late, since it was rather rooted in the moralistic tradition of the fourth century BC (Pownall 2004; Hau 2016; Loddo 2016), but also such interest is consistent with the reactions of Greek writers to Alexander's adoption of Persian customs. Reactions to Alexander’s Persianisation (on its meaning see Mullen 2018) also appear in Diodorus (17.77.4-6), Trogus-Justin (12.3.8-12), Plutarch (Alex. 45.1-3), Curtius Rufus (6.6.1-11) expressly linked to his imitation/emulation of Persike tryphe. Despite many negative judgments about Alexander’ excesses (Spawforth 2007; Borchert 2016; Collins 2016; Müller 2016), it is not always about condemning remarks. Building upon the argument of Lenfant, according to which Athenaeus gives a biased idea of the content of his sources (Lenfant 2007), I will argue that the orientation of his sources should be considered more heterogeneous than it appears. The analysis of the fragments included in the section on Alexander's tryphe will show that sometimes the description of Alexander's oriental customs is driven by fascination and interest in the magnificence and grandeur of his court or by Alexander’s propaganda itself, although Athenaeus struggles to stress only the dark side of Persianisation and obscures the peculiarities of the authors he quotes through the lens of his moralising approach.
L’intervento analizza una clausola di un trattato di alleanza, attestato per via epigrafica, tra ... more L’intervento analizza una clausola di un trattato di alleanza, attestato per via epigrafica, tra Sinope ed Eraclea Pontica, concernente il trattamento dei rispettivi esuli (I.Sinope 1, ll. 8-15). La clausola in questione stabilisce che gli esuli “possono rimanere nelle città” (ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι διατελεῖν) a condizione che non commettano reati. Ma a quali città la clausola fa riferimento? Attraverso il confronto con la tradizione letteraria e la documentazione epigrafica sugli esuli, si intende sostenere che le città firmatarie dell’accordo consentirono ai propri esuli di risiedere nel territorio della città partner, si preoccuparono di istituire procedure condivise, da adottare nel caso in cui gli esuli avessero commesso ulteriori crimini nella città ospitante, e stabilirono nel contempo che l'accoglienza degli esuli non avrebbe inficiato la validità dell'alleanza. L’analisi cerca di chiarire in quali circostanze potesse avvenire l'espulsione degli esuli e quale sequenza di azioni dovesse essere intrapresa secondo il trattato. Le ragioni di questa concessione, che non ha eguali nel resto della documentazione, sono da ricercare in una serie di fattori: la consapevolezza che gli esuli più politicizzati tendevano a insediarsi vicino al loro paese d'origine; l'importanza di assicurarsi l'alleanza di una potente città vicina contro la minaccia rappresentata dagli esuli; il riconoscimento di una situazione di fatto, cioè la presenza dei propri esuli nel territorio della città con cui si stava stringendo l'alleanza.
Terze Giornate Cagliaritane di Filologia su Microsoft Teams. Indicazioni per la partecipazione.
... more Terze Giornate Cagliaritane di Filologia su Microsoft Teams. Indicazioni per la partecipazione.
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Lo straniero in Grecia: prospettive di ricerca, seminario organizzato da Paolo Tuci presso l'uni... more Lo straniero in Grecia: prospettive di ricerca, seminario organizzato da Paolo Tuci presso l'università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Brescia (23 aprile 2020)
At the beginning of VI century B.C. Athens was affected by a political, social and economic crisi... more At the beginning of VI century B.C. Athens was affected by a political, social and economic crisis, caused by a partisan management of the power and by radicalization of social struggles.
As a concrete answer to the crisis, Athenians entrusted Solon – a wise man – with the difficult task of giving new life to the polis and putting an end to the endemic crisis which held it.
In order to solve the crisis, Solon used the laws he had written, laws that he claimed were equal both for the noble and the poorest man. Between the laws that literary tradition credited him with, I will analyse the nomos arghias, idleness law. Two aspects will be considered: first of all law’s authorship and secondly the meaning of this law. If on one hand we have to deal with a complex and stratified tradition which points to Drakon, Solon and Peisistratus as potential authors of the law, I will propose that Solon is the one that introduced it. This is possible by analysing “the spirit of the law”, in my opinion Solonic, and studying the procedures that ancient sources attest. I will also review the meaning of the nomos arghias, by clarifying above all Athenian attitude about work and inactivity. I will refer this law to economic politics of Solon which aimed to boast economic activities, value the commerce and craftsmanship, redefining the concept of citizenship, unbound from this moment on from nobility of birth and extended beyond polis borders. This law seems to bring the new citizenship concept that Solon introduced, a citizenship which valued the individual contribution to the common good. Facing this crisis, VI century Athens didn’t withdraw into itself, but reacted by giving value to the human resources that were available within and without the ethnic group.
This paper takes into account the solonian laws about women. Unlike previous approaches I want to... more This paper takes into account the solonian laws about women. Unlike previous approaches I want to consider all solonian provisions on women as a whole. I intend to argue that there is a common inspiration in these laws and they should be analyzed as a part of a program that aims to regulate the participation of women in community. Sumptuary laws show the will to regulate women’s behavior in the public sphere, both regarding their conduct at funerals, and in relation to the way in which appear in public. Some solonian laws are concerned about women’s married life and about a new definition of female role in the society. Women are considered both in their capacity as a citizen capable of procreating legitimate citizens for the community and as epikleroi that have to hand down inheritance to the legitimate children. The legislator is also interested in punishing criminal acts against women, both from individuals outside of oikos and from the householder.
These regulations share a common need to define individual contribution to the community, even on the female side. In my opinion the idea to solve the crisis through reform of justice and the award to each person of a role in the society also underlies the formulation of laws about women. This can also be seen in the law on naturalization of foreigners, which favours those who move to Attica with the family for working. The aim of these laws is consistent with the idea of refoundation of the society. This is the reason why the laws are not pertaining all women, but only those which can be integrated in the new model of society; in the maentime women of servile status and with a moral conduct does not conform to the new requirements of the community are excluded from legal protection.
Immigration as a factor of social mobility in classical Athens is a topic that has hitherto been ... more Immigration as a factor of social mobility in classical Athens is a topic that has hitherto been underestimated, both because of the nature of ancient sources, conveying very little information in this regard, and the prevailing view in modern studies that the Athenian society in the Classical age was characterized by a substantial immobility and by the very absence of relevant changes in its structure.
However, Athenian policies for the reception of exiles and political refugees encourage reconsidering this assumption. This paper aims to investigate the relation between spatial mobility and social mobility of those political refugees who chose Athens as a place of refuge. This probably represented the culmination of the social process through which an individual reached his full potential: from the condition of refugee who, obliged to leave his homeland, went to Athens as a suppliant in search for refuge and protection, to that of citizen of one of the most powerful city in the Mediterranean.
Therefore, it seems of most interest to study the vicissitudes of some groups of political refugees (Plataians, Thasians, Acarnanians) and, when possible, of individual refugees, for whom the sources provide us a picture of their social progress, i.e. an improvement of their economic conditions and social recognition. Political refugees were considered by the Athenians a “human capital” of which they could take advantage both in the international relations and in the internal political debate: on the one hand, refugees who lost everything because of their support to Athens were publicly praised as benefactors of the Athenians in order to show gratitude towards loyal allies; on the other hand, the Athenian tendency to praise refugees’ contribution towards the community, in terms of competences, occupational skills and acts of generosity, contributed to facilitate the integration of newcomers in the Athenian social structure.
I rifugiati nel mondo antico, a cura di Cinzia Bearzot - Dossier tematico per Nuova Secondaria, 2023
Questo contributo analizza la presenza e il tratta- mento di esuli e rifugiati politici nella Gre... more Questo contributo analizza la presenza e il tratta- mento di esuli e rifugiati politici nella Grecia anti- ca. Esso individua le tipologie note di esuli, indaga la percezione dei rifugiati da parte sia dei paesi di origine sia dei paesi ospitanti e inquadra il fenomeno dell'esilio nel suo contesto giuridico.
The aim of this thesis is the study of the “democratic Solon”, whose genesis has been reconstruct... more The aim of this thesis is the study of the “democratic Solon”, whose genesis has been reconstructed through the ancients’ accounts and the works of modern scholars. To test the Aristotelian statement that traces the origin of democracy to Solon, we have primarily considered those measures that concern the constitution (Heliaia, boule of the Four Hundred, access to high offices), in order to understand if the ancients’ judgement was based on a shareable assessment of the legislator action. For that purpose some ordinary laws attributed to Solon - on idleness, on women, funerary and welfare laws - have been considered equally indicative. Of these laws it has been investigated the Solonian origin and compatibility with the rest of the Solonian legislation, starting from an assessment of their meaning. To complement the present thesis there are three appendixes which develop some of the themes that arose during the investigation and that have been considered worth to be deepened. It is the case of the procedural question regarding the law on idleness; the dating and comment of a funerary law concerning some duties of the demarch; of the connection between Solon and the Areopagos.
This paper analyses Euxitheus' legal arguments in the trial against Eubulides (Dem. 57) and propo... more This paper analyses Euxitheus' legal arguments in the trial against Eubulides (Dem. 57) and proposes a new analysis of the ephesis procedure. Within this framework it argues that Euxitheus' forensic strategy is not only relevant to the question at issue-to prove his status as a legitimate citizen (gnesios polites), as someone born from two citizen parents-but is also characterised by a strict adherence to the laws and procedure involving his case. The relation between rhetoric and law emerging in Euxitheus' speech reveals a rhetorical strategy grounded on legal evidence and documents. This essay will especially focus on two important arguments in the speech, that is, the use of religious arguments and the theme of the plot against Euxitheus, which prove extremely enlightening in showing the how the relevant procedure shaped Euxitheus' arguments. To this aim section II compares Dem. 57 and other probable cases of ephesis in order to reassess how the ephesis procedure worked when it arose from a diapsephisis. Section III shows that the arguments used by Euxitheus are to be considered relevant to winning an ephesis case in court. The entire speech is effectively constructed to demonstrate 'what is true' against Eubulides' 'false accusations' and 'defamatory statements' (57.1), that is, to use legal arguments against 'the sykophant's game': to allege everything but prove nothing'.
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of the “democratic” model by Solon seems to have been recognized (for instance by Theramenes, Isocrates and Demetrius of Phalerum) ; the only ones who suppressed certain courts were the Thirty Tyrants, whose political project was not interested in consensus and faded in the constitutional utopia.
25-27 Sept. 2019
Cagliari, Sardinia, Italy
of the “democratic” model by Solon seems to have been recognized (for instance by Theramenes, Isocrates and Demetrius of Phalerum) ; the only ones who suppressed certain courts were the Thirty Tyrants, whose political project was not interested in consensus and faded in the constitutional utopia.
25-27 Sept. 2019
Cagliari, Sardinia, Italy
This paper will consider Alexander’s negative characterisation focusing on the digression on Alexander’s voluptuousness in Athenaeus' Deipnosophistae (Ath. Deipn. 12.53-55.537d-540a). The king is included in a catalogue of well-known luxurious people (trypheroi) along with Persian and Near-Eastern rulers, tyrants (Polycrates of Samos, Dionysius II of Syracuse), Athenian and Spartan politicians, but he is also paired with other Macedonians, like Philip II and some of Alexander's companions (Cleitus the White, Perdiccas, Craterus, Leonnatus). What is interesting for Athenaeus is the luxury of Alexander’s court. In order to provide a treatment of this topic, Athenaeus draws on a heterogeneous tradition made of historians (Ephippus of Olynthus, Nicobule, Chares of Mitylene, Polycleitus of Larissa, Phylarchus, Agatarchides of Cnidus) philosophers (Clearchus of Soli) and rhetoricians (Theocritus of Chios) in whose writings he could find useful data to restore the image of Alexander as the one who rivalled the Persian rulers in terms of pomp and love of pleasures. In so doing, Athenaeus proves to be a particularly important source as cover-text (Bollansée-Schepens 2005) as he retains quotations from authors whose works are known only through indirect tradition et per fragmenta, but whose recovery becomes crucial to understand the genesis of the image of Alexander as trypheros.
However, Athenaeus’ effort to consult and preserve otherwise lost “historical” material confronts the historian with the central question of Athenaeus’ selection of the source and the relationship between the Deipnosophistae and his sources, in terms of accuracy and reliability. Scholars have engaged extensively with this issue in recent decades, even with regard to the causal connection between tryphe and political decadence, often reaching divergent conclusions (Zecchini 1989 and 2007; Lenfant 2007; Gorman-Gorman 2014; Hau 2016). In particular, Gorman and Gorman (2007 and 2014) have argued that the focus on tryphe in the Deipnosophistae belongs to Athenaeus rather than to the historians he quoted.
Against this excessively skeptical conclusion we should consider not only that it is improbable that the interest in this topic arises that late, since it was rather rooted in the moralistic tradition of the fourth century BC (Pownall 2004; Hau 2016; Loddo 2016), but also such interest is consistent with the reactions of Greek writers to Alexander's adoption of Persian customs. Reactions to Alexander’s Persianisation (on its meaning see Mullen 2018) also appear in Diodorus (17.77.4-6), Trogus-Justin (12.3.8-12), Plutarch (Alex. 45.1-3), Curtius Rufus (6.6.1-11) expressly linked to his imitation/emulation of Persike tryphe. Despite many negative judgments about Alexander’ excesses (Spawforth 2007; Borchert 2016; Collins 2016; Müller 2016), it is not always about condemning remarks. Building upon the argument of Lenfant, according to which Athenaeus gives a biased idea of the content of his sources (Lenfant 2007), I will argue that the orientation of his sources should be considered more heterogeneous than it appears. The analysis of the fragments included in the section on Alexander's tryphe will show that sometimes the description of Alexander's oriental customs is driven by fascination and interest in the magnificence and grandeur of his court or by Alexander’s propaganda itself, although Athenaeus struggles to stress only the dark side of Persianisation and obscures the peculiarities of the authors he quotes through the lens of his moralising approach.
ed Eraclea Pontica, concernente il trattamento dei rispettivi esuli (I.Sinope 1, ll. 8-15). La clausola
in questione stabilisce che gli esuli “possono rimanere nelle città” (ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι διατελεῖν) a
condizione che non commettano reati. Ma a quali città la clausola fa riferimento? Attraverso il
confronto con la tradizione letteraria e la documentazione epigrafica sugli esuli, si intende
sostenere che le città firmatarie dell’accordo consentirono ai propri esuli di risiedere nel territorio
della città partner, si preoccuparono di istituire procedure condivise, da adottare nel caso in cui gli
esuli avessero commesso ulteriori crimini nella città ospitante, e stabilirono nel contempo che
l'accoglienza degli esuli non avrebbe inficiato la validità dell'alleanza. L’analisi cerca di chiarire in
quali circostanze potesse avvenire l'espulsione degli esuli e quale sequenza di azioni dovesse
essere intrapresa secondo il trattato. Le ragioni di questa concessione, che non ha eguali nel resto
della documentazione, sono da ricercare in una serie di fattori: la consapevolezza che gli esuli più
politicizzati tendevano a insediarsi vicino al loro paese d'origine; l'importanza di assicurarsi
l'alleanza di una potente città vicina contro la minaccia rappresentata dagli esuli; il riconoscimento
di una situazione di fatto, cioè la presenza dei propri esuli nel territorio della città con cui si stava
stringendo l'alleanza.
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As a concrete answer to the crisis, Athenians entrusted Solon – a wise man – with the difficult task of giving new life to the polis and putting an end to the endemic crisis which held it.
In order to solve the crisis, Solon used the laws he had written, laws that he claimed were equal both for the noble and the poorest man. Between the laws that literary tradition credited him with, I will analyse the nomos arghias, idleness law. Two aspects will be considered: first of all law’s authorship and secondly the meaning of this law. If on one hand we have to deal with a complex and stratified tradition which points to Drakon, Solon and Peisistratus as potential authors of the law, I will propose that Solon is the one that introduced it. This is possible by analysing “the spirit of the law”, in my opinion Solonic, and studying the procedures that ancient sources attest. I will also review the meaning of the nomos arghias, by clarifying above all Athenian attitude about work and inactivity. I will refer this law to economic politics of Solon which aimed to boast economic activities, value the commerce and craftsmanship, redefining the concept of citizenship, unbound from this moment on from nobility of birth and extended beyond polis borders. This law seems to bring the new citizenship concept that Solon introduced, a citizenship which valued the individual contribution to the common good. Facing this crisis, VI century Athens didn’t withdraw into itself, but reacted by giving value to the human resources that were available within and without the ethnic group.
These regulations share a common need to define individual contribution to the community, even on the female side. In my opinion the idea to solve the crisis through reform of justice and the award to each person of a role in the society also underlies the formulation of laws about women. This can also be seen in the law on naturalization of foreigners, which favours those who move to Attica with the family for working. The aim of these laws is consistent with the idea of refoundation of the society. This is the reason why the laws are not pertaining all women, but only those which can be integrated in the new model of society; in the maentime women of servile status and with a moral conduct does not conform to the new requirements of the community are excluded from legal protection.
However, Athenian policies for the reception of exiles and political refugees encourage reconsidering this assumption. This paper aims to investigate the relation between spatial mobility and social mobility of those political refugees who chose Athens as a place of refuge. This probably represented the culmination of the social process through which an individual reached his full potential: from the condition of refugee who, obliged to leave his homeland, went to Athens as a suppliant in search for refuge and protection, to that of citizen of one of the most powerful city in the Mediterranean.
Therefore, it seems of most interest to study the vicissitudes of some groups of political refugees (Plataians, Thasians, Acarnanians) and, when possible, of individual refugees, for whom the sources provide us a picture of their social progress, i.e. an improvement of their economic conditions and social recognition. Political refugees were considered by the Athenians a “human capital” of which they could take advantage both in the international relations and in the internal political debate: on the one hand, refugees who lost everything because of their support to Athens were publicly praised as benefactors of the Athenians in order to show gratitude towards loyal allies; on the other hand, the Athenian tendency to praise refugees’ contribution towards the community, in terms of competences, occupational skills and acts of generosity, contributed to facilitate the integration of newcomers in the Athenian social structure.