Arbi Boumediene Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University Hassiba ben Bouali, Chlef, Algeria.
The presence of the external factor is usually related to the context of the popular hirak, the p... more The presence of the external factor is usually related to the context of the popular hirak, the periods of political transition and the transitional phases in many countries. This factor is evident in countries with a geopolitical position in regional and international competition. This study discusses the variable of the external factor in the 22 February 2019 hirak in Algeria by examining the limits of international and regional interventions in steering the course of the popular hirak compared to other Arab cases where the external factor seemed to be more influential. It aims to discuss the determinants of Algeria's relations with regional and international powers and to explain the issue of the lack of external interference in the popular hirak, ending with the modalities of the future of the turbulent political path and discussing the possibilities of transformation from abroad. The study concludes that the lack of regional and international intervention in the popular hirak is mainly related to geopolitical and strategic constraints, far from value and normative considerations. The behaviour of external forces is determined by Algeria's geopolitical situation. The risks of instability in the country would create highly complex security challenges in the Mediterranean region. Added to this is the importance of Algeria in assessing the strategic balances in the region, especially for European security.
African societies have known the existence of civil society organizations since
ancient times, as... more African societies have known the existence of civil society organizations since ancient times, as they played a role in the overthrow of colonial regimes during colonialism and could have achieved an effective role in the post-colonial phase. However, their link with the crisis of Stateness and the repercussions of the colonial legacy made substantive characteristics to the concept of civil society in sub-Saharan Africa, which are different from the Western concept. This is due to the internal structures that bear practices resulting from the link between the past and the present, where African countries inherited authoritarian practices supported by clientelism and personalization of power and the ruler’s dominance over the joints of political and social life through the corporate system in sub-Saharan Africa, where civil society recruits politically for loyalty to authority, and in return, these organizations receive special privileges, as well as the state’s monopoly over the media, especially within the one-party system, with bureaucratic obstacles. This led to the disruption of the civic sense, particularly when it was fueled by tribalism and ethnicity. Civil society organizations spread in the region in the form of syndicate, religious organizations, and professional unions, which contributed to the waves of political liberalization and democratization in sub-Saharan Africa, including associations of lawyers and journalists and farmers’ organizations. There are also those who obtain external support, such as religious organizations, as they become subject to external parties. African countries have been in line with democratic reforms by expanding the spread of civil society in various fields, including human rights, moreover, Civil society institutes have also been developed regionally, aiming to encourage society to express its interests. However, the absence of a definitive separation between the state and civil society in sub-Saharan Africa makes the latter a dependent party to the equation, therefore, it carries complications when it employed in Africa. Conversely, on the other hand, civil society may achieve democratic consolidation through the emergence of the middle class, which has a role in building associations and organizations, but it still faces financial problems, security and political instability in sub-Saharan Africa. Hence, the role of civil society can only be activated by achieving its independence and strengthening it, by discussing societal issues to increase political awareness, civic education, creating an environment conducive to political action, and taking into account Western mechanisms for the specifics African societies and spreading a culture of dialogue, accountability and respect for other
إدارة العلاقات المدنية-العسكرية في ظل جائحة كورونا: دراسة في الحالة الإفريقية, 2022
مثلت جائحة )كوفيد- 19 ( أزمة صحية عامة، كانت تداعياتها واسعة النطاق؛ حيث أربكت
النظم الصحية وأ... more مثلت جائحة )كوفيد- 19 ( أزمة صحية عامة، كانت تداعياتها واسعة النطاق؛ حيث أربكت
النظم الصحية وأجهزة الدولة في كل دول العالم، دون استثناء، كما أجبرت الجائحة الحكومات
على تسخير كل مواردها وطاقاتها للحد من انتشارها؛ ففي كثير من البلدان، كان نشر قوات
الجيش لمساعدة السلطات المدنية في محاربة الجائحة ضرورة ملحة، في حين أن مشاركة القوات
المسلحة في مثل هذه الأنشطة، قد يبدو غير مفهوم، أو قد يبدو أنه يقع خارج نطاق صلاحياتهم.
وفي السياق الإفريقي؛ حيث انخراط الجيش في السياسة الداخلية، يُمثل معضلة حقيقية، ويُظهِر
تقاسم المسؤولية مع الفواعل المدنية في ظل الكوارث الإنسانية، والأزمات الصحية منهجا، قد
يُسهم في الدفع نحو مأسسة السيطرة المدنية. في هذا المقال؛ نوضح الإجابة عن سؤال ملحٍّ،
يتمثل في: هل يمكن لجائحة كوفيد- 19 تقوية التعاون المشترك المدني- العسكري، وإعادة التوازن
للعلاقات المدنية - العسكرية في السياق الإفريقي؟
يختبر المقال فرضية رئيسة؛ مفادها أنّ إدارة العلاقات المدنية – العسكرية، في ظل جائحة
كوفيد- 19 ، أفضت إلى الارتباط بين الاستجابة العسكرية، والمصالح المدنية، في ظل مسارات
العسكرة المعقدة للأنظمة السياسية في إفريقيا.
واقع الدراسات الإفريقية في الجزائر.. دراسة وصفية تحليلية, 2021
By virtue of the geographical proximity and the historical depth
of Algeria in the sub... more By virtue of the geographical proximity and the historical depth of Algeria in the sub-Saharan Africa, the status of Africa is prominent to Algeria, particularly in light of the regional and international competition on this continent. Apart from its presence at the political and security level, Algerian social, cultural and economic presence remains modest within the continent due to the view of the African depth as a source of the security threat, not as a civilizational extension. Amending this issue is mainly related to understanding the other by supporting research centres and think tanks, encouraging research and scientific studies to know the African continent, and then promoting national interests. However, the fact of African studies in Algeria is also witnessing a stumble and weakness in performance and output, affected by the Algerian decision-maker›s view of the African continent. This research paper attempts to provide a comprehensive survey on the reality of African studies in Algeria in general and at Algerian universities in specific. It also discusses the position of African studies by focusing on political studies and linking them to the general trends of the state’s public policy, by asking the following question: How does politics affect the development of this field of knowledge in Algeria? despite its significance in promoting and protecting national security and national interests. Finally, this study examines and discusses the challenges facing African studies in Algeria, it reviews the mechanisms to correct these imbalances and deficiencies, and finding a place worthy of the field of African studies for its scientific and practical importance as an entry point to understand the other, and maximize the strategic gains of the Algerian state, and Arab interests vis-a-vis Western powers
«Challenges of the Post-2011 Civilian Control of Egyptian Military» In.The Quest for Democracy: Examining Civil-Military Relations in Muslim Societies
In countries where democracy is still in crisis, a wider debate about civilmilitary
relations and... more In countries where democracy is still in crisis, a wider debate about civilmilitary relations and interactions has emerged. The Egyptian experience, in this context, is crucial when examining the political role of the military and civil-military relations. After the 2011 Arab Spring, the issue raised serious academic debates, especially due to the interference of the army in politics, and its unprecedented concentration of power, whether through its alignment with the masses or in undermining the democratization process in 2013. Accordingly, this paper addresses the realities of civil-military relations and the challenges of civilian control of the military in Egypt. It starts with a literature review of democratic civil control with a special focus on the Egyptian experience. The paper also will re-examine the factors and motives of the military’s involvement in politics, as well as the challenges of institutionalizing civilian control and consolidating an emerging democratic system. However, the paper cautions that successfully achieving civilian control over the military in Egypt remains a long and complex process that may last for many years.
جائحة كوفيد-19 واحتمالات التحول في النظام الدولي.. التأثيرات السياسية في منطقة غرب إفريقيا, 2020
Despite being far away from the core of the issues of
international disputes, the Covid-19, that ... more Despite being far away from the core of the issues of international disputes, the Covid-19, that may affect the international system, may also cast shadows on West Africa. The outbreak of the virus will raise speculations about how the world will be in the post-pandemic; also its impact on West African countries, however, will still unclear. To answer the question of how West Africa will be in the post-pandemic, this paper argues that despite being exceptional area with its ethnic complexities, security instability, economic problems and political issues, west African region will be shaped according to the new international system in post-pandemic. Therefore, the paper provides three different scenarios, as it projects each scenario on West African region. The aim of this paper is to upgrade the awareness for those who are interested in the region, from decision makers to students, up to those who can do something to stifle what would be disastrous in the region, or at least make West African voices heard
الجزائر والسودان: العرض السلطوي في مواجهة زيادة الطلب الشعبي على الديمقراطية, 2020
نجت الجزائر والسودان من موجة ما اصطلح عليه "الربيع العربي" سنة 2011 ، واكتسب النظامان مناعة في وج... more نجت الجزائر والسودان من موجة ما اصطلح عليه "الربيع العربي" سنة 2011 ، واكتسب النظامان مناعة في وجه الضغوط الدّاخلية والإقليمية ع رب خيار الإسكات الاقتصادي وشراء السلم الاجتماعي، لكن سرعان ما تجدد الحراك في البلدين بفعل التراكمات والممارسات السلطوية من جهة،وأسباب موضوعية )سياسية في الجزائر واقتصادية في السودان( من جهة أخرى. شهد الحراك الشعبي المستمر وشبه المتزامن في السودان والجزائر بعض أوجه التشابه والاختلاف، كما لم يُسفر عن أي صورة واضحة ونهائية لما سيكون عليه المستقبل السياسي وآفاق الانتقال الديمقراطي في هذين البلدين، ومع ذلك نحن أمام لحظة فارقة ومفصلية أعمق تأثيرًا من الموجة الأولى للحراك العربي. ستحاول هذه الدراسة عقد المقارنة بين الحراكين من حيث أنماط التغيير وفعل الاحتجاج أولاً، والفواعل والأدوار بالتركيز على المؤسسةالعسكرية ثانيًا، وأخيرًا من حيث التفاعلات والمسارات والمخرجات.
تحول أنماط النزاعات في إفريقيا..العوامل والتأثيرات, 2019
The Rwandan genocide was a milestone in increasing international awareness and academic interest ... more The Rwandan genocide was a milestone in increasing international awareness and academic interest in the transformation of conflict patterns in Africa. The end of the Cold War was a milestone in the transition of the focus of analysis in African conflicts from the state to the level of society and the individual at the theoretical level. It also brought to the surface the problems of colonialism, and the theory of nation-building, and the resulting ethnic and racial conflicts and the difficulties between achieving social and national integration at the level of African reality. Through a major theoretical effort in international relations theory, this article seeks to understand the state of transformation of conflict patterns in Africa by focusing on factors and influences. The study starts from a theoretical problem that manifests itself in the many and varied theoretical approaches that explain the phenomenon of conflict in Africa, a theoretical momentum that tried to study the characteristics and causes of the conflict and conflict phenomenon within the state in Africa as one of the distinctive features that characterized the African state after the Cold War. Within this context, emphasis has been placed on major theories in the field of international relations to explain the phenomenon of African conflicts. The article reviews the transformation of conflict patterns in Africa and argues that conflict in Africa stems from the remnants of colonialism, crises of national governance, and the failure of governments institutions in African countries to mediate conflicts and conflicts, as well as the heterogeneous ethnic composition of African countries, and the sustainability of the fragile economics, ineffective mediation, negative roles of the external factor and third parties in feeding conflict. The article argues that an effective response to African conflicts must begin to understand and address their causes. The article concludes with an analysis of three levels of conflict: state, society, and the individual.
العلاقات المدنية-العسكرية وتحديات السيطرة المدنية في مصر بعد2011: المؤسسة العسكرية في مواجهة قواعد الديمقراطية, 2019
Abstract:
According to the theory of democracy, the army or the military institution shoul... more Abstract: According to the theory of democracy, the army or the military institution should be a subject to the control of people’s representatives who hold the supreme authority by virtue of their election. However, de facto or by virtue of existing laws and regulations, many armies have a lot of privileges and a large margin of independence which is in general the case for many emerging democracies. This study deals with the analysis of civil-military relations in regard to the Egyptian experience after 2011, discussing through a specific methodology the motives and incentives for the intervention of the military in political life, and also looking at the impediments to the institutionalization of civilian control and failure to consolidate the nascent democracy. Also with reference to the demilitarization of the political power in Egypt, the process remains a long and complex that could take many years.
Keywords: Military institution, army, civilian control, democracy, Egypt.
التحديات الأمنية الدولية في منطقة المغرب العربي: دراسة في التصور الأمني الأوروبي والأمريكي, 2016
حمل عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة مجموعة من التحولات الأمنية المعقدة والمركبة والمتشابكة، فعلى المستو... more حمل عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة مجموعة من التحولات الأمنية المعقدة والمركبة والمتشابكة، فعلى المستوى النظري تم توسيع وتعميق مفهوم الأمن خارج الإطار العسكري ليشمل أبعاداً إضافية، وعلى المستوى الواقعي فقد حملت البيئة الأمنية لهذه الفترة وما بعدها مجموعة من التهديدات والتحديات الأمنية الجديدة، ضف إلى ذلك ظهور فواعل جديدة مهددة للأمن كالإرهاب الدولي ونشاطات الجريمة المنظمة. ويبرز في هذا الإطار إقليم المغرب العربي كأحد المناطق الجغرافية، في التقسيم الجيبوبولتيكي في العالم، التي شهدت مجموعة من التهديدات الأمنية على غرار الأعمال الإرهابية، ونشاطات الإجرام المنظم وتزايد الهجرة غير الشرعية تجاه الضفة الشمالية للمتوسط، وقد حظيت هذه المنطقة باهتمام بالغ ضمن الدوائر الأمنية الأوروبية، وفي الأجندة الأمنية الأمريكية خاصة بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر 2001 التي شهدتها الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، وأحداث 11 مارس 2004 التي عرفتها العاصمة الإسبانية مدريد. وانطلاقاً من ذلك، وتأسيساً عليه ستجيب هذه الورقة على الإشكالية التالية: ما موقع المنطقة المغاربية ضمن التصور الأمني الأوروبي والأمريكي؟، وذلك من خلال أربعة محاور أساسية في الورقة؛ الأهمية الاستراتيجية لمنطقة المغرب العربي، المنظور الأوروبي للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي، المنظور الأمريكي للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي، النظرة الثنائية للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي: تنافس أم تكامل؟. وقد خلصت الدراسة إلى أن التصورين الأوروبي والأمريكي للأمن في المنطقة المغاربية يحمل على الاعتقاد وكأن الدول المغاربية موجهة بالسياسات والمبادرات والمشاريع الغريبة، دون أن يكون لها دور يد في اختيار توجهاتها الاستراتيجية وأساليب اتخاذ قرارها السياسي، كما يحمل هذا الاعتقاد إلى أن الدول المغاربية بقيت أسيرة هذه المخططات والمشاريع دون أن تقوي بيتها (الاتحاد المغاربي) لتصبح قوة تفاوضية تستطيع جني المكاسب أكثر وبدون تقديم تنازلات كبيرة، الشيء الذي يستدعي إلى تفعيل الاتحاد المغاربي الذي أصبح ضرورة ملحة واستراتيجية، فإن فشلت الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية في تفعيله، يبدو أنه يمكن للتهديدات الأمنية في هذه المنطقة أن تبعث على التكامل المغاربي.
The presence of the external factor is usually related to the context of the popular hirak, the p... more The presence of the external factor is usually related to the context of the popular hirak, the periods of political transition and the transitional phases in many countries. This factor is evident in countries with a geopolitical position in regional and international competition. This study discusses the variable of the external factor in the 22 February 2019 hirak in Algeria by examining the limits of international and regional interventions in steering the course of the popular hirak compared to other Arab cases where the external factor seemed to be more influential. It aims to discuss the determinants of Algeria's relations with regional and international powers and to explain the issue of the lack of external interference in the popular hirak, ending with the modalities of the future of the turbulent political path and discussing the possibilities of transformation from abroad. The study concludes that the lack of regional and international intervention in the popular hirak is mainly related to geopolitical and strategic constraints, far from value and normative considerations. The behaviour of external forces is determined by Algeria's geopolitical situation. The risks of instability in the country would create highly complex security challenges in the Mediterranean region. Added to this is the importance of Algeria in assessing the strategic balances in the region, especially for European security.
African societies have known the existence of civil society organizations since
ancient times, as... more African societies have known the existence of civil society organizations since ancient times, as they played a role in the overthrow of colonial regimes during colonialism and could have achieved an effective role in the post-colonial phase. However, their link with the crisis of Stateness and the repercussions of the colonial legacy made substantive characteristics to the concept of civil society in sub-Saharan Africa, which are different from the Western concept. This is due to the internal structures that bear practices resulting from the link between the past and the present, where African countries inherited authoritarian practices supported by clientelism and personalization of power and the ruler’s dominance over the joints of political and social life through the corporate system in sub-Saharan Africa, where civil society recruits politically for loyalty to authority, and in return, these organizations receive special privileges, as well as the state’s monopoly over the media, especially within the one-party system, with bureaucratic obstacles. This led to the disruption of the civic sense, particularly when it was fueled by tribalism and ethnicity. Civil society organizations spread in the region in the form of syndicate, religious organizations, and professional unions, which contributed to the waves of political liberalization and democratization in sub-Saharan Africa, including associations of lawyers and journalists and farmers’ organizations. There are also those who obtain external support, such as religious organizations, as they become subject to external parties. African countries have been in line with democratic reforms by expanding the spread of civil society in various fields, including human rights, moreover, Civil society institutes have also been developed regionally, aiming to encourage society to express its interests. However, the absence of a definitive separation between the state and civil society in sub-Saharan Africa makes the latter a dependent party to the equation, therefore, it carries complications when it employed in Africa. Conversely, on the other hand, civil society may achieve democratic consolidation through the emergence of the middle class, which has a role in building associations and organizations, but it still faces financial problems, security and political instability in sub-Saharan Africa. Hence, the role of civil society can only be activated by achieving its independence and strengthening it, by discussing societal issues to increase political awareness, civic education, creating an environment conducive to political action, and taking into account Western mechanisms for the specifics African societies and spreading a culture of dialogue, accountability and respect for other
إدارة العلاقات المدنية-العسكرية في ظل جائحة كورونا: دراسة في الحالة الإفريقية, 2022
مثلت جائحة )كوفيد- 19 ( أزمة صحية عامة، كانت تداعياتها واسعة النطاق؛ حيث أربكت
النظم الصحية وأ... more مثلت جائحة )كوفيد- 19 ( أزمة صحية عامة، كانت تداعياتها واسعة النطاق؛ حيث أربكت
النظم الصحية وأجهزة الدولة في كل دول العالم، دون استثناء، كما أجبرت الجائحة الحكومات
على تسخير كل مواردها وطاقاتها للحد من انتشارها؛ ففي كثير من البلدان، كان نشر قوات
الجيش لمساعدة السلطات المدنية في محاربة الجائحة ضرورة ملحة، في حين أن مشاركة القوات
المسلحة في مثل هذه الأنشطة، قد يبدو غير مفهوم، أو قد يبدو أنه يقع خارج نطاق صلاحياتهم.
وفي السياق الإفريقي؛ حيث انخراط الجيش في السياسة الداخلية، يُمثل معضلة حقيقية، ويُظهِر
تقاسم المسؤولية مع الفواعل المدنية في ظل الكوارث الإنسانية، والأزمات الصحية منهجا، قد
يُسهم في الدفع نحو مأسسة السيطرة المدنية. في هذا المقال؛ نوضح الإجابة عن سؤال ملحٍّ،
يتمثل في: هل يمكن لجائحة كوفيد- 19 تقوية التعاون المشترك المدني- العسكري، وإعادة التوازن
للعلاقات المدنية - العسكرية في السياق الإفريقي؟
يختبر المقال فرضية رئيسة؛ مفادها أنّ إدارة العلاقات المدنية – العسكرية، في ظل جائحة
كوفيد- 19 ، أفضت إلى الارتباط بين الاستجابة العسكرية، والمصالح المدنية، في ظل مسارات
العسكرة المعقدة للأنظمة السياسية في إفريقيا.
واقع الدراسات الإفريقية في الجزائر.. دراسة وصفية تحليلية, 2021
By virtue of the geographical proximity and the historical depth
of Algeria in the sub... more By virtue of the geographical proximity and the historical depth of Algeria in the sub-Saharan Africa, the status of Africa is prominent to Algeria, particularly in light of the regional and international competition on this continent. Apart from its presence at the political and security level, Algerian social, cultural and economic presence remains modest within the continent due to the view of the African depth as a source of the security threat, not as a civilizational extension. Amending this issue is mainly related to understanding the other by supporting research centres and think tanks, encouraging research and scientific studies to know the African continent, and then promoting national interests. However, the fact of African studies in Algeria is also witnessing a stumble and weakness in performance and output, affected by the Algerian decision-maker›s view of the African continent. This research paper attempts to provide a comprehensive survey on the reality of African studies in Algeria in general and at Algerian universities in specific. It also discusses the position of African studies by focusing on political studies and linking them to the general trends of the state’s public policy, by asking the following question: How does politics affect the development of this field of knowledge in Algeria? despite its significance in promoting and protecting national security and national interests. Finally, this study examines and discusses the challenges facing African studies in Algeria, it reviews the mechanisms to correct these imbalances and deficiencies, and finding a place worthy of the field of African studies for its scientific and practical importance as an entry point to understand the other, and maximize the strategic gains of the Algerian state, and Arab interests vis-a-vis Western powers
«Challenges of the Post-2011 Civilian Control of Egyptian Military» In.The Quest for Democracy: Examining Civil-Military Relations in Muslim Societies
In countries where democracy is still in crisis, a wider debate about civilmilitary
relations and... more In countries where democracy is still in crisis, a wider debate about civilmilitary relations and interactions has emerged. The Egyptian experience, in this context, is crucial when examining the political role of the military and civil-military relations. After the 2011 Arab Spring, the issue raised serious academic debates, especially due to the interference of the army in politics, and its unprecedented concentration of power, whether through its alignment with the masses or in undermining the democratization process in 2013. Accordingly, this paper addresses the realities of civil-military relations and the challenges of civilian control of the military in Egypt. It starts with a literature review of democratic civil control with a special focus on the Egyptian experience. The paper also will re-examine the factors and motives of the military’s involvement in politics, as well as the challenges of institutionalizing civilian control and consolidating an emerging democratic system. However, the paper cautions that successfully achieving civilian control over the military in Egypt remains a long and complex process that may last for many years.
جائحة كوفيد-19 واحتمالات التحول في النظام الدولي.. التأثيرات السياسية في منطقة غرب إفريقيا, 2020
Despite being far away from the core of the issues of
international disputes, the Covid-19, that ... more Despite being far away from the core of the issues of international disputes, the Covid-19, that may affect the international system, may also cast shadows on West Africa. The outbreak of the virus will raise speculations about how the world will be in the post-pandemic; also its impact on West African countries, however, will still unclear. To answer the question of how West Africa will be in the post-pandemic, this paper argues that despite being exceptional area with its ethnic complexities, security instability, economic problems and political issues, west African region will be shaped according to the new international system in post-pandemic. Therefore, the paper provides three different scenarios, as it projects each scenario on West African region. The aim of this paper is to upgrade the awareness for those who are interested in the region, from decision makers to students, up to those who can do something to stifle what would be disastrous in the region, or at least make West African voices heard
الجزائر والسودان: العرض السلطوي في مواجهة زيادة الطلب الشعبي على الديمقراطية, 2020
نجت الجزائر والسودان من موجة ما اصطلح عليه "الربيع العربي" سنة 2011 ، واكتسب النظامان مناعة في وج... more نجت الجزائر والسودان من موجة ما اصطلح عليه "الربيع العربي" سنة 2011 ، واكتسب النظامان مناعة في وجه الضغوط الدّاخلية والإقليمية ع رب خيار الإسكات الاقتصادي وشراء السلم الاجتماعي، لكن سرعان ما تجدد الحراك في البلدين بفعل التراكمات والممارسات السلطوية من جهة،وأسباب موضوعية )سياسية في الجزائر واقتصادية في السودان( من جهة أخرى. شهد الحراك الشعبي المستمر وشبه المتزامن في السودان والجزائر بعض أوجه التشابه والاختلاف، كما لم يُسفر عن أي صورة واضحة ونهائية لما سيكون عليه المستقبل السياسي وآفاق الانتقال الديمقراطي في هذين البلدين، ومع ذلك نحن أمام لحظة فارقة ومفصلية أعمق تأثيرًا من الموجة الأولى للحراك العربي. ستحاول هذه الدراسة عقد المقارنة بين الحراكين من حيث أنماط التغيير وفعل الاحتجاج أولاً، والفواعل والأدوار بالتركيز على المؤسسةالعسكرية ثانيًا، وأخيرًا من حيث التفاعلات والمسارات والمخرجات.
تحول أنماط النزاعات في إفريقيا..العوامل والتأثيرات, 2019
The Rwandan genocide was a milestone in increasing international awareness and academic interest ... more The Rwandan genocide was a milestone in increasing international awareness and academic interest in the transformation of conflict patterns in Africa. The end of the Cold War was a milestone in the transition of the focus of analysis in African conflicts from the state to the level of society and the individual at the theoretical level. It also brought to the surface the problems of colonialism, and the theory of nation-building, and the resulting ethnic and racial conflicts and the difficulties between achieving social and national integration at the level of African reality. Through a major theoretical effort in international relations theory, this article seeks to understand the state of transformation of conflict patterns in Africa by focusing on factors and influences. The study starts from a theoretical problem that manifests itself in the many and varied theoretical approaches that explain the phenomenon of conflict in Africa, a theoretical momentum that tried to study the characteristics and causes of the conflict and conflict phenomenon within the state in Africa as one of the distinctive features that characterized the African state after the Cold War. Within this context, emphasis has been placed on major theories in the field of international relations to explain the phenomenon of African conflicts. The article reviews the transformation of conflict patterns in Africa and argues that conflict in Africa stems from the remnants of colonialism, crises of national governance, and the failure of governments institutions in African countries to mediate conflicts and conflicts, as well as the heterogeneous ethnic composition of African countries, and the sustainability of the fragile economics, ineffective mediation, negative roles of the external factor and third parties in feeding conflict. The article argues that an effective response to African conflicts must begin to understand and address their causes. The article concludes with an analysis of three levels of conflict: state, society, and the individual.
العلاقات المدنية-العسكرية وتحديات السيطرة المدنية في مصر بعد2011: المؤسسة العسكرية في مواجهة قواعد الديمقراطية, 2019
Abstract:
According to the theory of democracy, the army or the military institution shoul... more Abstract: According to the theory of democracy, the army or the military institution should be a subject to the control of people’s representatives who hold the supreme authority by virtue of their election. However, de facto or by virtue of existing laws and regulations, many armies have a lot of privileges and a large margin of independence which is in general the case for many emerging democracies. This study deals with the analysis of civil-military relations in regard to the Egyptian experience after 2011, discussing through a specific methodology the motives and incentives for the intervention of the military in political life, and also looking at the impediments to the institutionalization of civilian control and failure to consolidate the nascent democracy. Also with reference to the demilitarization of the political power in Egypt, the process remains a long and complex that could take many years.
Keywords: Military institution, army, civilian control, democracy, Egypt.
التحديات الأمنية الدولية في منطقة المغرب العربي: دراسة في التصور الأمني الأوروبي والأمريكي, 2016
حمل عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة مجموعة من التحولات الأمنية المعقدة والمركبة والمتشابكة، فعلى المستو... more حمل عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة مجموعة من التحولات الأمنية المعقدة والمركبة والمتشابكة، فعلى المستوى النظري تم توسيع وتعميق مفهوم الأمن خارج الإطار العسكري ليشمل أبعاداً إضافية، وعلى المستوى الواقعي فقد حملت البيئة الأمنية لهذه الفترة وما بعدها مجموعة من التهديدات والتحديات الأمنية الجديدة، ضف إلى ذلك ظهور فواعل جديدة مهددة للأمن كالإرهاب الدولي ونشاطات الجريمة المنظمة. ويبرز في هذا الإطار إقليم المغرب العربي كأحد المناطق الجغرافية، في التقسيم الجيبوبولتيكي في العالم، التي شهدت مجموعة من التهديدات الأمنية على غرار الأعمال الإرهابية، ونشاطات الإجرام المنظم وتزايد الهجرة غير الشرعية تجاه الضفة الشمالية للمتوسط، وقد حظيت هذه المنطقة باهتمام بالغ ضمن الدوائر الأمنية الأوروبية، وفي الأجندة الأمنية الأمريكية خاصة بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر 2001 التي شهدتها الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، وأحداث 11 مارس 2004 التي عرفتها العاصمة الإسبانية مدريد. وانطلاقاً من ذلك، وتأسيساً عليه ستجيب هذه الورقة على الإشكالية التالية: ما موقع المنطقة المغاربية ضمن التصور الأمني الأوروبي والأمريكي؟، وذلك من خلال أربعة محاور أساسية في الورقة؛ الأهمية الاستراتيجية لمنطقة المغرب العربي، المنظور الأوروبي للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي، المنظور الأمريكي للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي، النظرة الثنائية للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي: تنافس أم تكامل؟. وقد خلصت الدراسة إلى أن التصورين الأوروبي والأمريكي للأمن في المنطقة المغاربية يحمل على الاعتقاد وكأن الدول المغاربية موجهة بالسياسات والمبادرات والمشاريع الغريبة، دون أن يكون لها دور يد في اختيار توجهاتها الاستراتيجية وأساليب اتخاذ قرارها السياسي، كما يحمل هذا الاعتقاد إلى أن الدول المغاربية بقيت أسيرة هذه المخططات والمشاريع دون أن تقوي بيتها (الاتحاد المغاربي) لتصبح قوة تفاوضية تستطيع جني المكاسب أكثر وبدون تقديم تنازلات كبيرة، الشيء الذي يستدعي إلى تفعيل الاتحاد المغاربي الذي أصبح ضرورة ملحة واستراتيجية، فإن فشلت الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية في تفعيله، يبدو أنه يمكن للتهديدات الأمنية في هذه المنطقة أن تبعث على التكامل المغاربي.
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ancient times, as they played a role in the overthrow of colonial regimes during colonialism
and could have achieved an effective role in the post-colonial phase. However, their
link with the crisis of Stateness and the repercussions of the colonial legacy made
substantive characteristics to the concept of civil society in sub-Saharan Africa, which
are different from the Western concept. This is due to the internal structures that bear
practices resulting from the link between the past and the present, where African
countries inherited authoritarian practices supported by clientelism and personalization
of power and the ruler’s dominance over the joints of political and social life through
the corporate system in sub-Saharan Africa, where civil society recruits politically for
loyalty to authority, and in return, these organizations receive special privileges, as well
as the state’s monopoly over the media, especially within the one-party system, with
bureaucratic obstacles. This led to the disruption of the civic sense, particularly when it
was fueled by tribalism and ethnicity.
Civil society organizations spread in the region in the form of syndicate, religious
organizations, and professional unions, which contributed to the waves of political
liberalization and democratization in sub-Saharan Africa, including associations of lawyers
and journalists and farmers’ organizations. There are also those who obtain external
support, such as religious organizations, as they become subject to external parties.
African countries have been in line with democratic reforms by expanding the
spread of civil society in various fields, including human rights, moreover, Civil society
institutes have also been developed regionally, aiming to encourage society to express
its interests. However, the absence of a definitive separation between the state and
civil society in sub-Saharan Africa makes the latter a dependent party to the equation,
therefore, it carries complications when it employed in Africa. Conversely, on the other
hand, civil society may achieve democratic consolidation through the emergence of the
middle class, which has a role in building associations and organizations, but it still faces
financial problems, security and political instability in sub-Saharan Africa. Hence, the role
of civil society can only be activated by achieving its independence and strengthening it,
by discussing societal issues to increase political awareness, civic education, creating an
environment conducive to political action, and taking into account Western mechanisms
for the specifics African societies and spreading a culture of dialogue, accountability and respect for other
النظم الصحية وأجهزة الدولة في كل دول العالم، دون استثناء، كما أجبرت الجائحة الحكومات
على تسخير كل مواردها وطاقاتها للحد من انتشارها؛ ففي كثير من البلدان، كان نشر قوات
الجيش لمساعدة السلطات المدنية في محاربة الجائحة ضرورة ملحة، في حين أن مشاركة القوات
المسلحة في مثل هذه الأنشطة، قد يبدو غير مفهوم، أو قد يبدو أنه يقع خارج نطاق صلاحياتهم.
وفي السياق الإفريقي؛ حيث انخراط الجيش في السياسة الداخلية، يُمثل معضلة حقيقية، ويُظهِر
تقاسم المسؤولية مع الفواعل المدنية في ظل الكوارث الإنسانية، والأزمات الصحية منهجا، قد
يُسهم في الدفع نحو مأسسة السيطرة المدنية. في هذا المقال؛ نوضح الإجابة عن سؤال ملحٍّ،
يتمثل في: هل يمكن لجائحة كوفيد- 19 تقوية التعاون المشترك المدني- العسكري، وإعادة التوازن
للعلاقات المدنية - العسكرية في السياق الإفريقي؟
يختبر المقال فرضية رئيسة؛ مفادها أنّ إدارة العلاقات المدنية – العسكرية، في ظل جائحة
كوفيد- 19 ، أفضت إلى الارتباط بين الاستجابة العسكرية، والمصالح المدنية، في ظل مسارات
العسكرة المعقدة للأنظمة السياسية في إفريقيا.
of Algeria in the sub-Saharan Africa, the status of Africa is prominent
to Algeria, particularly in light of the regional and international
competition on this continent. Apart from its presence at the political
and security level, Algerian social, cultural and economic presence
remains modest within the continent due to the view of the African
depth as a source of the security threat, not as a civilizational extension.
Amending this issue is mainly related to understanding the other by
supporting research centres and think tanks, encouraging research and
scientific studies to know the African continent, and then promoting
national interests. However, the fact of African studies in Algeria is
also witnessing a stumble and weakness in performance and output,
affected by the Algerian decision-maker›s view of the African continent.
This research paper attempts to provide a comprehensive survey
on the reality of African studies in Algeria in general and at Algerian
universities in specific. It also discusses the position of African studies
by focusing on political studies and linking them to the general trends
of the state’s public policy, by asking the following question: How does
politics affect the development of this field of knowledge in Algeria?
despite its significance in promoting and protecting national security
and national interests. Finally, this study examines and discusses the
challenges facing African studies in Algeria, it reviews the mechanisms
to correct these imbalances and deficiencies, and finding a place worthy
of the field of African studies for its scientific and practical importance
as an entry point to understand the other, and maximize the strategic
gains of the Algerian state, and Arab interests vis-a-vis Western powers
relations and interactions has emerged. The Egyptian experience,
in this context, is crucial when examining the political role of the military
and civil-military relations. After the 2011 Arab Spring, the issue raised
serious academic debates, especially due to the interference of the army
in politics, and its unprecedented concentration of power, whether
through its alignment with the masses or in undermining the
democratization process in 2013. Accordingly, this paper addresses the
realities of civil-military relations and the challenges of civilian control
of the military in Egypt. It starts with a literature review of democratic
civil control with a special focus on the Egyptian experience. The paper
also will re-examine the factors and motives of the military’s
involvement in politics, as well as the challenges of institutionalizing
civilian control and consolidating an emerging democratic system.
However, the paper cautions that successfully achieving civilian control
over the military in Egypt remains a long and complex process that may
last for many years.
international disputes, the Covid-19, that may affect the
international system, may also cast shadows on West Africa.
The outbreak of the virus will raise speculations about how
the world will be in the post-pandemic; also its impact on
West African countries, however, will still unclear. To answer
the question of how West Africa will be in the post-pandemic,
this paper argues that despite being exceptional area with its
ethnic complexities, security instability, economic problems
and political issues, west African region will be shaped
according to the new international system in post-pandemic.
Therefore, the paper provides three different scenarios, as it
projects each scenario on West African region. The aim of this
paper is to upgrade the awareness for those who are interested
in the region, from decision makers to students, up to those
who can do something to stifle what would be disastrous in
the region, or at least make West African voices heard
The article reviews the transformation of conflict patterns in Africa and argues that conflict in Africa stems from the remnants of colonialism, crises of national governance, and the failure of governments institutions in African countries to mediate conflicts and conflicts, as well as the heterogeneous ethnic composition of African countries, and the sustainability of the fragile economics, ineffective mediation, negative roles of the external factor and third parties in feeding conflict. The article argues that an effective response to African conflicts must begin to understand and address their causes. The article concludes with an analysis of three levels of conflict: state, society, and the individual.
According to the theory of democracy, the army or the military institution should be a subject to the control of people’s representatives who hold the supreme authority by virtue of their election. However, de facto or by virtue of existing laws and regulations, many armies have a lot of privileges and a large margin of independence which is in general the case for many emerging democracies. This study deals with the analysis of civil-military relations in regard to the Egyptian experience after 2011, discussing through a specific methodology the motives and incentives for the intervention of the military in political life, and also looking at the impediments to the institutionalization of civilian control and failure to consolidate the nascent democracy. Also with reference to the demilitarization of the political power in Egypt, the process remains a long and complex that could take many years.
Keywords: Military institution, army, civilian control, democracy, Egypt.
كالإرهاب الدولي ونشاطات الجريمة المنظمة.
ويبرز في هذا الإطار إقليم المغرب العربي كأحد المناطق الجغرافية، في التقسيم الجيبوبولتيكي في العالم، التي شهدت مجموعة من التهديدات الأمنية على غرار الأعمال الإرهابية، ونشاطات الإجرام المنظم وتزايد الهجرة غير الشرعية تجاه الضفة الشمالية للمتوسط، وقد حظيت هذه المنطقة باهتمام بالغ ضمن الدوائر الأمنية الأوروبية، وفي الأجندة الأمنية الأمريكية خاصة بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر 2001 التي شهدتها الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، وأحداث 11 مارس 2004 التي عرفتها العاصمة الإسبانية مدريد.
وانطلاقاً من ذلك، وتأسيساً عليه ستجيب هذه الورقة على الإشكالية التالية: ما موقع المنطقة المغاربية ضمن التصور الأمني الأوروبي والأمريكي؟، وذلك من خلال أربعة محاور أساسية في الورقة؛ الأهمية الاستراتيجية لمنطقة المغرب العربي، المنظور الأوروبي للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي، المنظور الأمريكي للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي، النظرة الثنائية للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي: تنافس أم تكامل؟.
وقد خلصت الدراسة إلى أن التصورين الأوروبي والأمريكي للأمن في المنطقة المغاربية يحمل على الاعتقاد وكأن الدول المغاربية موجهة بالسياسات والمبادرات والمشاريع الغريبة، دون أن يكون لها دور يد في اختيار توجهاتها الاستراتيجية وأساليب اتخاذ قرارها السياسي، كما يحمل هذا الاعتقاد إلى أن الدول المغاربية بقيت أسيرة هذه المخططات والمشاريع دون أن تقوي بيتها (الاتحاد المغاربي) لتصبح قوة تفاوضية تستطيع جني المكاسب أكثر وبدون تقديم تنازلات كبيرة، الشيء الذي يستدعي إلى تفعيل الاتحاد المغاربي الذي أصبح ضرورة ملحة واستراتيجية، فإن فشلت الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية في تفعيله، يبدو أنه يمكن للتهديدات الأمنية في هذه المنطقة أن تبعث على التكامل المغاربي.
ancient times, as they played a role in the overthrow of colonial regimes during colonialism
and could have achieved an effective role in the post-colonial phase. However, their
link with the crisis of Stateness and the repercussions of the colonial legacy made
substantive characteristics to the concept of civil society in sub-Saharan Africa, which
are different from the Western concept. This is due to the internal structures that bear
practices resulting from the link between the past and the present, where African
countries inherited authoritarian practices supported by clientelism and personalization
of power and the ruler’s dominance over the joints of political and social life through
the corporate system in sub-Saharan Africa, where civil society recruits politically for
loyalty to authority, and in return, these organizations receive special privileges, as well
as the state’s monopoly over the media, especially within the one-party system, with
bureaucratic obstacles. This led to the disruption of the civic sense, particularly when it
was fueled by tribalism and ethnicity.
Civil society organizations spread in the region in the form of syndicate, religious
organizations, and professional unions, which contributed to the waves of political
liberalization and democratization in sub-Saharan Africa, including associations of lawyers
and journalists and farmers’ organizations. There are also those who obtain external
support, such as religious organizations, as they become subject to external parties.
African countries have been in line with democratic reforms by expanding the
spread of civil society in various fields, including human rights, moreover, Civil society
institutes have also been developed regionally, aiming to encourage society to express
its interests. However, the absence of a definitive separation between the state and
civil society in sub-Saharan Africa makes the latter a dependent party to the equation,
therefore, it carries complications when it employed in Africa. Conversely, on the other
hand, civil society may achieve democratic consolidation through the emergence of the
middle class, which has a role in building associations and organizations, but it still faces
financial problems, security and political instability in sub-Saharan Africa. Hence, the role
of civil society can only be activated by achieving its independence and strengthening it,
by discussing societal issues to increase political awareness, civic education, creating an
environment conducive to political action, and taking into account Western mechanisms
for the specifics African societies and spreading a culture of dialogue, accountability and respect for other
النظم الصحية وأجهزة الدولة في كل دول العالم، دون استثناء، كما أجبرت الجائحة الحكومات
على تسخير كل مواردها وطاقاتها للحد من انتشارها؛ ففي كثير من البلدان، كان نشر قوات
الجيش لمساعدة السلطات المدنية في محاربة الجائحة ضرورة ملحة، في حين أن مشاركة القوات
المسلحة في مثل هذه الأنشطة، قد يبدو غير مفهوم، أو قد يبدو أنه يقع خارج نطاق صلاحياتهم.
وفي السياق الإفريقي؛ حيث انخراط الجيش في السياسة الداخلية، يُمثل معضلة حقيقية، ويُظهِر
تقاسم المسؤولية مع الفواعل المدنية في ظل الكوارث الإنسانية، والأزمات الصحية منهجا، قد
يُسهم في الدفع نحو مأسسة السيطرة المدنية. في هذا المقال؛ نوضح الإجابة عن سؤال ملحٍّ،
يتمثل في: هل يمكن لجائحة كوفيد- 19 تقوية التعاون المشترك المدني- العسكري، وإعادة التوازن
للعلاقات المدنية - العسكرية في السياق الإفريقي؟
يختبر المقال فرضية رئيسة؛ مفادها أنّ إدارة العلاقات المدنية – العسكرية، في ظل جائحة
كوفيد- 19 ، أفضت إلى الارتباط بين الاستجابة العسكرية، والمصالح المدنية، في ظل مسارات
العسكرة المعقدة للأنظمة السياسية في إفريقيا.
of Algeria in the sub-Saharan Africa, the status of Africa is prominent
to Algeria, particularly in light of the regional and international
competition on this continent. Apart from its presence at the political
and security level, Algerian social, cultural and economic presence
remains modest within the continent due to the view of the African
depth as a source of the security threat, not as a civilizational extension.
Amending this issue is mainly related to understanding the other by
supporting research centres and think tanks, encouraging research and
scientific studies to know the African continent, and then promoting
national interests. However, the fact of African studies in Algeria is
also witnessing a stumble and weakness in performance and output,
affected by the Algerian decision-maker›s view of the African continent.
This research paper attempts to provide a comprehensive survey
on the reality of African studies in Algeria in general and at Algerian
universities in specific. It also discusses the position of African studies
by focusing on political studies and linking them to the general trends
of the state’s public policy, by asking the following question: How does
politics affect the development of this field of knowledge in Algeria?
despite its significance in promoting and protecting national security
and national interests. Finally, this study examines and discusses the
challenges facing African studies in Algeria, it reviews the mechanisms
to correct these imbalances and deficiencies, and finding a place worthy
of the field of African studies for its scientific and practical importance
as an entry point to understand the other, and maximize the strategic
gains of the Algerian state, and Arab interests vis-a-vis Western powers
relations and interactions has emerged. The Egyptian experience,
in this context, is crucial when examining the political role of the military
and civil-military relations. After the 2011 Arab Spring, the issue raised
serious academic debates, especially due to the interference of the army
in politics, and its unprecedented concentration of power, whether
through its alignment with the masses or in undermining the
democratization process in 2013. Accordingly, this paper addresses the
realities of civil-military relations and the challenges of civilian control
of the military in Egypt. It starts with a literature review of democratic
civil control with a special focus on the Egyptian experience. The paper
also will re-examine the factors and motives of the military’s
involvement in politics, as well as the challenges of institutionalizing
civilian control and consolidating an emerging democratic system.
However, the paper cautions that successfully achieving civilian control
over the military in Egypt remains a long and complex process that may
last for many years.
international disputes, the Covid-19, that may affect the
international system, may also cast shadows on West Africa.
The outbreak of the virus will raise speculations about how
the world will be in the post-pandemic; also its impact on
West African countries, however, will still unclear. To answer
the question of how West Africa will be in the post-pandemic,
this paper argues that despite being exceptional area with its
ethnic complexities, security instability, economic problems
and political issues, west African region will be shaped
according to the new international system in post-pandemic.
Therefore, the paper provides three different scenarios, as it
projects each scenario on West African region. The aim of this
paper is to upgrade the awareness for those who are interested
in the region, from decision makers to students, up to those
who can do something to stifle what would be disastrous in
the region, or at least make West African voices heard
The article reviews the transformation of conflict patterns in Africa and argues that conflict in Africa stems from the remnants of colonialism, crises of national governance, and the failure of governments institutions in African countries to mediate conflicts and conflicts, as well as the heterogeneous ethnic composition of African countries, and the sustainability of the fragile economics, ineffective mediation, negative roles of the external factor and third parties in feeding conflict. The article argues that an effective response to African conflicts must begin to understand and address their causes. The article concludes with an analysis of three levels of conflict: state, society, and the individual.
According to the theory of democracy, the army or the military institution should be a subject to the control of people’s representatives who hold the supreme authority by virtue of their election. However, de facto or by virtue of existing laws and regulations, many armies have a lot of privileges and a large margin of independence which is in general the case for many emerging democracies. This study deals with the analysis of civil-military relations in regard to the Egyptian experience after 2011, discussing through a specific methodology the motives and incentives for the intervention of the military in political life, and also looking at the impediments to the institutionalization of civilian control and failure to consolidate the nascent democracy. Also with reference to the demilitarization of the political power in Egypt, the process remains a long and complex that could take many years.
Keywords: Military institution, army, civilian control, democracy, Egypt.
كالإرهاب الدولي ونشاطات الجريمة المنظمة.
ويبرز في هذا الإطار إقليم المغرب العربي كأحد المناطق الجغرافية، في التقسيم الجيبوبولتيكي في العالم، التي شهدت مجموعة من التهديدات الأمنية على غرار الأعمال الإرهابية، ونشاطات الإجرام المنظم وتزايد الهجرة غير الشرعية تجاه الضفة الشمالية للمتوسط، وقد حظيت هذه المنطقة باهتمام بالغ ضمن الدوائر الأمنية الأوروبية، وفي الأجندة الأمنية الأمريكية خاصة بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر 2001 التي شهدتها الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، وأحداث 11 مارس 2004 التي عرفتها العاصمة الإسبانية مدريد.
وانطلاقاً من ذلك، وتأسيساً عليه ستجيب هذه الورقة على الإشكالية التالية: ما موقع المنطقة المغاربية ضمن التصور الأمني الأوروبي والأمريكي؟، وذلك من خلال أربعة محاور أساسية في الورقة؛ الأهمية الاستراتيجية لمنطقة المغرب العربي، المنظور الأوروبي للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي، المنظور الأمريكي للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي، النظرة الثنائية للأمن في منطقة المغرب العربي: تنافس أم تكامل؟.
وقد خلصت الدراسة إلى أن التصورين الأوروبي والأمريكي للأمن في المنطقة المغاربية يحمل على الاعتقاد وكأن الدول المغاربية موجهة بالسياسات والمبادرات والمشاريع الغريبة، دون أن يكون لها دور يد في اختيار توجهاتها الاستراتيجية وأساليب اتخاذ قرارها السياسي، كما يحمل هذا الاعتقاد إلى أن الدول المغاربية بقيت أسيرة هذه المخططات والمشاريع دون أن تقوي بيتها (الاتحاد المغاربي) لتصبح قوة تفاوضية تستطيع جني المكاسب أكثر وبدون تقديم تنازلات كبيرة، الشيء الذي يستدعي إلى تفعيل الاتحاد المغاربي الذي أصبح ضرورة ملحة واستراتيجية، فإن فشلت الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية في تفعيله، يبدو أنه يمكن للتهديدات الأمنية في هذه المنطقة أن تبعث على التكامل المغاربي.