O percurso do professor Amado Cervo alinha-se a construcao de um perfil internacionalizado, que e... more O percurso do professor Amado Cervo alinha-se a construcao de um perfil internacionalizado, que experimentou diversas colaboracoes e alimentou multiplas influencias. Pretendemos, neste texto, relembrar essas circulacoes e apropriacoes evocando duas tradicoes historiograficas caras ao professor Cervo: a francesa e a italiana. Buscamos, assim, mapear uma tradicao partilhada de pesquisa sobre a historia das relacoes internacionais, apresentando brevemente aos leitores o estado da arte hoje resultante.
Since the beginning of the nuclear age, Brazil has manifested a deep interest in mastering nuclea... more Since the beginning of the nuclear age, Brazil has manifested a deep interest in mastering nuclear energy. Rich in atomic minerals – such as thorium and uranium – the Latin American country traditionally sought external cooperation to develop its own nuclear sector. Like other Third World countries, Brazil looked at the more advanced North to acquire knowledge, equipment and materials useful for its nuclear projects. As the main civilian nuclear power and traditional ally of Brazil, the United States was considered the natural partner to begin such an endeavor. However, during the long history of the Brazilian nuclear program, the limitations imposed by Washington to its external partnership pushed Brasilia to find the collaboration elsewhere. France, (West) Germany, and the United Kingdom are usually considered the other partners for Brazil’s nuclear plans. The traditional literature on Brazil’s nuclear history highlights, in fact, the association of Brazil with West Germany in the...
Intelligere - Revista de História Intelectual, 2020
O percurso do professor Amado Cervo alinha-se à construção de um perfil internacionalizado, que e... more O percurso do professor Amado Cervo alinha-se à construção de um perfil internacionalizado, que experimentou diversas colaborações e alimentou múltiplas influências. Pretendemos, neste texto, relembrar essas circulações e apropriações evocando duas tradições historiográficas caras ao professor Cervo: a francesa e a italiana. Buscamos, assim, mapear uma tradição partilhada de pesquisa sobre a história das relações internacionais, apresentando brevemente aos leitores o estado da arte hoje resultante.
In the aftermath of India's first nuclear explosion in 1974, U.S. officials concluded that Brazil... more In the aftermath of India's first nuclear explosion in 1974, U.S. officials concluded that Brazil posed a growing proliferation risk, and they proposed to target Brazil with a new set of nonproliferation policies that included the denial of fuel-cycle technologies. However, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger expressed doubt that such an approach would curb Brazilian nuclear ambitions. Pushing back against influential voices in the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Kissinger argued that Brazil should be allowed to proceed with its plans to master the nuclear fuel cycle in exchange for U.S. assistance and new nonproliferation commitments. He justified this attitude on the grounds of alliance politics (Brazil was too important a pillar of U.S. Cold War policy in Latin America) and the interests of key domestic constituencies (U.S. private companies eyed Brazil's burgeoning nuclear industry). The Brazilian government responded well to Kissinger's approach and would have struck a deal if the transition to the Carter administration had not rendered the bargain untenable.
After the first Indian peaceful nuclear explosion in 1974 international observers perceived Argen... more After the first Indian peaceful nuclear explosion in 1974 international observers perceived Argentina and Brazil, long-time rivals in South America, as countries that could follow suit. Not only had they not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), they had also not joined the Tlatelolco Treaty: the Latin American and Caribbean nuclear-weapon-free zone. In this context, the US began to reassess and tighten its nonproliferation policy, particularly throughout the Jimmy Carter presidency (1977–1981). Carter's foreign policy sought to stall Argentine–Brazilian efforts to master the nuclear fuel cycle, as well as push them toward Tlatelolco. These efforts ultimately proved unsuccessful. However, after a visit to Argentina and Brazil, US congressman Paul Findley suggested in 1977 that they consider a bilateral agreement, whereby they would agree to mutual inspections and renounce the right to conduct peaceful nuclear explosions. Even though it was disregarded at the time, these are the core ideas behind the creation of the Brazilian–Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) established in 1991. This article, then, seeks to fill the gaps in what today constitutes an unknown episode in the dense nuclear nonproliferation history of the 1970s.
Nuclear Italy. An International History of Italian Nuclear Policies during the Cold War. Bini, Elisabetta - Londero, Igor (edited by) - Iannuzzi, Giulia (with the collaboration of). Trieste : EUT Edizioni Università di Trieste , 2017. - p. 323 , 2017
O percurso do professor Amado Cervo alinha-se a construcao de um perfil internacionalizado, que e... more O percurso do professor Amado Cervo alinha-se a construcao de um perfil internacionalizado, que experimentou diversas colaboracoes e alimentou multiplas influencias. Pretendemos, neste texto, relembrar essas circulacoes e apropriacoes evocando duas tradicoes historiograficas caras ao professor Cervo: a francesa e a italiana. Buscamos, assim, mapear uma tradicao partilhada de pesquisa sobre a historia das relacoes internacionais, apresentando brevemente aos leitores o estado da arte hoje resultante.
Since the beginning of the nuclear age, Brazil has manifested a deep interest in mastering nuclea... more Since the beginning of the nuclear age, Brazil has manifested a deep interest in mastering nuclear energy. Rich in atomic minerals – such as thorium and uranium – the Latin American country traditionally sought external cooperation to develop its own nuclear sector. Like other Third World countries, Brazil looked at the more advanced North to acquire knowledge, equipment and materials useful for its nuclear projects. As the main civilian nuclear power and traditional ally of Brazil, the United States was considered the natural partner to begin such an endeavor. However, during the long history of the Brazilian nuclear program, the limitations imposed by Washington to its external partnership pushed Brasilia to find the collaboration elsewhere. France, (West) Germany, and the United Kingdom are usually considered the other partners for Brazil’s nuclear plans. The traditional literature on Brazil’s nuclear history highlights, in fact, the association of Brazil with West Germany in the...
Intelligere - Revista de História Intelectual, 2020
O percurso do professor Amado Cervo alinha-se à construção de um perfil internacionalizado, que e... more O percurso do professor Amado Cervo alinha-se à construção de um perfil internacionalizado, que experimentou diversas colaborações e alimentou múltiplas influências. Pretendemos, neste texto, relembrar essas circulações e apropriações evocando duas tradições historiográficas caras ao professor Cervo: a francesa e a italiana. Buscamos, assim, mapear uma tradição partilhada de pesquisa sobre a história das relações internacionais, apresentando brevemente aos leitores o estado da arte hoje resultante.
In the aftermath of India's first nuclear explosion in 1974, U.S. officials concluded that Brazil... more In the aftermath of India's first nuclear explosion in 1974, U.S. officials concluded that Brazil posed a growing proliferation risk, and they proposed to target Brazil with a new set of nonproliferation policies that included the denial of fuel-cycle technologies. However, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger expressed doubt that such an approach would curb Brazilian nuclear ambitions. Pushing back against influential voices in the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Kissinger argued that Brazil should be allowed to proceed with its plans to master the nuclear fuel cycle in exchange for U.S. assistance and new nonproliferation commitments. He justified this attitude on the grounds of alliance politics (Brazil was too important a pillar of U.S. Cold War policy in Latin America) and the interests of key domestic constituencies (U.S. private companies eyed Brazil's burgeoning nuclear industry). The Brazilian government responded well to Kissinger's approach and would have struck a deal if the transition to the Carter administration had not rendered the bargain untenable.
After the first Indian peaceful nuclear explosion in 1974 international observers perceived Argen... more After the first Indian peaceful nuclear explosion in 1974 international observers perceived Argentina and Brazil, long-time rivals in South America, as countries that could follow suit. Not only had they not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), they had also not joined the Tlatelolco Treaty: the Latin American and Caribbean nuclear-weapon-free zone. In this context, the US began to reassess and tighten its nonproliferation policy, particularly throughout the Jimmy Carter presidency (1977–1981). Carter's foreign policy sought to stall Argentine–Brazilian efforts to master the nuclear fuel cycle, as well as push them toward Tlatelolco. These efforts ultimately proved unsuccessful. However, after a visit to Argentina and Brazil, US congressman Paul Findley suggested in 1977 that they consider a bilateral agreement, whereby they would agree to mutual inspections and renounce the right to conduct peaceful nuclear explosions. Even though it was disregarded at the time, these are the core ideas behind the creation of the Brazilian–Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) established in 1991. This article, then, seeks to fill the gaps in what today constitutes an unknown episode in the dense nuclear nonproliferation history of the 1970s.
Nuclear Italy. An International History of Italian Nuclear Policies during the Cold War. Bini, Elisabetta - Londero, Igor (edited by) - Iannuzzi, Giulia (with the collaboration of). Trieste : EUT Edizioni Università di Trieste , 2017. - p. 323 , 2017
Brazil in the Global Nuclear Order, 1945-2018, 2021
Why do countries capable of "going nuclear" choose not to? Brazil, which gained notoriety for dev... more Why do countries capable of "going nuclear" choose not to? Brazil, which gained notoriety for developing a nuclear program and then backtracking into adherence to the nonproliferation regime, offers a fascinating window into the complex politics surrounding nuclear energy and American interference.
Since the beginning of the nuclear age, author Carlo Patti writes, Brazil has tried to cooperate with other countries in order to master nuclear fuel cycle technology, but international limitations have constrained the country's approach. Brazil had the start of a nuclear program in the 1950s, which led to the United States interfering in agreements between Brazil and other countries with advanced nuclear industries, such as France and West Germany. These international constraints, especially those imposed by the United States, partly explain the country's decision to create a secret nuclear program in 1978 and to cooperate with other countries outside the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty [NPT] regime, such as Argentina and China. Yet, in 1998, Brazil chose to adhere to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty it so actively opposed only three decades prior, although the country still critiques the unfair nature of the treaty.
Patti draws on recent declassified primary sources collected during years of research in public and private archives in eight different countries, as well as interviews with former presidents, diplomats, and scientists, to show how US nonproliferation policies deeply affected Brazil's decisions. Assessing the domestic and international factors that informed the evolution of Brazil's nuclear diplomacy, Brazil in the Global Nuclear Order, 1945-2018 also discusses what it means with respect to Brazil's future political goals.
Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional
Print version ISSN 0034-7329
On-line version ISSN 19... more Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional Print version ISSN 0034-7329 On-line version ISSN 1983-3121
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Papers by Carlo Patti
Since the beginning of the nuclear age, author Carlo Patti writes, Brazil has tried to cooperate with other countries in order to master nuclear fuel cycle technology, but international limitations have constrained the country's approach. Brazil had the start of a nuclear program in the 1950s, which led to the United States interfering in agreements between Brazil and other countries with advanced nuclear industries, such as France and West Germany. These international constraints, especially those imposed by the United States, partly explain the country's decision to create a secret nuclear program in 1978 and to cooperate with other countries outside the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty [NPT] regime, such as Argentina and China. Yet, in 1998, Brazil chose to adhere to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty it so actively opposed only three decades prior, although the country still critiques the unfair nature of the treaty.
Patti draws on recent declassified primary sources collected during years of research in public and private archives in eight different countries, as well as interviews with former presidents, diplomats, and scientists, to show how US nonproliferation policies deeply affected Brazil's decisions. Assessing the domestic and international factors that informed the evolution of Brazil's nuclear diplomacy, Brazil in the Global Nuclear Order, 1945-2018 also discusses what it means with respect to Brazil's future political goals.
Print version ISSN 0034-7329
On-line version ISSN 1983-3121
Vol.61 no.2 Brasília 2018