Peer-Reviewed Articles by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
European Journal of Politics and Gender, 2020
Key messages:
> From street, to state, to cyber-solutions, a range of practices exist to combat v... more Key messages:
> From street, to state, to cyber-solutions, a range of practices exist to combat violence against women in politics.
> Responses to violence against women in politics ensure justice, target social change and protect democratic integrity.
Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, 2020
Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is an issue that has rapidly gained notoriety in academ... more Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is an issue that has rapidly gained notoriety in academic works as well as in the policy world, to the extent that Mexico’s National Electoral Institute (INE), the Federal Electoral Tribunal (TEPJF) and the Prosecutor Specialized on Electoral Crimes, presented the “Protocolo para la Atención de la Violencia Política contra las Mujeres en Razón de Género” (hereafter, ‘the Protocol’, 2017) ahead of the most recent elections. This research note deepens the examination of symbolic forms of VAWP by situating the concept in relation to its theoretical origins, deconstructing it to provide further specificity and considering its value-added in terms of conceptual contributions as well as legal and social attributes. I argue that, although symbolic violence impacting women is a serious issue, it should not be regarded as part of a typology of VAWP because of its dissimilarities to other recognized types of VAWP, including in its forms, outcomes, motives and governing normative frameworks as well as the inability to document it with quantitative data. Further, incorporating symbolic violence as a category among others poses distinct practical and ethical challenges for law enforcement. Instead, symbolic violence should be studied among other theories of social control and domination.
Political Studies, 2019
How is political violence gendered? We connect the traditional political violence literature’s em... more How is political violence gendered? We connect the traditional political violence literature’s emphasis on categorizing attacks to the gender and politics literature’s analysis of the barriers to women’s political participation. Our framework separates gendered political violence into three elements. Gendered motives appear when perpetrators use violence to preserve hegemonic men’s control of politics. Gendered forms emphasize how gender roles and tropes differentially shape men’s and women’s experiences of violence. Gendered impacts capture the subjective meaning-making processes that occur as different audiences react to political violence. This approach offers researchers and policymakers greater analytic precision regarding how political violence is gendered.
Conventional knowledge on the effectiveness of gender quotas for enhancing women's political part... more Conventional knowledge on the effectiveness of gender quotas for enhancing women's political participation has, to date, been unanimous on the superiority of quotas in proportional representation (PR) systems. Yet this view overlooks the many possible alternatives to implementing gender quotas in single-member district (SMD) systems. This paper studies gender quotas (or temporary special measures) in SMD electoral systems. Drawing on case examples from Uganda, France, India and elsewhere, we refute the myth of the incompatibility of quotas in SMDs. Our research investigates and presents multiple ways in which quotas can be successfully implemented in SMDs.
Stability: International Journal of Security and Development
The rising influence of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) has paral- leled th... more The rising influence of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) has paral- leled the rapid development of women’s political participation worldwide. For women enter- ing political life or holding public positions, new ICTs are frequently used as tools of gender- specific electoral and political violence. There is evidence of ICTs being used to perpetrate a broad range of violent acts against women during elections, especially acts inflicting fear and psychological harm. Specific characteristics of ICTs are particularly adapted to misuse in this manner. Despite these significant challenges, ICTs also offer groundbreaking solutions for preventing and mitigating violence against women in elections (VAWE). Notably, ICTs combat VAWE through monitoring and documenting violence, via education and awareness- raising platforms and through empowerment and advocacy initiatives.
Hybrid regimes have posed an empiric, methodological and conceptual challenge to academics since ... more Hybrid regimes have posed an empiric, methodological and conceptual challenge to academics since their emergence in the early 1990s. One of the most ambitious studies of the nature and behavior of hybrids in the past decade is Ste ven Levitsky and Lucan Way’s 2010 book, Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold War (Cambridge University Press).
This article assesses Levitsky and Way’s CA regime classification model by in dependently reproducing it in the 14 SubSaharan African countries in the original analysis as well as in a limited number of additional cases in SubSaharan Africa. The paper opens with a presentation of the core concepts of competitive authori tarianism, an argument for the purpose of the present study, and an overview of the CA model. The replication exercise is described and the findings are reviewed in detail. The paper closes with a systematic analysis of the work, drawing on Munck and Verkuilen’s framework quality of democracy data. I describe the most significant empirical indetermina cies that arise from the methodological indeterminacies identified in the replication exercise. I conclude that the inability to replicate the case selection undermines the usefulness of the proposed model to systematically identify CA. I consider how the broader conclusions of the original work are impacted by these findings, specifically how the persistence of competitive authoritarianism in this region is impacted by variations in case selection. The article offers recommendations on how to address shortcomings in the model in order to strengthen it and adapt it to the study of other non-CA hybrid regimes.
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12286-015-0259-4
Book Chapters by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
This review focuses on two themes. First, it discusses the gendered nature of participation and s... more This review focuses on two themes. First, it discusses the gendered nature of participation and suffering in violence and war. The most striking pattern with regard to participation
in violence, including war, is that the overwhelming majority of the participants are men. This is not typically problematized in the mainstream literature on security and conflict. At the same time, the strongly gendered patterns of participation and suffering defy simplistic stereotypes that assign all men to the category of combatants and all women and children to
the role of victim.
The second theme is the relationship between gender equality and peace. In the past decade, a number of studies have shown that more gender equal societies are more peaceful. No studies have been published to disprove this association. Nonetheless, most mainstream research on the causes of war and peace continue to ignore the possible explanatory value of gender relations.
This compartmentalization and neglect of the research on the role of gender in security and conflict are not only intellectually dubious but also damaging for the practice of promoting peace and security. Evidence-based practice must take the gendered nature of war and peace into account.
Gender, Technology and Violence, 2017
The rising influence of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) has paralleled the ... more The rising influence of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) has paralleled the rapid development of women’s political participation worldwide. For women entering political life or holding public positions, new ICTs are frequently used as tools of gender-specific electoral and political violence. There is evidence of ICTs being used to perpetrate a broad range of violent acts against women during elections, especially acts inflicting fear and psychological harm. Specific characteristics of ICTs are particularly adapted to misuse in this manner. Despite these significant challenges, ICTs also offer groundbreaking solutions for preventing and mitigating violence against women in politics and elections (VAWP/VAWE). Notably, ICTs combat VAWP/VAWE through monitoring and documenting violence, via education and awareness-raising platforms and through empowerment and advocacy initiatives.
PhD Dissertation by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
“Voices, Votes and Violence: Essays on Select Dynamics of Electoral Authoritarian Regimes” concer... more “Voices, Votes and Violence: Essays on Select Dynamics of Electoral Authoritarian Regimes” concerns the expression of commonly excluded voices under electoral authoritarian (EA) regimes, from the challenges of institutionalized processes (specifically, elections and voting) to rationalizations for extra-institutional behaviors (notably political violence).
The essays are presented in two parts. The first two essays in Part I concern frameworks for studying incumbent and opposition behaviors in semi-authoritarian states. The three essays in Part II examine a specific sub-field of EA regime dynamics: political participation of women. Each chapter provides findings as summarized below.
Chapter 1 explores methodological challenges in studying semi-authoritarian regimes (such as EA) by critically engaging with a leading framework of analysis in the field. An independent replication of Levistky and Way’s 2010 classification model of competitive authoritarianism (CA) reveals coding discrepancies in the authors’ case selection which impact the broader theory of CA regimes and have methodological implications for the comparative study of hybrid regimes in general.
Chapter 2 examines opposition party behavior under EA regimes. I hypothesize that EA oppositions’ electoral and regime objectives (“dual games”) align under conditions where there is relative certainty of outcomes but diverge where either regime or electoral uncertainty is greater, resulting in four identifiable behavior types. Testing the theory on 55 elections in 29 sub-Saharan African states, I demonstrate that the four behavior types are functions of the degree of state repression and the level of organizational capacity of the opposition.
Chapter 3 reveals and defines the gendered nature of electoral violence (a common feature of EA regimes). An original database of over 2000 incidents of election violence in six countries as well as fieldwork from over fifty countries reveal the existence of significant gender-differentiation in the manifestation of election violence as well as the presence of a previously unrecognized phenomenon, gender-based election violence (GBEV). The chapter introduces definitions, a taxonomy and typology of both forms of violence.
Chapter 4 delves deeper into the topic by examining the complex relationship between information and communication technologies and gendered election violence. The notions of gender-differentiated and gender-motivated violence are extended to political violence in this chapter. Information and communication technologies are found to both facilitate gendered forms of political violence as well as empower resistance and violence mitigation.
The final chapter provides the solution to a longstanding puzzle of political exclusion in EA (and other) regimes by demonstrating the complementarity of specific forms of temporary special measures (TSMs) in electoral systems based on single-member districts (SMDs). The chapter presents a five-part classification of TSM options in SMDs, including an original interpretation of “Alternate Thresholds”. Analyzing the five TSM types through country case studies, Chapter 5 illustrated that discrepancies in the adoption of quotas between electoral systems are the result a knowledge gap rather than intrinsic traits of electoral systems, as previously assumed.
Book Reviews by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
Book Review of "The Taming of Democracy Assistance: Why Democracy Promotion Does Not Confront Dic... more Book Review of "The Taming of Democracy Assistance: Why Democracy Promotion Does Not Confront Dictators" by Sarah Sunn Bush
Policy and Practice Guidance Papers by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
Effective democracy assistance must open political spaces to diverse voices and respond to evolvi... more Effective democracy assistance must open political spaces to diverse voices and respond to evolving autocratic preservation strategies. Integrating a feminist perspective into the approach and practice of democracy promotion is essential for both of these imperatives. The following pages offer an interpretation of what a feminist approach to democracy assistance may look like in practice. I emphasize the importance of diversity and intersectional inclusion in measuring democracy and argue that gender equality and women's empowerment should be meaningfully incorporated into notions of electoral integrity, representation and electoral legal standards. Support for democracy abroad should emphasize ending impunity for violence against women in politics and look to multiple forms of and spaces for representation. The structures and mechanisms of providing this support should mirror these values as well.
Although the American policy community views the Women, Peace, and Security Act and the Internati... more Although the American policy community views the Women, Peace, and Security Act and the International Violence against Women Act of 2017 as addressing all the myriad problems women face in conflict, these laws do not adequately deal with the particular and pervasive problem of
violence against women in politics, nor has the legislation been
interpreted as covering it.
Pakistani women face unique and frequently more
severe challenges to their political participatio... more Pakistani women face unique and frequently more
severe challenges to their political participation
than men do. In particular, the violence faced by
Pakistani female political candidates, and voters
is a serious barrier to their full participation in
civic life. These challenges are especially difficult
to address because they often go unrecorded and
unreported. Security actors and public bodies
such as Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs)
may struggle to respond to protect and promote
women’s public participation because of the
absence of documentation and understanding of
the nature and magnitude of the problem, as well
as lack of specific programming responses that
may be appropriate to the context.
The present study seeks to fill this knowledge
gap by documenting the distinct challenges
to women’s political participation in Pakistan,
specifically examining the issue of violence
against women in politics (VAWP) during electoral
processes. The aim of the study is to produce an
evidence base and identify the types of VAWP
in Pakistan to encourage appropriate policy
measures through legislative reforms by Election
Commission of Pakistan (ECP), and other key
stakeholders. Specifically, the aim of this baseline
study is to identify the forms of VAWP and to
document its prevalence and magnitude in the
country. Based on this analysis, the study offers a
number of policy options to address the issue of
VAWP as well as providing recommendations to
develop effective measures for eliminating VAWP
in consultation with Civil Society Organizations
(CSOs), media, political parties, women
candidates and voters, the National Database
and Registration Authority (NADRA) and ECP. The
study concludes with recommendations for the
development of mechanisms to monitor incidents
of VAWP ahead of elections.
The publication “Preventing violence against women in elections: A programming guide”, jointly pr... more The publication “Preventing violence against women in elections: A programming guide”, jointly produced by UN Women and UNDP, brings to light the scourge of violence against women in elections.
It seeks to identify the specific components of violence against women in elections, including types, tactics, victims and perpetrators, and presents options for policy and programming responses based on current good practices. It also provides examples of definitions and methods from all regions that may prompt ideas for actions according to each country’s national context.
This guide is intended for those best positioned to prevent and mitigate violence against women in elections, including national electoral stakeholders, international organizations such as UNDP, UN Women and other UN agencies, as well as those providing programming support on electoral assistance, women’s political participation, human rights monitoring and ending violence against women. It will also be a resource for members and especially leaders of political parties, electoral management bodies, civil society organizations, women’s groups and gender equality activists.
This publication, jointly produced by UNDP and UN Women, focuses attention on the role of elector... more This publication, jointly produced by UNDP and UN Women, focuses attention on the role of electoral management bodies (EMBs) in encouraging the participation of women across various points in the electoral cycle. The Guide highlights the important work being carried out by the UN and by EMBs, offering concrete examples of steps that can be taken to remove remaining barriers that continue to affect women’s participation in electoral processes. Divided into two parts, the Guide presents strategies to mainstream gender equality within the organizational structure of EMBs (to ensure women participate at all levels of decision-making; data collected is disaggregated by sex; that the organization formalizes its commitment to gender equality through a gender policy) and in the organization and administration of the election by the EMB (voter education and outreach; candidate and voter registration processes; ensuring all voters are able to securely access a polling station).
Conventional knowledge on the effectiveness of gender quotas for enhancing women’s political part... more Conventional knowledge on the effectiveness of gender quotas for enhancing women’s political participation has, to date, been unanimous on the superiority of quotas in proportional representation (PR) systems. Yet this view overlooks the many possible alternatives to implementing gender quotas in single-member district (SMD) systems. This paper studies gender quotas (or temporary special measures, TSMs) in SMD electoral systems. Drawing on case examples from Uganda, France, India and elsewhere, we refute the myth of the incompatibility of quotas in SMDs. Our research investigates and presents multiple ways in which quotas can be successfully implemented in SMDs.
This working paper presents a series of practical considerations for ensuring security during the... more This working paper presents a series of practical considerations for ensuring security during the implementation of election violence monitoring (EVM) programs. It classifies the forms of security threats facing these programs and provides detailed recommendations on how to protect staff and project activities.
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Peer-Reviewed Articles by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
> From street, to state, to cyber-solutions, a range of practices exist to combat violence against women in politics.
> Responses to violence against women in politics ensure justice, target social change and protect democratic integrity.
This article assesses Levitsky and Way’s CA regime classification model by in dependently reproducing it in the 14 SubSaharan African countries in the original analysis as well as in a limited number of additional cases in SubSaharan Africa. The paper opens with a presentation of the core concepts of competitive authori tarianism, an argument for the purpose of the present study, and an overview of the CA model. The replication exercise is described and the findings are reviewed in detail. The paper closes with a systematic analysis of the work, drawing on Munck and Verkuilen’s framework quality of democracy data. I describe the most significant empirical indetermina cies that arise from the methodological indeterminacies identified in the replication exercise. I conclude that the inability to replicate the case selection undermines the usefulness of the proposed model to systematically identify CA. I consider how the broader conclusions of the original work are impacted by these findings, specifically how the persistence of competitive authoritarianism in this region is impacted by variations in case selection. The article offers recommendations on how to address shortcomings in the model in order to strengthen it and adapt it to the study of other non-CA hybrid regimes.
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12286-015-0259-4
Book Chapters by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
in violence, including war, is that the overwhelming majority of the participants are men. This is not typically problematized in the mainstream literature on security and conflict. At the same time, the strongly gendered patterns of participation and suffering defy simplistic stereotypes that assign all men to the category of combatants and all women and children to
the role of victim.
The second theme is the relationship between gender equality and peace. In the past decade, a number of studies have shown that more gender equal societies are more peaceful. No studies have been published to disprove this association. Nonetheless, most mainstream research on the causes of war and peace continue to ignore the possible explanatory value of gender relations.
This compartmentalization and neglect of the research on the role of gender in security and conflict are not only intellectually dubious but also damaging for the practice of promoting peace and security. Evidence-based practice must take the gendered nature of war and peace into account.
PhD Dissertation by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
The essays are presented in two parts. The first two essays in Part I concern frameworks for studying incumbent and opposition behaviors in semi-authoritarian states. The three essays in Part II examine a specific sub-field of EA regime dynamics: political participation of women. Each chapter provides findings as summarized below.
Chapter 1 explores methodological challenges in studying semi-authoritarian regimes (such as EA) by critically engaging with a leading framework of analysis in the field. An independent replication of Levistky and Way’s 2010 classification model of competitive authoritarianism (CA) reveals coding discrepancies in the authors’ case selection which impact the broader theory of CA regimes and have methodological implications for the comparative study of hybrid regimes in general.
Chapter 2 examines opposition party behavior under EA regimes. I hypothesize that EA oppositions’ electoral and regime objectives (“dual games”) align under conditions where there is relative certainty of outcomes but diverge where either regime or electoral uncertainty is greater, resulting in four identifiable behavior types. Testing the theory on 55 elections in 29 sub-Saharan African states, I demonstrate that the four behavior types are functions of the degree of state repression and the level of organizational capacity of the opposition.
Chapter 3 reveals and defines the gendered nature of electoral violence (a common feature of EA regimes). An original database of over 2000 incidents of election violence in six countries as well as fieldwork from over fifty countries reveal the existence of significant gender-differentiation in the manifestation of election violence as well as the presence of a previously unrecognized phenomenon, gender-based election violence (GBEV). The chapter introduces definitions, a taxonomy and typology of both forms of violence.
Chapter 4 delves deeper into the topic by examining the complex relationship between information and communication technologies and gendered election violence. The notions of gender-differentiated and gender-motivated violence are extended to political violence in this chapter. Information and communication technologies are found to both facilitate gendered forms of political violence as well as empower resistance and violence mitigation.
The final chapter provides the solution to a longstanding puzzle of political exclusion in EA (and other) regimes by demonstrating the complementarity of specific forms of temporary special measures (TSMs) in electoral systems based on single-member districts (SMDs). The chapter presents a five-part classification of TSM options in SMDs, including an original interpretation of “Alternate Thresholds”. Analyzing the five TSM types through country case studies, Chapter 5 illustrated that discrepancies in the adoption of quotas between electoral systems are the result a knowledge gap rather than intrinsic traits of electoral systems, as previously assumed.
Book Reviews by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
Policy and Practice Guidance Papers by Gabrielle Bardall, PhD
violence against women in politics, nor has the legislation been
interpreted as covering it.
severe challenges to their political participation
than men do. In particular, the violence faced by
Pakistani female political candidates, and voters
is a serious barrier to their full participation in
civic life. These challenges are especially difficult
to address because they often go unrecorded and
unreported. Security actors and public bodies
such as Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs)
may struggle to respond to protect and promote
women’s public participation because of the
absence of documentation and understanding of
the nature and magnitude of the problem, as well
as lack of specific programming responses that
may be appropriate to the context.
The present study seeks to fill this knowledge
gap by documenting the distinct challenges
to women’s political participation in Pakistan,
specifically examining the issue of violence
against women in politics (VAWP) during electoral
processes. The aim of the study is to produce an
evidence base and identify the types of VAWP
in Pakistan to encourage appropriate policy
measures through legislative reforms by Election
Commission of Pakistan (ECP), and other key
stakeholders. Specifically, the aim of this baseline
study is to identify the forms of VAWP and to
document its prevalence and magnitude in the
country. Based on this analysis, the study offers a
number of policy options to address the issue of
VAWP as well as providing recommendations to
develop effective measures for eliminating VAWP
in consultation with Civil Society Organizations
(CSOs), media, political parties, women
candidates and voters, the National Database
and Registration Authority (NADRA) and ECP. The
study concludes with recommendations for the
development of mechanisms to monitor incidents
of VAWP ahead of elections.
It seeks to identify the specific components of violence against women in elections, including types, tactics, victims and perpetrators, and presents options for policy and programming responses based on current good practices. It also provides examples of definitions and methods from all regions that may prompt ideas for actions according to each country’s national context.
This guide is intended for those best positioned to prevent and mitigate violence against women in elections, including national electoral stakeholders, international organizations such as UNDP, UN Women and other UN agencies, as well as those providing programming support on electoral assistance, women’s political participation, human rights monitoring and ending violence against women. It will also be a resource for members and especially leaders of political parties, electoral management bodies, civil society organizations, women’s groups and gender equality activists.
> From street, to state, to cyber-solutions, a range of practices exist to combat violence against women in politics.
> Responses to violence against women in politics ensure justice, target social change and protect democratic integrity.
This article assesses Levitsky and Way’s CA regime classification model by in dependently reproducing it in the 14 SubSaharan African countries in the original analysis as well as in a limited number of additional cases in SubSaharan Africa. The paper opens with a presentation of the core concepts of competitive authori tarianism, an argument for the purpose of the present study, and an overview of the CA model. The replication exercise is described and the findings are reviewed in detail. The paper closes with a systematic analysis of the work, drawing on Munck and Verkuilen’s framework quality of democracy data. I describe the most significant empirical indetermina cies that arise from the methodological indeterminacies identified in the replication exercise. I conclude that the inability to replicate the case selection undermines the usefulness of the proposed model to systematically identify CA. I consider how the broader conclusions of the original work are impacted by these findings, specifically how the persistence of competitive authoritarianism in this region is impacted by variations in case selection. The article offers recommendations on how to address shortcomings in the model in order to strengthen it and adapt it to the study of other non-CA hybrid regimes.
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12286-015-0259-4
in violence, including war, is that the overwhelming majority of the participants are men. This is not typically problematized in the mainstream literature on security and conflict. At the same time, the strongly gendered patterns of participation and suffering defy simplistic stereotypes that assign all men to the category of combatants and all women and children to
the role of victim.
The second theme is the relationship between gender equality and peace. In the past decade, a number of studies have shown that more gender equal societies are more peaceful. No studies have been published to disprove this association. Nonetheless, most mainstream research on the causes of war and peace continue to ignore the possible explanatory value of gender relations.
This compartmentalization and neglect of the research on the role of gender in security and conflict are not only intellectually dubious but also damaging for the practice of promoting peace and security. Evidence-based practice must take the gendered nature of war and peace into account.
The essays are presented in two parts. The first two essays in Part I concern frameworks for studying incumbent and opposition behaviors in semi-authoritarian states. The three essays in Part II examine a specific sub-field of EA regime dynamics: political participation of women. Each chapter provides findings as summarized below.
Chapter 1 explores methodological challenges in studying semi-authoritarian regimes (such as EA) by critically engaging with a leading framework of analysis in the field. An independent replication of Levistky and Way’s 2010 classification model of competitive authoritarianism (CA) reveals coding discrepancies in the authors’ case selection which impact the broader theory of CA regimes and have methodological implications for the comparative study of hybrid regimes in general.
Chapter 2 examines opposition party behavior under EA regimes. I hypothesize that EA oppositions’ electoral and regime objectives (“dual games”) align under conditions where there is relative certainty of outcomes but diverge where either regime or electoral uncertainty is greater, resulting in four identifiable behavior types. Testing the theory on 55 elections in 29 sub-Saharan African states, I demonstrate that the four behavior types are functions of the degree of state repression and the level of organizational capacity of the opposition.
Chapter 3 reveals and defines the gendered nature of electoral violence (a common feature of EA regimes). An original database of over 2000 incidents of election violence in six countries as well as fieldwork from over fifty countries reveal the existence of significant gender-differentiation in the manifestation of election violence as well as the presence of a previously unrecognized phenomenon, gender-based election violence (GBEV). The chapter introduces definitions, a taxonomy and typology of both forms of violence.
Chapter 4 delves deeper into the topic by examining the complex relationship between information and communication technologies and gendered election violence. The notions of gender-differentiated and gender-motivated violence are extended to political violence in this chapter. Information and communication technologies are found to both facilitate gendered forms of political violence as well as empower resistance and violence mitigation.
The final chapter provides the solution to a longstanding puzzle of political exclusion in EA (and other) regimes by demonstrating the complementarity of specific forms of temporary special measures (TSMs) in electoral systems based on single-member districts (SMDs). The chapter presents a five-part classification of TSM options in SMDs, including an original interpretation of “Alternate Thresholds”. Analyzing the five TSM types through country case studies, Chapter 5 illustrated that discrepancies in the adoption of quotas between electoral systems are the result a knowledge gap rather than intrinsic traits of electoral systems, as previously assumed.
violence against women in politics, nor has the legislation been
interpreted as covering it.
severe challenges to their political participation
than men do. In particular, the violence faced by
Pakistani female political candidates, and voters
is a serious barrier to their full participation in
civic life. These challenges are especially difficult
to address because they often go unrecorded and
unreported. Security actors and public bodies
such as Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs)
may struggle to respond to protect and promote
women’s public participation because of the
absence of documentation and understanding of
the nature and magnitude of the problem, as well
as lack of specific programming responses that
may be appropriate to the context.
The present study seeks to fill this knowledge
gap by documenting the distinct challenges
to women’s political participation in Pakistan,
specifically examining the issue of violence
against women in politics (VAWP) during electoral
processes. The aim of the study is to produce an
evidence base and identify the types of VAWP
in Pakistan to encourage appropriate policy
measures through legislative reforms by Election
Commission of Pakistan (ECP), and other key
stakeholders. Specifically, the aim of this baseline
study is to identify the forms of VAWP and to
document its prevalence and magnitude in the
country. Based on this analysis, the study offers a
number of policy options to address the issue of
VAWP as well as providing recommendations to
develop effective measures for eliminating VAWP
in consultation with Civil Society Organizations
(CSOs), media, political parties, women
candidates and voters, the National Database
and Registration Authority (NADRA) and ECP. The
study concludes with recommendations for the
development of mechanisms to monitor incidents
of VAWP ahead of elections.
It seeks to identify the specific components of violence against women in elections, including types, tactics, victims and perpetrators, and presents options for policy and programming responses based on current good practices. It also provides examples of definitions and methods from all regions that may prompt ideas for actions according to each country’s national context.
This guide is intended for those best positioned to prevent and mitigate violence against women in elections, including national electoral stakeholders, international organizations such as UNDP, UN Women and other UN agencies, as well as those providing programming support on electoral assistance, women’s political participation, human rights monitoring and ending violence against women. It will also be a resource for members and especially leaders of political parties, electoral management bodies, civil society organizations, women’s groups and gender equality activists.
The relationship between women’s political participation, gender inequality, and political violence has emerged as a key point of contention: some scholars suggest that women are targeted by political violence more than men, because of social resistance to this expansion of women’s traditional gender roles. Other researchers indicate that both men and women experience violence designed to achieve political ends, but that men experience physical violence, while women endure harassment and threats, often with sexual connotations.
Join us as the panel reflects on the outcomes of the elections and analyzes the opportunities and barriers presented to marginalized groups in the electoral context. Panelists will also explore the conflict dynamics around Kenyan electoral and political processes as they relate to traditionally marginalized groups and analyze the findings of IRI’s year-long assessment of barriers to their political participation.
“Freedom from Fear: Securing Rights in Challenging Times” will shine a spotlight on some of the obstacles human rights defenders are facing as governments in many countries clamp down on public debate and activism. The forum also will showcase the experiences of the courageous women and men on the front lines of this fight.