The United States (US) Africa Command (AFRICOM) was launched in
2007, ostensibly to foster Africa... more The United States (US) Africa Command (AFRICOM) was launched in 2007, ostensibly to foster African security. Rather than focusing on traditional military operations, AFRICOM also embraces non-military activities such as humanitarian aid and African development. This begs the question as to what type of power (hard or soft) the US intends to wield through AFRICOM. Several US official statements have emphasised the soft power attributes of this military project. To this end, this article seeks to respond to two fundamental questions. First, is AFRICOM a soft power project? Second, how, if at all, has AFRICOM enhanced perceptions of the US in Africa? The article concludes that sceptical and negative perceptions of AFRICOM inhibit its soft-power objective of winning the hearts and minds of the African people.
The 2015 xenophobic attacks are a fresh reminder of anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa. Si... more The 2015 xenophobic attacks are a fresh reminder of anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa. Since the 2008 xenophobic violence in the country, there has been a growing literature on xenophobia in South Africa. This article contributes to the existing discourse by employing levels of analysis as its analytical framework to analyse the recurrent anti-immigrant attitudes and attacks in South Africa. It concludes that xenophobia is indeed pervasive and that effectively ameliorating this pathology requires a conscious and comprehensive diagnosis of the manifestation of xenophobia at the individual, state and interstate levels.
While the concept of soft power was coined by US scholar Joseph Nye in the early
1990s, the schol... more While the concept of soft power was coined by US scholar Joseph Nye in the early 1990s, the scholarly analysis of the US soft power in Africa remains scarce. This article seeks to engage with the question of soft power arising from US policies, political values and cultural exports in Africa. It employs both primary and secondary data, and focuses on the soft power impact of AGOA and PEPFAR on African perspectives on the US, as well as the impact of US popular culture, brands and educational exchange. The article found that, despite surveys pointing to increasing anti-US sentiments globally in the 21st century, Washington still wields significant soft power in Africa. Keywords: United States; Africa; soft power; culture; political values
While there is a rich body of scholarly literature on China’s soft power, it has tended to focus ... more While there is a rich body of scholarly literature on China’s soft power, it has tended to focus on how China’s soft power currencies complement its hard-power resources. Little is known about how China wields its soft power currencies in strategic regions, as the literature has focused on a particular region, particularly Asia and Africa. Thus, this study examines China’s geopolitical influence, drawing attention to its soft power currencies in Africa and the Middle East. It employs both primary and secondary data. The primary data were personal in-depth interviews and internet polls. Interviews were conducted with experts, particularly in the field of international relations. Using purposive sampling, these experts were drawn from the United States, China, South Africa and Nigeria. Low-cadre bureaucrats were also interviewed. The study argues that China’s soft power in Africa and the Middle East is a double-edged sword. While some appreciate China’s presence in these regions, others are either ambivalent or have negative perceptions of this Asian powerhouse. The study concludes that China still requires huge investment in its soft power in order to win the hearts and minds of the majority of the citizens in these regions.
ABSTRAcT The structure of power in the international system has generated interest amongst schola... more ABSTRAcT The structure of power in the international system has generated interest amongst scholars around the globe. Some argue that the international system is unipolar. This is premised on the notion that the United States is the only state with preponderance in all components of power – military, economic, technological and cultural. Other scholars view global politics through a multipolar lens. Unlike the 'primacists' (proponents of unipolarity), they posit that the United States has lost its primacy in the global arena and that new players have emerged that compete with it. Furthermore, many scholars posit that the structure of power in today's international system has become so sophisticated and complex that traditional models such as unipolarity, bipolarity and multipolarity are insufficient to explain the reality in contemporary international realpolitik. It is in this context that Huntington's uni-multipolarity, Grevi's interpolarity and Haass' nonpolarity can be located. Using both primary and secondary data, this article explores the structure of power in contemporary international politics. It seeks to determine whether or not existing models are adequate to explain the dynamics of such politics. It concludes that uni-interpolarity (a hybrid of uni-multipolarity and interpolarity) best explains the features of today's global politics.
Julius Malema was accused by the African National Congress (ANC) of corruption, bringing the ruli... more Julius Malema was accused by the African National Congress (ANC) of corruption, bringing the ruling party into disrepute, and publicly insulting President Zuma. The verbal attacks on the Presidency and other anti-party behaviour led to his initial suspension and eventual expulsion from the ANC, while the high frequency of his public appearances and rhetoric exacerbate the crisis and generate significant attention to the feud. This article examines the crux of the vexed Malema factor within the ANC and explores the influence of his oratorical power on the South African political environment. The paper takes cognizance of the inextricable utility of Malema's public-speaking prowess to aggravate the fragility of the political environment within the ANC and its utility for mobilizing his constituents toward his self-acclaimed nationalistic cause. The study concludes by reiterating the excesses of his rhetoric but acknowledges his efforts in raising the 'unanswered' post-apartheid questions.
The literature on South African politics makes widespread reference to the culture of xenophobia.... more The literature on South African politics makes widespread reference to the culture of xenophobia. There is also a small but growing body of literature on South Africa's soft power currencies. However, no study has attempted to comprehensively examine the nexus between South Africa's soft power and its culture of xenophobia. Thus, the major question this study seeks to address is: what impact does South Africa's prevailing culture of xenophobia have on its soft power and, ultimately, its regional hegemonic credentials? This article explores this lacuna through the lenses of hegemonic stability and scapegoating theories. The study used both primary sources (interviews and focus group discussions) and secondary sources to solicit dependable data on the subject matter. It found that South Africa's pervasive xenophobic posture has the tendency to erode the efficacy of its rising soft power as well as to constrain its capacity to play a hegemonic role within Africa. South Africa has the potential to achieve regional hegemony in Africa, but in order to do so it must address phenomena such as xenophobia, which imposes severe limitations on its credibility and legitimacy. The article concludes that consciously framed policies as well as constructive and positive media reporting are required to mitigate the possibly devastating effects of xenophobia on South Africa's soft power within its region and globally.
In the past two decades, corruption has attracted increasing attention around the world. This is ... more In the past two decades, corruption has attracted increasing attention around the world. This is a reflection of the pervasive character of the phenomenon as it is endemic in both authoritarian and democratic regimes. African society has been bedevilled by high profile corruption. This menace has permeated the entire continent with its attendant rise of a few wealthy elites while the overwhelming majority of Africans wallow in abject poverty. Poor economic performance is a general feature of African countries, including those endowed with rich natural resources. In the case of East Asia, recent developments highlight that high degree of corruption has accompanied increased growth and investment. These levels of corruption are comparable with those experienced in African states. Nonetheless, there are significant differences in the efficiency and economic performance of these regions, illustrated by weak and slow economic development and poverty in Africa, in comparison with rapid economic growth in East Asia. This paper probes the nexus between corruption and economic development. In doing so, it investigates whether or not East Asian countries with similar levels of corruption as African countries experience a parallel level of efficiency. It also examines the relevance of the nature of corruption to a state's economic performance. The article concludes that the governments in both regions must exercise the political will to combat the menace regardless of the
The United States (US) Africa Command (AFRICOM) was launched in
2007, ostensibly to foster Africa... more The United States (US) Africa Command (AFRICOM) was launched in 2007, ostensibly to foster African security. Rather than focusing on traditional military operations, AFRICOM also embraces non-military activities such as humanitarian aid and African development. This begs the question as to what type of power (hard or soft) the US intends to wield through AFRICOM. Several US official statements have emphasised the soft power attributes of this military project. To this end, this article seeks to respond to two fundamental questions. First, is AFRICOM a soft power project? Second, how, if at all, has AFRICOM enhanced perceptions of the US in Africa? The article concludes that sceptical and negative perceptions of AFRICOM inhibit its soft-power objective of winning the hearts and minds of the African people.
The 2015 xenophobic attacks are a fresh reminder of anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa. Si... more The 2015 xenophobic attacks are a fresh reminder of anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa. Since the 2008 xenophobic violence in the country, there has been a growing literature on xenophobia in South Africa. This article contributes to the existing discourse by employing levels of analysis as its analytical framework to analyse the recurrent anti-immigrant attitudes and attacks in South Africa. It concludes that xenophobia is indeed pervasive and that effectively ameliorating this pathology requires a conscious and comprehensive diagnosis of the manifestation of xenophobia at the individual, state and interstate levels.
While the concept of soft power was coined by US scholar Joseph Nye in the early
1990s, the schol... more While the concept of soft power was coined by US scholar Joseph Nye in the early 1990s, the scholarly analysis of the US soft power in Africa remains scarce. This article seeks to engage with the question of soft power arising from US policies, political values and cultural exports in Africa. It employs both primary and secondary data, and focuses on the soft power impact of AGOA and PEPFAR on African perspectives on the US, as well as the impact of US popular culture, brands and educational exchange. The article found that, despite surveys pointing to increasing anti-US sentiments globally in the 21st century, Washington still wields significant soft power in Africa. Keywords: United States; Africa; soft power; culture; political values
While there is a rich body of scholarly literature on China’s soft power, it has tended to focus ... more While there is a rich body of scholarly literature on China’s soft power, it has tended to focus on how China’s soft power currencies complement its hard-power resources. Little is known about how China wields its soft power currencies in strategic regions, as the literature has focused on a particular region, particularly Asia and Africa. Thus, this study examines China’s geopolitical influence, drawing attention to its soft power currencies in Africa and the Middle East. It employs both primary and secondary data. The primary data were personal in-depth interviews and internet polls. Interviews were conducted with experts, particularly in the field of international relations. Using purposive sampling, these experts were drawn from the United States, China, South Africa and Nigeria. Low-cadre bureaucrats were also interviewed. The study argues that China’s soft power in Africa and the Middle East is a double-edged sword. While some appreciate China’s presence in these regions, others are either ambivalent or have negative perceptions of this Asian powerhouse. The study concludes that China still requires huge investment in its soft power in order to win the hearts and minds of the majority of the citizens in these regions.
ABSTRAcT The structure of power in the international system has generated interest amongst schola... more ABSTRAcT The structure of power in the international system has generated interest amongst scholars around the globe. Some argue that the international system is unipolar. This is premised on the notion that the United States is the only state with preponderance in all components of power – military, economic, technological and cultural. Other scholars view global politics through a multipolar lens. Unlike the 'primacists' (proponents of unipolarity), they posit that the United States has lost its primacy in the global arena and that new players have emerged that compete with it. Furthermore, many scholars posit that the structure of power in today's international system has become so sophisticated and complex that traditional models such as unipolarity, bipolarity and multipolarity are insufficient to explain the reality in contemporary international realpolitik. It is in this context that Huntington's uni-multipolarity, Grevi's interpolarity and Haass' nonpolarity can be located. Using both primary and secondary data, this article explores the structure of power in contemporary international politics. It seeks to determine whether or not existing models are adequate to explain the dynamics of such politics. It concludes that uni-interpolarity (a hybrid of uni-multipolarity and interpolarity) best explains the features of today's global politics.
Julius Malema was accused by the African National Congress (ANC) of corruption, bringing the ruli... more Julius Malema was accused by the African National Congress (ANC) of corruption, bringing the ruling party into disrepute, and publicly insulting President Zuma. The verbal attacks on the Presidency and other anti-party behaviour led to his initial suspension and eventual expulsion from the ANC, while the high frequency of his public appearances and rhetoric exacerbate the crisis and generate significant attention to the feud. This article examines the crux of the vexed Malema factor within the ANC and explores the influence of his oratorical power on the South African political environment. The paper takes cognizance of the inextricable utility of Malema's public-speaking prowess to aggravate the fragility of the political environment within the ANC and its utility for mobilizing his constituents toward his self-acclaimed nationalistic cause. The study concludes by reiterating the excesses of his rhetoric but acknowledges his efforts in raising the 'unanswered' post-apartheid questions.
The literature on South African politics makes widespread reference to the culture of xenophobia.... more The literature on South African politics makes widespread reference to the culture of xenophobia. There is also a small but growing body of literature on South Africa's soft power currencies. However, no study has attempted to comprehensively examine the nexus between South Africa's soft power and its culture of xenophobia. Thus, the major question this study seeks to address is: what impact does South Africa's prevailing culture of xenophobia have on its soft power and, ultimately, its regional hegemonic credentials? This article explores this lacuna through the lenses of hegemonic stability and scapegoating theories. The study used both primary sources (interviews and focus group discussions) and secondary sources to solicit dependable data on the subject matter. It found that South Africa's pervasive xenophobic posture has the tendency to erode the efficacy of its rising soft power as well as to constrain its capacity to play a hegemonic role within Africa. South Africa has the potential to achieve regional hegemony in Africa, but in order to do so it must address phenomena such as xenophobia, which imposes severe limitations on its credibility and legitimacy. The article concludes that consciously framed policies as well as constructive and positive media reporting are required to mitigate the possibly devastating effects of xenophobia on South Africa's soft power within its region and globally.
In the past two decades, corruption has attracted increasing attention around the world. This is ... more In the past two decades, corruption has attracted increasing attention around the world. This is a reflection of the pervasive character of the phenomenon as it is endemic in both authoritarian and democratic regimes. African society has been bedevilled by high profile corruption. This menace has permeated the entire continent with its attendant rise of a few wealthy elites while the overwhelming majority of Africans wallow in abject poverty. Poor economic performance is a general feature of African countries, including those endowed with rich natural resources. In the case of East Asia, recent developments highlight that high degree of corruption has accompanied increased growth and investment. These levels of corruption are comparable with those experienced in African states. Nonetheless, there are significant differences in the efficiency and economic performance of these regions, illustrated by weak and slow economic development and poverty in Africa, in comparison with rapid economic growth in East Asia. This paper probes the nexus between corruption and economic development. In doing so, it investigates whether or not East Asian countries with similar levels of corruption as African countries experience a parallel level of efficiency. It also examines the relevance of the nature of corruption to a state's economic performance. The article concludes that the governments in both regions must exercise the political will to combat the menace regardless of the
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2007, ostensibly to foster African security. Rather than focusing on
traditional military operations, AFRICOM also embraces non-military
activities such as humanitarian aid and African development. This begs
the question as to what type of power (hard or soft) the US intends
to wield through AFRICOM. Several US official statements have
emphasised the soft power attributes of this military project. To this
end, this article seeks to respond to two fundamental questions. First,
is AFRICOM a soft power project? Second, how, if at all, has AFRICOM
enhanced perceptions of the US in Africa? The article concludes that
sceptical and negative perceptions of AFRICOM inhibit its soft-power
objective of winning the hearts and minds of the African people.
1990s, the scholarly analysis of the US soft power in Africa remains scarce. This
article seeks to engage with the question of soft power arising from US policies,
political values and cultural exports in Africa. It employs both primary and
secondary data, and focuses on the soft power impact of AGOA and PEPFAR
on African perspectives on the US, as well as the impact of US popular culture,
brands and educational exchange. The article found that, despite surveys
pointing to increasing anti-US sentiments globally in the 21st century,
Washington still wields significant soft power in Africa.
Keywords: United States; Africa; soft power; culture; political values
how China’s soft power currencies complement its hard-power resources. Little is known about
how China wields its soft power currencies in strategic regions, as the literature has focused on
a particular region, particularly Asia and Africa. Thus, this study examines China’s geopolitical
influence, drawing attention to its soft power currencies in Africa and the Middle East. It
employs both primary and secondary data. The primary data were personal in-depth
interviews and internet polls. Interviews were conducted with experts, particularly in the
field of international relations. Using purposive sampling, these experts were drawn from
the United States, China, South Africa and Nigeria. Low-cadre bureaucrats were also
interviewed. The study argues that China’s soft power in Africa and the Middle East is a
double-edged sword. While some appreciate China’s presence in these regions, others are
either ambivalent or have negative perceptions of this Asian powerhouse. The study
concludes that China still requires huge investment in its soft power in order to win the
hearts and minds of the majority of the citizens in these regions.
2007, ostensibly to foster African security. Rather than focusing on
traditional military operations, AFRICOM also embraces non-military
activities such as humanitarian aid and African development. This begs
the question as to what type of power (hard or soft) the US intends
to wield through AFRICOM. Several US official statements have
emphasised the soft power attributes of this military project. To this
end, this article seeks to respond to two fundamental questions. First,
is AFRICOM a soft power project? Second, how, if at all, has AFRICOM
enhanced perceptions of the US in Africa? The article concludes that
sceptical and negative perceptions of AFRICOM inhibit its soft-power
objective of winning the hearts and minds of the African people.
1990s, the scholarly analysis of the US soft power in Africa remains scarce. This
article seeks to engage with the question of soft power arising from US policies,
political values and cultural exports in Africa. It employs both primary and
secondary data, and focuses on the soft power impact of AGOA and PEPFAR
on African perspectives on the US, as well as the impact of US popular culture,
brands and educational exchange. The article found that, despite surveys
pointing to increasing anti-US sentiments globally in the 21st century,
Washington still wields significant soft power in Africa.
Keywords: United States; Africa; soft power; culture; political values
how China’s soft power currencies complement its hard-power resources. Little is known about
how China wields its soft power currencies in strategic regions, as the literature has focused on
a particular region, particularly Asia and Africa. Thus, this study examines China’s geopolitical
influence, drawing attention to its soft power currencies in Africa and the Middle East. It
employs both primary and secondary data. The primary data were personal in-depth
interviews and internet polls. Interviews were conducted with experts, particularly in the
field of international relations. Using purposive sampling, these experts were drawn from
the United States, China, South Africa and Nigeria. Low-cadre bureaucrats were also
interviewed. The study argues that China’s soft power in Africa and the Middle East is a
double-edged sword. While some appreciate China’s presence in these regions, others are
either ambivalent or have negative perceptions of this Asian powerhouse. The study
concludes that China still requires huge investment in its soft power in order to win the
hearts and minds of the majority of the citizens in these regions.