Books by Marie N Pareja
The earliest contacts between the Aegean and the Indus were once thought to begin in the sixth ce... more The earliest contacts between the Aegean and the Indus were once thought to begin in the sixth century BCE, and yet there is now growing evidence of much earlier, indirect connections that extend into the third and fourth millennia BCE. There and Back Again evaluates the evidence for such contacts, particularly commodities such as tin and lapis lazuli, and discusses recently discovered objects, new methods of materials analysis techniques and topics, as well as iconographic investigation. Such studies clearly indicate the presence of indirect, or ‘trickle down’ contacts, where Mesopotamia functions as an intermediary between Africa and Europe in the west and Asia. In such a system, objects, iconography, and culture accumulate material and social value as they were exchanged through Mesopotamia and the Near East, to the Aegean and beyond. From the Early through Late Bronze Age, the Indus (and more broadly South Asia) remained critical to western regions for valuable, indispensable commodities destined for elites from Mesopotamia and other regions to the west. The volume’s case studies are complex and multifaceted, including but not limited to linguistics, iconography, paleobotany, archaeology, ancient disease and medicine, as well as scientific, materials, and technological analysis. As such, this collection of 11 papers constitutes the first of a series that seek to address a lingering lacuna in prehistoric studies: multi-disciplinary case-studies of Afro-Eurasian exchange.
This book evaluates the evidence for indirect connections between the Aegean and the Indus extending back to the third and fourth millennia BCE, particularly commodities such as tin and lapis lazuli, and discusses recently discovered objects, new methods of materials analysis techniques and topics, as well as iconographic investigation.
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The main theme of this volume centres on how the exchange routes transformed the frontier regions... more The main theme of this volume centres on how the exchange routes transformed the frontier regions of the Silk Roads. In doing so, it utilises a range of methods expanded to reach an archaeological interpretation of the main ways that linked people with the environment. The expertise and knowledge needed to deliver an array of topics embedded in the Silk Roads environments are demonstrated in a series of case studies. Taken as a whole, the collection of papers provides an overview of current developments where multiple lines of evidence are employed at integrating and resolving different data sets. To provide consistency, the contributions address three key questions and are grouped accordingly into three related thematic sections: movements, settlements, and beliefs. Each contribution addresses an environmental or anthropological question connected with the trade and use cultural history interpretation in archaeological context to support a range of methods.
The first section centres on the question of trade networks and the migratory practices of the Silk Roads. The case studies illustrate the significance of the analyses, contextualisation, and (re)interpretation of art and objects with traditional and new methods.
The vastness of the land, the abundance of migratory opportunities with human mobility, and settlements are assessed implicitly or explicitly in the second section. The case studies focus on the question of commerce and civilian settlement formation and discuss human endeavours that transformed their landscape.
The case studies in the third part address the question of the dissemination of ritual and burial practices along the Silk Roads. The premise that a relationship exists between social, cultural, and religious is fundamental to many archaeological studies.
The case studies shed new light on several forms and levels of ancient connectivity of the Silk Roads and their lasting impact on our history that bind communities together and resonate even today. Because the Silk Roads connected a diversity of cultures, interdisciplinary collaboration is fundamental to reach the full research potential where single realms would omit the bigger picture of network connectivity. The overarching message is that contemporary archaeological efforts on the global scale are defining pivotal applications in reconstructing the ancient life along the Silk Roads. In this respect, it demonstrates how archaeological data can be integrated to deliver an exclusive viewpoint on a timeline of the Silk Roads.
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A wide variety of animals inhabit Minoan art. Each type fulfill a specific role. Monkey sand apes... more A wide variety of animals inhabit Minoan art. Each type fulfill a specific role. Monkey sand apes function very differently from other creatures: sometimes they participate in rituals, sometimes they imitate humans and sometimes they simply behave as natural animals. This study explores these different roles. The discussion of their iconography is set within the broader context of Egyptian and Near eastern art and involves consideration of the use of "pattern books," or standardized images in Minoan wall paintings, figurines, and glyptic art. The analyses inform broader themes in Minoan art, religion, and cult practice. In addition, a substantial appendix surveys the range and nature of other terrestrial, aquatic, and mythical creatures.
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Journal papers by Marie N Pareja
Arts, Special Issue: Animals in the Ancient World, 2024
The wall paintings from the site of Akrotiri, Thera are often considered instrumental to understa... more The wall paintings from the site of Akrotiri, Thera are often considered instrumental to understanding elements of life in the Bronze Age. This is partially due to their high degree of preservation. The large-scale detail present in the scenes allows for a more detailed and nuanced understanding of the imagery that survives in glyptic art that, considered together with the surviving wall paintings, helps to better inform Aegean life. Many of the iconographic elements and themes, however, remain at least partially enigmatic. This is particularly the case for Xeste 3, a cultic building at Akortiri, where the wall paintings contribute to a larger, programmatic cultic narrative. The current investigation seeks to better understand the monkeys scene from Room 2 of the first floor by deconstructing and examining each visual element via comparative analysis. They are first contextualized within the Aegean, then considered in light of Mesopotamian comparanda. This method allows for possible parallels between the monkeys from Xeste 3 and at least three priestly classes known from contemporary Mesopotamian tradition: the gala, assinnu, and kurgarrû. Each of these priestly classes belonged to the adaptable and widespread cult of Inanna, one of the most powerful and popular deities in Mesopotamia.
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Primates, 2020
In replying to our 2019 publication: “A New Identification of the Monkeys Depicted in a Bronze Ag... more In replying to our 2019 publication: “A New Identification of the Monkeys Depicted in a Bronze Age Wall Painting from Akrotiri, Thera,” Urbani and Youlatos (2020) argue for the traditional identification of the monkeys depicted on the north and west walls of room 6 of Building Complex Beta at Akrotiri, Thera, as vervet monkeys (Fig. 1). Their argument is based largely on previous scholarship and their analysis of monkey morphology as it appears in the Bronze Age artwork. Here, after clarifying some misconceptions and misquotations, we thoroughly contextualize the wall painting in question, emphasizing the importance of collaboration between disparate disciplines for a multifaceted and rigorous approach. The nature of the item in question is key in this reply: we are studying artwork. Because this is a cultural representation of monkeys rather than a study of live primates or preserved specimens, consideration of artistic choice, color conventions, and the agency of the artist are important for answering the questions raised by Urbani and Youlatos, stimulating further cross-disciplinary discussions.
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Primates, 2019
Bronze Age Aegean (ca. 3500-1100 B.C.) wall paintings from the islands of Crete and Thera depict ... more Bronze Age Aegean (ca. 3500-1100 B.C.) wall paintings from the islands of Crete and Thera depict monkeys in a variety of roles such as running wild in nature, possibly following (trained) commands, and participating in sacred activities. These images, while stylistically Aegean, are traditionally considered closely related to—and descendant from—Egyptian, Near Eastern, and Mesopotamian monkey imagery. While monkey depictions in the latter regions may provide species-specific characteristics, Aegean wall paintings typically lack this level of detail. In an attempt to better understand the relationships between the monkeys depicted in Aegean wall paintings and the species that were encountered by the Aegean, Mesopotamian, and Egyptian peoples, a collaborative team of primatologists, a taxonomic illustrator, and an art historian/archaeologist identified species-indicative visual characteristics. This collaborative approach led us to identify a new region that serves as source for monkey iconography: the Indus River Valley. With an emphasis on the primatological aspect and the growing corpus of possible Indus goods and possible species found in the Aegean, a broader iconographic and socio-religious sphere of interaction emerges. In this expanded system, Mesopotamia functions as an intermediary that enables the movement of goods, raw materials, people, and iconography between the east and west. Mesopotamia may have even afforded an opportunity for Aegean peoples to encounter the creatures themselves, first-hand. Of primary importance to the methodology employed for this project is the cooperation of scholars from disparate disciplines—the stitching together of various projects and experiences in attempt to answer both new and previously unanswerable questions. This type of interdisciplinary approach can be applied to other species, sites, paintings, and objects to hone our understanding of period, place, animal, movement, and trade.
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Proceedings of the 12th International Congress on Cretan Studies, Herakleion, 21-25.09.2016, 2019
Among the scenes in Minoan glyptic are images whose iconography suggests they may be borrowed fro... more Among the scenes in Minoan glyptic are images whose iconography suggests they may be borrowed from longer narratives. By identifying specific elements that reappear several times in seals, it may be possible to reconstruct some ceremonial practices. One example is furnished by a group of images including monkeys, baskets, women, and crocuses that tie together a series of images in seals and fresco. These images, when considered together, seem to derive from one over-arching narrative that may be illustrative of ritual behaviors. If this is the case, it becomes possible to reconstruct the participants in and basic procedures of the depicted ceremony.
A two-step reconstruction of a crocus ceremony becomes possible with the close examination of both Minoan wall paintings and glyptic sources. First, the crocus stamens are gathered by female figures and/or monkeys into baskets. Then, some of the saffron-bearing stamens are offered to the seated nature goddess. This general reconstruction of a crocus ceremony serves as one example of the many ways in which wall paintings and glyptic sources are closely related and may be read together. By coupling the readings and interpretations of individual iconographic elements from both media, one gains the ability to glean larger narratives from the series of vignettes presented in Minoan art.
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Bronze Age Clothing in Minoan Crete was multicolored and made from intricately woven textiles. Un... more Bronze Age Clothing in Minoan Crete was multicolored and made from intricately woven textiles. Until now, our only evidence related to the colors in the textiles came from the study of costume in wall paintings. Fortunately, recent research has revealed that several different dyes were produced in Minoan Crete. Clothing is depicted in frescoes and other art forms from various Middle to Late Bronze Age Aegean sites (ca.1700–1400 BCE). Many of these images such as those on the tiny surface of seals—fail to convey the strikingly colorful nature of Minoan garments. And the representation of a blue bodice is not sufficient evidence to conclude that Minoans wore indigo-dyed, blue, woolen clothing. To identify the dyestuffs used during this period, we conducted scientific analysis of the pottery from a dye workshop at Alatzomouri-Pefka in Crete.
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Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports, Jun 14, 2016
Analysis by gas chromatography was conducted on pottery from a Middle Bronze Age workshop from th... more Analysis by gas chromatography was conducted on pottery from a Middle Bronze Age workshop from the Minoan culture of Crete, confirming it as a facility for manufacturing organic dyes. The archaeological site is located at Alatzomouri-Pefka in northeast Crete. The site has a series of nine rock-cut basins associated with channels in the bedrock, remains of stone walls, and many artifacts. Its pottery provides a date in Middle Minoan IIB (ca. 1800/1700 B.C.). The gas chromatography identified three dyes (Murex purple, yellow from weld, and red from madder) as well as lanolin, the oil associated with wool from sheep.
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Conference Presentations by Marie N Pareja
Naxos Throughout the Centuries. 7th Panhellenic Scientific Conference, 2023
To hear (in Greek) more about the recent work from the Minoan-Style Peak Sanctuary at Stelida, Na... more To hear (in Greek) more about the recent work from the Minoan-Style Peak Sanctuary at Stelida, Naxos, please click the link below. Our presentation begins from approximately 1.36.
Academia won't let me add co-authors at the moment (looks like a glitch), so please also note that the following scholars are authors of this work: Tristan Carter, Dan Contreras, Shannon Crewson, Claudette Lopez, Vagia Mastrogiannopoulou, Kristine Mallinson, Dimitra Mylona, Marie N. Pareja, Georgia Tsartsidou, and Dimitris Athanasoulis.
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Final Report of the First Indus-Aegean Workshop (December 2022). Co-Organized together with Rober... more Final Report of the First Indus-Aegean Workshop (December 2022). Co-Organized together with Robert Arnott. Publication to follow in late 2023/early 2024.
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Theoretical Archaeological Group - Edinburgh, 2022
The fourth and third millennia BCE were host to the rapid expansion of Afro-Eurasian trade and ex... more The fourth and third millennia BCE were host to the rapid expansion of Afro-Eurasian trade and exchange networks. Early studies primarily focused on maritime connections among those who lived in relation to bodies of water that are considered distinct today: the Aegean Sea, the Red Sea, and Persian Gulf, and the broader Indian Ocean, for instance. Concurrently, trade relations in these regions are well accepted: between the Aegean, Egypt, and the Near East; Mesopotamia, the Near East, and Egypt; Mesopotamia, the Indus River Valley, and the regions between. Nevertheless, each of these areas is connected to the next and to those farther removed by water, whether in the form of rivers, seas, or oceans. More recent analytical studies of human remains (via strontium-isotope analysis or the study of dental calculus, among others) show that individuals not only moved between but settled in these distinct regions. This study seeks to revisit and reconsider evidence for extra-regional connections – those currently considered only indirect or down-the-line – to explore possible indications of closer and more direct relationships between these seemingly distinct cultures.
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The International Association for Archaeological Research in Western & Central Asia: Death, Rituals, and Symbolism in the Prehistoric Aegean, 2022
Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography and mater... more Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography and material evidence are sometimes at odds, and no deity possesses a repeated, reliable set of attributes. The system itself -- whether polytheistic, monotheistic, shamanic, or animist – is still debated, and Linear B evidence for polytheism does not seem to singularly support Mycenaean, Minoan, or Cycladic iconographies. This paper proposes that the ambiguity of Aegean representations of the divine was a conscious choice, which is only possible in the context of the large-scale, frequent transregional and prehistoric Afro-Eurasian exchange that peaks during the Late Bronze Age.
By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. A methodological shift in regional subdivisions is critical: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This paper ultimately entertains two options: either these are distinct deities, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent goddess is represented differently in distinct contexts, depending on which aspect best fits the culture and circumstances. Such polysemaity may recall the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar/Inanna-Ishtar). As such, possible parallels between these two deities are considered, from their places in the natural world to their associations with death and the underworld. Although exchange between Mesopotamia and the Aegean is well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historic iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored.
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The International Association for Archaeological Research in Western & Central Asia: Death, Rituals, and Symbolism in the Prehistoric Aegean, 2022
Recent archaeological discoveries reveal that Bronze Age (ca. 3,000-1,100 BCE) exchange networks ... more Recent archaeological discoveries reveal that Bronze Age (ca. 3,000-1,100 BCE) exchange networks reach from at least the Aegean to the Indus River Valley, and almost certainly much farther afield. Within the context of the quickly growing corpus of evidence for such far-flung exchange, this particular iconographic study addresses a critical and lingering lacuna: evidence for possible overlap between Aegean and Mesopotamian cosmologies, as they may relate to down-the-line exchange and western (Aegean) knowledge of eastern (Mesopotamian, Harappan, and even more distant) imports. This paper focuses on the mythical Minoan genius, a hybrid creature derived from the Egyptian Taweret, and the monkey, which may have been considered a supernatural hybrid by Aegean people. Both of these creatures serve as liminal figures in Mesopotamian and Aegean art, and yet seem to also serve distinctly different roles within the broader Aegean.
In Aegean iconography, the genius and monkey are not depicted as dead, wounded, hunted, or conquered, unlike other animals, and both creatures are depicted interacting with over-sized humans, who are traditionally identified as deities or rulers. Although monkeys are accepted as agents/symbols of rebirth and renewal in both the Aegean Islands and eastern regions, the specific role of the genius is rarely addressed, despite its depictions as performing similar tasks as those of the monkey. Perhaps more importantly, Genius iconography surges on the Greek Mainland while monkey imagery almost disappears, after eruption at Akrotiri. Perhaps the Minoan genius serves as psychopomp, escorting – in some cases, even carrying – the deceased. When considered in light of the Tiryns Ring, which preserves a subterranean scene in which several genii bring libations to a seated female figure, a pattern emerges in which a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the liminal natures of these creatures becomes possible. This study interrogates notions of liminality, the metaphysical, death, and renewal within Bronze Age cosmologies.
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International Workshop on the Relations Between the Indus and the Aegean in the Bronze Age, 2022
Possible Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography ... more Possible Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography and material evidence are sometimes at odds, and deities rarely possess a reliable set of attributes. The type of system -- whether polytheistic, monotheistic, shamanic, or animist – is still debated, and Linear B evidence for polytheism does not often seem to support Mycenaean, Minoan, or Cycladic iconographies. This investigation suggests that the ambiguity and polyvalent nature of Aegean representations of the divine was a conscious choice, and one that is only possible in the context of the large-scale, frequent transregional and prehistoric Afro-Eurasian exchange that peaks during the Late Bronze Age.
By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the body of existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. Critical to this theory is a methodological shift in the conception of regional subdivisions: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider only islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This ultimately leads to two options: either two distinct goddesses exist, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent deity is represented in terms of which aspect best fits the culture, circumstances, and period. Such polysemaity of a deity is present in the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar or Inanna-Ishtar). The possible parallels between Inanna(-Ishtar) and the Aegean Potnia are explored and examined. Although the connections between Mesopotamia and the Aegean are well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historical and iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored.
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Archaeological Institute of America Annual Meeting, 2022
Coupling terms such as Bronze Age and plaster often conjures imagery from the wall paintings at s... more Coupling terms such as Bronze Age and plaster often conjures imagery from the wall paintings at sites such as Knossos on Crete, Akrotiri on Thera, or Pylos on the Greek mainland. Nevertheless, painted architectural decoration constitutes just one of plaster’s many uses during the Aegean
Bronze Age. Used as a hydrophobic coating for vessels and architecture, a modality for creating surface decoration, and as a lightweight medium when used on its own, it seems that plaster was broadly employed in other ways, as well. The present discussion first introduces some potentially new or often-overlooked uses of lime plaster before focusing on one type of object in particular: the tripod offering table.
The character and relative quality of tripod offering tables ranges dramatically from small and poorly-fired clay vessels to plastered, finely painted, and polished luxury items, such as those painted with dolphins and other marine motifs from Akrotiri, Thera. Some broken offering tables
recovered from the recent excavations at Sissi (on Crete) preserve evidence for prehistoric recycling: the plaster is used to bind together, coat, and then decorate the substructure, which is made from pottery. This study centers on the variability in form, function, and decoration that can be identified from tripod offering tables, which may in turn be used to interrogate current
conceptions of technologies, workshop practices, and luxury.
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During the Aegean Bronze Age (ca. 3,200-1,100 B.C.), blue pigments are rendered from a myriad of ... more During the Aegean Bronze Age (ca. 3,200-1,100 B.C.), blue pigments are rendered from a myriad of different sources across distinct media: from naturally-occurring minerals such as riebeckite and lapis lazuli to man-made compounds like Egyptian blue, and even plant- and animal-based pigments, such as murex purple and indigo. The ways in which these colors are employed in wall painting, however, often leaves modern viewers with more questions than answers. For instance, why render the shaved scalps of young individuals in blue? The fur of monkeys and cats, and the feathers of birds are not blue in reality either, so why depict them as such? One might turn to color theory, which is well established for the art of neighboring regions (Egypt, Mesopotamia), yet no such over-arching theory exists for the Aegean. Previous, cursory explanations for the choice to show a pictorial element as blue either regard Aegean artistic norms as mildly derivative of Egyptian artistic convention, or simply state that blue is more visually appealing than gray or brown. Rather than entertain reductionist notions, this paper seeks to propose a new, polyvalent understanding for the use of Aegean color. Not only might the pigments themselves serve as material references to the places from which they come (mostly The East), but blue may also be considered a luxury pigment, perhaps evocative of inextricable notions of personal or regional identity, access to far-flung trade networks, and participation in or belonging to an elite, international lineage.
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Since the start of excavations at Sissi in 2007, thousands of plaster fragments have been recover... more Since the start of excavations at Sissi in 2007, thousands of plaster fragments have been recovered and stored for conservation and study. Initially, the dirty fragments appeared to be mostly white lime plaster. During the 2017 and 2018 field seasons, a plasters specialist and conservator team inspected and cleaned several plaster samples from across the site, revealing that more than half of the samples examined preserve indications of painted surfaces.
Evidence survives from Zone 5 for the application of plaster from the Early Minoan Period. Its application levels areas where the bedrock is exceedingly uneven, and it serves a purely structural function. The majority of the remaining plaster dates to the Protopalatial period, during which the earliest painted lime plaster becomes widely employed throughout Crete. These fragments carry almost the full range of pigments, as well as evidence for the planning of the composition of the image (snap lines and incision marks). Some of these early plasters are also continuously applied from the walls to the floor with no division between planes: no seams or edges separate the plastered walls and floor. As such, this type of treatment provides an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the early and experimental phases of painted plaster. Neopalatial material survives as well, although not as much, and it is not as well preserved as the Protopalatial fragments. Nevertheless, scant evidence that suggests large-scale, possibly figural imagery survives, and parallels between identified motifs and comparanda from throughout the broader Aegean are proposed when possible.
The lengthy, nearly continuous habitation at Sissi provides an outstanding opportunity for the study of the experimentation with and development of plaster use and technology through the Bronze Age. As a site uniquely located nearest the natural gateway to East Crete, its inhabitants would have direct access to trade, technology, goods, and artistic trends from both north central and eastern Crete. As plaster studies continue at Sissi, the relationship with not only Malia, but with the rest of Crete and the broader Aegean will continue to be explored.
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Bronze Age Aegean wall paintings depicting monkeys from Crete and Thera show the animals in a var... more Bronze Age Aegean wall paintings depicting monkeys from Crete and Thera show the animals in a variety of roles, from wild to possibly trained, to cultic or sacred. These images, while stylistically Aegean, are closely related to—and seem to be descendant from—Egyptian and Near Eastern monkey and ape iconography. While monkey depictions in these latter regions often provide species-specific characteristics, Aegean wall paintings often lack this distinct level of identification. In order to better understand the relationships between the monkeys in Aegean wall paintings and those that live(d) in the Aegean, Near East, and Egypt, several primatologists were consulted to more accurately identify species-specific visual characteristics. When these identified traits are coupled with collaborators’ expertise in primate cognition, behavior, ecology, habitat, and history, a new region is recognized as a contributing source for monkey iconography: Harappa and the broader Indus River Valley. With an emphasis on the primatological aspects and the growing corpus of Indus goods and species found in the Aegean, an image emerges of an even broader iconographic and socio-religious sphere of interaction. In this expanded system, the Near East functions both as an independent source of iconography and as an intermediary that facilitated a dissemination of monkey iconography, belief systems, and possibly the creatures themselves.
Of primary importance to the methodology employed is the cooperation of scholars from seemingly disparate disciplines—the stitching together of the results of various projects and experiences to attempt to answer new (and the previously unanswerable) questions. This type of interdisciplinary approach could certainly be used for other species, sites, paintings, and objects to hone our understanding of period, place, animal, movement, and trade.
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The Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco from building Xeste 3 at Akrotiri on Thera is among the... more The Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco from building Xeste 3 at Akrotiri on Thera is among the best preserved wall paintings from the Aegean Bronze Age. Located in a ceremonial structure, the painting shows a young girl depositing crocus stamens into a basket behind a blue monkey, who stands on hind legs and offers stamens to a large, seated female figure. A leashed griffin stands behind the seated goddess, completing a scene that is considered completely Minoan in nature. Many parallels between the roles and appearances of Minoan and Egyptian monkeys are well attested in scholarship, but the possible relationships between Minoan and Near Eastern monkeys, particularly in light of this wall painting, have not yet been thoroughly explored.
Bronze Age Near Eastern figurines, plaques, hairpins, and glyptic arts preserve depictions of monkeys that fulfill a myriad of roles, including but not limited to those of their Minoan counterparts. In contrast, however, Near Eastern texts survive with reference not only to monkeys as exotic pets, but as gifts between elites, agents of healing, and sometimes even harbingers of the supernatural. These primates are frequently identified in glyptic art as participants in Presentation Scenes, and they often appear between the approaching supplicant(s) and a seated figure. These small-scale, highly portable scenes from the Near East may have served as the basis for at least the composition of the Minoan Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco.
This discussion first examines the iconography and roles of monkeys in Near East. Next, the ways in which the role of the monkey in Minoan art may be more closely associated with the animal’s role in Near Eastern than Egyptian art will be illustrated through the close examination of text, iconography, trade, and possible faunal evidence. Finally, a new possible source for the monkeys for the Near East is proposed: the Indus River Valley.
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Books by Marie N Pareja
This book evaluates the evidence for indirect connections between the Aegean and the Indus extending back to the third and fourth millennia BCE, particularly commodities such as tin and lapis lazuli, and discusses recently discovered objects, new methods of materials analysis techniques and topics, as well as iconographic investigation.
The first section centres on the question of trade networks and the migratory practices of the Silk Roads. The case studies illustrate the significance of the analyses, contextualisation, and (re)interpretation of art and objects with traditional and new methods.
The vastness of the land, the abundance of migratory opportunities with human mobility, and settlements are assessed implicitly or explicitly in the second section. The case studies focus on the question of commerce and civilian settlement formation and discuss human endeavours that transformed their landscape.
The case studies in the third part address the question of the dissemination of ritual and burial practices along the Silk Roads. The premise that a relationship exists between social, cultural, and religious is fundamental to many archaeological studies.
The case studies shed new light on several forms and levels of ancient connectivity of the Silk Roads and their lasting impact on our history that bind communities together and resonate even today. Because the Silk Roads connected a diversity of cultures, interdisciplinary collaboration is fundamental to reach the full research potential where single realms would omit the bigger picture of network connectivity. The overarching message is that contemporary archaeological efforts on the global scale are defining pivotal applications in reconstructing the ancient life along the Silk Roads. In this respect, it demonstrates how archaeological data can be integrated to deliver an exclusive viewpoint on a timeline of the Silk Roads.
Journal papers by Marie N Pareja
A two-step reconstruction of a crocus ceremony becomes possible with the close examination of both Minoan wall paintings and glyptic sources. First, the crocus stamens are gathered by female figures and/or monkeys into baskets. Then, some of the saffron-bearing stamens are offered to the seated nature goddess. This general reconstruction of a crocus ceremony serves as one example of the many ways in which wall paintings and glyptic sources are closely related and may be read together. By coupling the readings and interpretations of individual iconographic elements from both media, one gains the ability to glean larger narratives from the series of vignettes presented in Minoan art.
Conference Presentations by Marie N Pareja
Academia won't let me add co-authors at the moment (looks like a glitch), so please also note that the following scholars are authors of this work: Tristan Carter, Dan Contreras, Shannon Crewson, Claudette Lopez, Vagia Mastrogiannopoulou, Kristine Mallinson, Dimitra Mylona, Marie N. Pareja, Georgia Tsartsidou, and Dimitris Athanasoulis.
By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. A methodological shift in regional subdivisions is critical: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This paper ultimately entertains two options: either these are distinct deities, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent goddess is represented differently in distinct contexts, depending on which aspect best fits the culture and circumstances. Such polysemaity may recall the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar/Inanna-Ishtar). As such, possible parallels between these two deities are considered, from their places in the natural world to their associations with death and the underworld. Although exchange between Mesopotamia and the Aegean is well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historic iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored.
In Aegean iconography, the genius and monkey are not depicted as dead, wounded, hunted, or conquered, unlike other animals, and both creatures are depicted interacting with over-sized humans, who are traditionally identified as deities or rulers. Although monkeys are accepted as agents/symbols of rebirth and renewal in both the Aegean Islands and eastern regions, the specific role of the genius is rarely addressed, despite its depictions as performing similar tasks as those of the monkey. Perhaps more importantly, Genius iconography surges on the Greek Mainland while monkey imagery almost disappears, after eruption at Akrotiri. Perhaps the Minoan genius serves as psychopomp, escorting – in some cases, even carrying – the deceased. When considered in light of the Tiryns Ring, which preserves a subterranean scene in which several genii bring libations to a seated female figure, a pattern emerges in which a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the liminal natures of these creatures becomes possible. This study interrogates notions of liminality, the metaphysical, death, and renewal within Bronze Age cosmologies.
By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the body of existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. Critical to this theory is a methodological shift in the conception of regional subdivisions: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider only islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This ultimately leads to two options: either two distinct goddesses exist, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent deity is represented in terms of which aspect best fits the culture, circumstances, and period. Such polysemaity of a deity is present in the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar or Inanna-Ishtar). The possible parallels between Inanna(-Ishtar) and the Aegean Potnia are explored and examined. Although the connections between Mesopotamia and the Aegean are well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historical and iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored.
Bronze Age. Used as a hydrophobic coating for vessels and architecture, a modality for creating surface decoration, and as a lightweight medium when used on its own, it seems that plaster was broadly employed in other ways, as well. The present discussion first introduces some potentially new or often-overlooked uses of lime plaster before focusing on one type of object in particular: the tripod offering table.
The character and relative quality of tripod offering tables ranges dramatically from small and poorly-fired clay vessels to plastered, finely painted, and polished luxury items, such as those painted with dolphins and other marine motifs from Akrotiri, Thera. Some broken offering tables
recovered from the recent excavations at Sissi (on Crete) preserve evidence for prehistoric recycling: the plaster is used to bind together, coat, and then decorate the substructure, which is made from pottery. This study centers on the variability in form, function, and decoration that can be identified from tripod offering tables, which may in turn be used to interrogate current
conceptions of technologies, workshop practices, and luxury.
Evidence survives from Zone 5 for the application of plaster from the Early Minoan Period. Its application levels areas where the bedrock is exceedingly uneven, and it serves a purely structural function. The majority of the remaining plaster dates to the Protopalatial period, during which the earliest painted lime plaster becomes widely employed throughout Crete. These fragments carry almost the full range of pigments, as well as evidence for the planning of the composition of the image (snap lines and incision marks). Some of these early plasters are also continuously applied from the walls to the floor with no division between planes: no seams or edges separate the plastered walls and floor. As such, this type of treatment provides an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the early and experimental phases of painted plaster. Neopalatial material survives as well, although not as much, and it is not as well preserved as the Protopalatial fragments. Nevertheless, scant evidence that suggests large-scale, possibly figural imagery survives, and parallels between identified motifs and comparanda from throughout the broader Aegean are proposed when possible.
The lengthy, nearly continuous habitation at Sissi provides an outstanding opportunity for the study of the experimentation with and development of plaster use and technology through the Bronze Age. As a site uniquely located nearest the natural gateway to East Crete, its inhabitants would have direct access to trade, technology, goods, and artistic trends from both north central and eastern Crete. As plaster studies continue at Sissi, the relationship with not only Malia, but with the rest of Crete and the broader Aegean will continue to be explored.
Of primary importance to the methodology employed is the cooperation of scholars from seemingly disparate disciplines—the stitching together of the results of various projects and experiences to attempt to answer new (and the previously unanswerable) questions. This type of interdisciplinary approach could certainly be used for other species, sites, paintings, and objects to hone our understanding of period, place, animal, movement, and trade.
Bronze Age Near Eastern figurines, plaques, hairpins, and glyptic arts preserve depictions of monkeys that fulfill a myriad of roles, including but not limited to those of their Minoan counterparts. In contrast, however, Near Eastern texts survive with reference not only to monkeys as exotic pets, but as gifts between elites, agents of healing, and sometimes even harbingers of the supernatural. These primates are frequently identified in glyptic art as participants in Presentation Scenes, and they often appear between the approaching supplicant(s) and a seated figure. These small-scale, highly portable scenes from the Near East may have served as the basis for at least the composition of the Minoan Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco.
This discussion first examines the iconography and roles of monkeys in Near East. Next, the ways in which the role of the monkey in Minoan art may be more closely associated with the animal’s role in Near Eastern than Egyptian art will be illustrated through the close examination of text, iconography, trade, and possible faunal evidence. Finally, a new possible source for the monkeys for the Near East is proposed: the Indus River Valley.
This book evaluates the evidence for indirect connections between the Aegean and the Indus extending back to the third and fourth millennia BCE, particularly commodities such as tin and lapis lazuli, and discusses recently discovered objects, new methods of materials analysis techniques and topics, as well as iconographic investigation.
The first section centres on the question of trade networks and the migratory practices of the Silk Roads. The case studies illustrate the significance of the analyses, contextualisation, and (re)interpretation of art and objects with traditional and new methods.
The vastness of the land, the abundance of migratory opportunities with human mobility, and settlements are assessed implicitly or explicitly in the second section. The case studies focus on the question of commerce and civilian settlement formation and discuss human endeavours that transformed their landscape.
The case studies in the third part address the question of the dissemination of ritual and burial practices along the Silk Roads. The premise that a relationship exists between social, cultural, and religious is fundamental to many archaeological studies.
The case studies shed new light on several forms and levels of ancient connectivity of the Silk Roads and their lasting impact on our history that bind communities together and resonate even today. Because the Silk Roads connected a diversity of cultures, interdisciplinary collaboration is fundamental to reach the full research potential where single realms would omit the bigger picture of network connectivity. The overarching message is that contemporary archaeological efforts on the global scale are defining pivotal applications in reconstructing the ancient life along the Silk Roads. In this respect, it demonstrates how archaeological data can be integrated to deliver an exclusive viewpoint on a timeline of the Silk Roads.
A two-step reconstruction of a crocus ceremony becomes possible with the close examination of both Minoan wall paintings and glyptic sources. First, the crocus stamens are gathered by female figures and/or monkeys into baskets. Then, some of the saffron-bearing stamens are offered to the seated nature goddess. This general reconstruction of a crocus ceremony serves as one example of the many ways in which wall paintings and glyptic sources are closely related and may be read together. By coupling the readings and interpretations of individual iconographic elements from both media, one gains the ability to glean larger narratives from the series of vignettes presented in Minoan art.
Academia won't let me add co-authors at the moment (looks like a glitch), so please also note that the following scholars are authors of this work: Tristan Carter, Dan Contreras, Shannon Crewson, Claudette Lopez, Vagia Mastrogiannopoulou, Kristine Mallinson, Dimitra Mylona, Marie N. Pareja, Georgia Tsartsidou, and Dimitris Athanasoulis.
By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. A methodological shift in regional subdivisions is critical: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This paper ultimately entertains two options: either these are distinct deities, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent goddess is represented differently in distinct contexts, depending on which aspect best fits the culture and circumstances. Such polysemaity may recall the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar/Inanna-Ishtar). As such, possible parallels between these two deities are considered, from their places in the natural world to their associations with death and the underworld. Although exchange between Mesopotamia and the Aegean is well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historic iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored.
In Aegean iconography, the genius and monkey are not depicted as dead, wounded, hunted, or conquered, unlike other animals, and both creatures are depicted interacting with over-sized humans, who are traditionally identified as deities or rulers. Although monkeys are accepted as agents/symbols of rebirth and renewal in both the Aegean Islands and eastern regions, the specific role of the genius is rarely addressed, despite its depictions as performing similar tasks as those of the monkey. Perhaps more importantly, Genius iconography surges on the Greek Mainland while monkey imagery almost disappears, after eruption at Akrotiri. Perhaps the Minoan genius serves as psychopomp, escorting – in some cases, even carrying – the deceased. When considered in light of the Tiryns Ring, which preserves a subterranean scene in which several genii bring libations to a seated female figure, a pattern emerges in which a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the liminal natures of these creatures becomes possible. This study interrogates notions of liminality, the metaphysical, death, and renewal within Bronze Age cosmologies.
By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the body of existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. Critical to this theory is a methodological shift in the conception of regional subdivisions: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider only islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This ultimately leads to two options: either two distinct goddesses exist, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent deity is represented in terms of which aspect best fits the culture, circumstances, and period. Such polysemaity of a deity is present in the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar or Inanna-Ishtar). The possible parallels between Inanna(-Ishtar) and the Aegean Potnia are explored and examined. Although the connections between Mesopotamia and the Aegean are well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historical and iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored.
Bronze Age. Used as a hydrophobic coating for vessels and architecture, a modality for creating surface decoration, and as a lightweight medium when used on its own, it seems that plaster was broadly employed in other ways, as well. The present discussion first introduces some potentially new or often-overlooked uses of lime plaster before focusing on one type of object in particular: the tripod offering table.
The character and relative quality of tripod offering tables ranges dramatically from small and poorly-fired clay vessels to plastered, finely painted, and polished luxury items, such as those painted with dolphins and other marine motifs from Akrotiri, Thera. Some broken offering tables
recovered from the recent excavations at Sissi (on Crete) preserve evidence for prehistoric recycling: the plaster is used to bind together, coat, and then decorate the substructure, which is made from pottery. This study centers on the variability in form, function, and decoration that can be identified from tripod offering tables, which may in turn be used to interrogate current
conceptions of technologies, workshop practices, and luxury.
Evidence survives from Zone 5 for the application of plaster from the Early Minoan Period. Its application levels areas where the bedrock is exceedingly uneven, and it serves a purely structural function. The majority of the remaining plaster dates to the Protopalatial period, during which the earliest painted lime plaster becomes widely employed throughout Crete. These fragments carry almost the full range of pigments, as well as evidence for the planning of the composition of the image (snap lines and incision marks). Some of these early plasters are also continuously applied from the walls to the floor with no division between planes: no seams or edges separate the plastered walls and floor. As such, this type of treatment provides an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the early and experimental phases of painted plaster. Neopalatial material survives as well, although not as much, and it is not as well preserved as the Protopalatial fragments. Nevertheless, scant evidence that suggests large-scale, possibly figural imagery survives, and parallels between identified motifs and comparanda from throughout the broader Aegean are proposed when possible.
The lengthy, nearly continuous habitation at Sissi provides an outstanding opportunity for the study of the experimentation with and development of plaster use and technology through the Bronze Age. As a site uniquely located nearest the natural gateway to East Crete, its inhabitants would have direct access to trade, technology, goods, and artistic trends from both north central and eastern Crete. As plaster studies continue at Sissi, the relationship with not only Malia, but with the rest of Crete and the broader Aegean will continue to be explored.
Of primary importance to the methodology employed is the cooperation of scholars from seemingly disparate disciplines—the stitching together of the results of various projects and experiences to attempt to answer new (and the previously unanswerable) questions. This type of interdisciplinary approach could certainly be used for other species, sites, paintings, and objects to hone our understanding of period, place, animal, movement, and trade.
Bronze Age Near Eastern figurines, plaques, hairpins, and glyptic arts preserve depictions of monkeys that fulfill a myriad of roles, including but not limited to those of their Minoan counterparts. In contrast, however, Near Eastern texts survive with reference not only to monkeys as exotic pets, but as gifts between elites, agents of healing, and sometimes even harbingers of the supernatural. These primates are frequently identified in glyptic art as participants in Presentation Scenes, and they often appear between the approaching supplicant(s) and a seated figure. These small-scale, highly portable scenes from the Near East may have served as the basis for at least the composition of the Minoan Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco.
This discussion first examines the iconography and roles of monkeys in Near East. Next, the ways in which the role of the monkey in Minoan art may be more closely associated with the animal’s role in Near Eastern than Egyptian art will be illustrated through the close examination of text, iconography, trade, and possible faunal evidence. Finally, a new possible source for the monkeys for the Near East is proposed: the Indus River Valley.
In the Offering to the Seated Goddess Fresco, from Room 3 of Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, A seated goddess receives an offering of crocus stamens from a blue monkey. The monkey appears to have selected the proffered handful of stamens from one of the baskets full of crocuses, presumably filled by the young female figure who stands behind the primate. In order for this scene to occur, however, the flowers must first be gathered. This is an event that may be depicted in scenes from both glyptic art and wall painting.
The picking of crocuses is clearly depicted in the Saffron Gatherers scene that is located on the wall adjacent to the Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco. A similar activity is depicted in the Saffron Gatherer wall painting from the Lower Keep at Knossos, but blue monkeys perform the action instead of young girls. Depictions of the harvest also have possible parallels in glyptic art. For example, CMS III 358 features a monkey that holds a basket while a female figure holds a flower in one hand. Another seal, CMS II.6 073, features a monkey surrounded by foliate motifs that may be crocuses that are ready for harvest. These scenes appear to incorporate the same iconographic elements that appear in the Offering to the Seated Goddess scene, including the female figure, basket, crocus, and monkey.
A two-step reconstruction of a crocus ceremony becomes possible with the close examination of both Minoan wall paintings and glyptic sources. First, the crocus stamens are gathered by female figures and/or monkeys into baskets. Then, some of the saffron-bearing stamens are offered to the seated nature goddess. This general reconstruction of a crocus ceremony serves as one example of the many ways in which wall paintings and glyptic sources are closely related and may be read together. By coupling the readings and interpretations of individual iconographic elements from both media, one gains the ability to glean larger narratives from the series of vignettes presented in Minoan art.
The workshop engaged in manufacturing dyes during Middle Minoan IIB. Its main feature consists of a group of rock-cut vats. Seven rectangular pits are cut into the limestone bedrock in a row that extends roughly from east to west. Next to them at the north is a larger rectangular basin that contains a deep well or cistern. At the south are a few poorly preserved stone walls that must have been some type of small shelter for the workshop, but no houses are preserved. Samples of several pieces of pottery were taken from the site, residues were extracted from them, and those residues were then submitted to gas chromatography-mass spectroscopy analyses. The results were then interpreted independently of a thorough pottery study, and the two data sets were then interpreted together. At Alatzomouri-Pefka, several types of organic dyes were being used, including (but not limited to) murex purple, madder, and weld.
Blue monkeys have been identified in at least four different frescoes from Akrotiri. The creatures have been depicted with such clarity and consistency that the species has even been identified: the vervet, commonly referred to as the green monkey, which hails from sub-Saharan Africa. In Egyptian frescoes, the same species is represented relatively infrequently, and is always painted green. Of course, it has been well established that the Egyptians and Aegean people traded during the Bronze Age, but why are the monkeys represented with such different colors? Furthermore, the role of the vervet is radically different in each setting. In Egypt, the vervet is portrayed as precisely what it is: a monkey, doing silly monkey things or tasks that monkeys are trained to do (like pick fruit). At Akrotiri, however, the monkey appears in a number of ritual contexts and exhibits anthropomorphic behaviors, and it seems to be the only natural animal (as opposed to unnatural compound creatures, like the griffin) to appear as active in any ritual contexts. At least one scene, however, shows vervets behaving like the average monkey and climbing around a natural, rocky landscape.
Obviously, the significance of the vervet shifts considerably when moved from its native habitat to Akrotiri (and perhaps Crete) and from Egyptian to Aegean iconography. This discussion will focus on deciphering the role played by the blue monkey through an investigation of the depicted landscape, cohabitants, activities, and gestures of the monkeys painted on the walls at Akrotiri. After all, images are the only evidence that exists for monkeys at Akrotiri – physical remains have never been found.
Due to the tiny size of the media, many scenes are often stripped down to their barest constituent parts. Although this tendency is purely practical, it has not been directly addressed. In an effort to identify monkey imagery in glyptic, possible scenes involving monkeys will first be examined and then discussed, which lead one to a clear conclusion: the monkey is formulaically represented. Does this visual formula extend beyond Crete, into other regions in which seal stones were used? Did those other regions regard monkeys in a similar fashion to the way monkeys appear to be revered on Crete and Thera?
This investigation dovetails nicely with a talk being given by the same author in another session, but it also stands alone as a separate topic and may be clearly understood by those who did not attend the talk about frescoes. While the first discussion serves to explain the north-south iconographic dichotomy apparent between Egypt and the Aegean islands with regards to monkey imagery, this discussion focuses more closely on the relationship between the Aegean islands and the Near East. By finally taking a step back, any overarching and uniting themes that appear in the Near East, Aegean, and Egypt may also be examined.
I propose a different, new identity for Donatello’s bronze: Apollo. Before diving headlong into this debate, the David and his position within the Medici household will be discussed. Next, I will introduce the Greek Apollo with particular emphasis on his attributes and the myths that are relevant to this investigation. With Apollo in mind, I will then reexamine the David, and answer the problematical questions that result from previous attempts to read this figure as David, Mercury, or a syncretism of the two. Ascribing the role of Mercury on to the bronze nude is remarkably unnecessary when the proverbial shoe fits Apollo. By continuing to read this figure as Mercury, one ignores a more fitting character. Finally, I will illustrate the presence of an overarching humanistic program constructed by the Medici within their palazzo, to which the David clearly belonged as a polyvalent Apollo figure—a program in which a Mercury has no place.
Joining me today to talk about this new mystery is Nikki Pareja. She is an archeologist and art historian, and the lead author of a new paper in the journal Primates, which doesn’t just rewrite the history of this mural, but also offers enticing new clues about trade in the Bronze Age.
In this study, three types of media that bear depictions of primates are considered. These media include figurines, glyphic art, and wall paintings. First, a review of the stylistic features of Minoan art and the possibility for the use of pattern books is discussed. Next, monkey and ape iconography in Egyptian art is explored. A thorough review of the creatures' iconography in Minoan art follows, which includes the identification of figures as either ape or monkey, as well as a detailed description and conclusions about each type of representation. A new possible reconstruction of the Saffron Gatherer fresco is also included. Finally, the possible origins of Minoan primate iconography are considered, as well as the possible implications of the creature's history, development, and roles. With this information in mind, the Offering to the Seated Goddess scene is then examined. The possible reconstruction of a crocus ceremony is proposed and explained, and the Levantine parallels for the compositional arrangement of the scene are also addressed. These conclusions may directly inform greater themes in Minoan culture, such as religion and cult practices.
By examining and interrogating Aegean, Near Eastern, and Mesopotamian iconographies, elements of a shared visual vocabulary for the divine become apparent. Although different aspects of Ancient Egyptian and Indus River Valley Culture are both enmeshed with and parallel these and other visual signifiers, a critical systemic problem occurs that hinders continued study: the type of Aegean belief system cannot be identified (monotheistic, polytheistic, animist, etc.). This may be a conscious choice by Aegean peoples (Blakolmer 2010: 37–42)—a notion that is better supported when one considers islanders and mainlanders as distinct cultural sub-groups. Cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae are examined to shed additional light on important temporal, spatial, and socio-political differences. Two possibilities endure: two distinct deities exist in these two areas, or a single and multifaceted, polyvalent deity is depicted differently depending on culture and circumstances. If the latter is the case, this goddess would be similar to Mesopotamia’s Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar). This possible relationship is briefly explored before examining the dichotomous natures of other bloodthirsty warriors and tender nature goddesses.
By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the body of existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. Critical to this theory is a methodological shift in the conception of regional subdivisions: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider only islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This ultimately leads to two options: either two distinct goddesses exist, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent deity is represented in terms of which aspect best fits the culture and circumstances. Such polysemaity of a deity is present in the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar or Inanna-Ishtar). The possible parallels between these two deities are explored and examined. Although the connections between Mesopotamia and the Aegean are well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historical and iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored in order to better understand the power of the polyvalent goddesses that travelled the Silk Roads.
Traditional scholarship overlooks a critical facet of the iconography within Xeste 3: no pregnant women, infants, or toddlers have been identified in the wall paintings. Such depictions in any media are rare in Bronze Age Aegean island iconography (beyond the Cave of Eileithya on Crete), which allows for the possibility that while the wall paintings do address fertility, modern patriarchal bias has reframed depictions of reproductive health in terms of the 'healthy' ability to bear children. This discussion highlights this inherently biased reading and reframes an examination of Xeste 3 in light of often-overlooked or ignored information. For instance, small doses of saffron can be healing, but slightly larger doses can induce menstruation and abortion, and even act as poison. When considered together with the iconography throughout Xeste 3 and the lack of pregnancy, childbirth, and children, it is possible that the herb supports women's reproductive health by helping women avoid pregnancy and subsequent childbirth. If one allows for such a reading, then a plethora of striking parallels emerge between the iconography and subsequent interpretation of the seated deity at Xeste 3 and a long-lived Mesopotamian deity of paradoxical duality: Inanna.
Short bibliography and/or website on lecture topic:
https://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/aegean-dyes/
Koh, A., V. Apostolakou, M.N. Pareja, A.M. Crandall, and P.P. Betancourt. 2020. “Organic Residue Studies,” in Alatzomouri Pefka. A Middle Minoan IIB Workshop Making Organic Dyes, V. Apostolakou, T. Brogan, and P.P. Betancourt, eds., pp. 111-118.
Monkeys’ hybridity has far-reaching implications with regard to Aegean conceptions of lineage, identity, luxury, exchange, and access. Nevertheless, this shift in perceived identity also affords an opportunity to deconstruct and more deeply understand the complex relationships between supernatural hybrids. As such, this investigation contextualizes the monkey’s new compound identity together with the griffin and Minoan genius to offer a nuanced approach to possible Aegean cosmology – one in which the monkey serves as an agent of renewal or rebirth, the genius as a psychopomp or agent of death, and the griffin as an agent of chaos and destruction.
Short bibliography and/or website on lecture topic:
Blakolmer, F. 2016. “Il Buono, Il Brutto, Il Cattivo? Character, Symbolism, and Hierarchy of Animals and Supernatural Creatures in Minoan and Mycenaean Iconography,” Creta Antica 17, 97-183.
Chapin, A.P. and M.N. Pareja 2021. “Betwixt and Between: An Eco-social Model for Understanding Minoan and Cycladic Animal Art,” ZOIA (Aegaeum series), T. Palaima and R. Laffineur, eds., Liège and Austin. Anticipated June 2021.
Bronze Age Aegean wall paintings depicting monkeys from Crete and Thera show the animals in a variety of roles, from wild to possibly trained, to cultic or sacred. These images, while stylistically Aegean, are closely related to—and seem to be descendant from—Egyptian and Mesopotamian monkey and ape iconography. In order to better understand the relationships between the monkeys in Aegean wall paintings and those that live(d) in the Aegean, Mesopotamia, and Egypt, several primatologists were consulted to identify species-specific visual characteristics more accurately. This approach results in the recognition of a new region as a contributing source for monkey iconography: the broader Indus River Valley. Communication and collaboration with Indus and Mesopotamian specialists also prove critical for the art historical and archaeological component of this project, which facilitates the tracing of possible Indus-Aegean trade routes via the movement of iconography, raw materials, goods, people (through DNA analysis), while also considering textual documentation and color theory. With an emphasis on the primatological aspect and the growing corpus of Indus goods found in the Aegean, an image emerges of an even broader iconographic and socio-religious sphere of interaction. In this expanded system, Mesopotamia functions both as an independent source of iconography and as an intermediary that facilitated a dissemination of monkey iconography, related beliefs, and possibly the creatures themselves.
Short bibliography and/or website on lecture topic:
https://www.newscientist.com/article/2227146-ancient-monkey-painting-suggests-bronze-age-greeks-travelled-widely/
https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/painted-bronze-age-monkeys-hint-interconnectedness-ancient-world-180973789/
Pareja, M.N., T. McKinney, J. Mayhew, J.M. Setchell, R. Heaton, and S. Nash. 2019. “A New Identification of the Monkeys Depicted in Bronze Age Wall Paintings from Akrotiri,” Primates (Online First, Dec. 2019).
Pareja, M.N., T. McKinney, and J.M. Setchell. 2020. “Aegean Monkeys and the Importance of Cross-Disciplinary Collaboration in Archaeoprimatology: A Reply to Urbani and Youlatos (2020),” Primates (Online First, Sept. 2020).