I am a lecturer in Anthropology at the University of Queensland, researching religion, ethnicity and the state, international development and refugees in Southeast Asia. I am currently working on my Australian Research Council Discovery Early Career Research Award to produce an in-depth ethnography of the refugee experience in Malaysia. I have recently published Modern Muslim Identities with NIAS Press and am the co-editor of a volume on Human Security and Australian Foreign Policy and Urban Refugees: Challenges in Protection, Services and Policy. Phone: T: + 61 7 336 51211 Address: School of Social Science University of Queensland 4072 QLD Australia
Urban refugees now account for over half the total number of refugees worldwide. Yet to date, far... more Urban refugees now account for over half the total number of refugees worldwide. Yet to date, far more research has been done on refugees living in camps and settlements set up expressly for them. This book provides crucial insights into the worldwide phenomenon of refugee flows into urban settings, repercussions for those seeking protection, and the agencies and organizations tasked to assist them. It provides a comparative exploration of refugees and asylum seekers in nine urban areas in Africa, Asia and Europe to examine issues such as status recognition, international and national actors, housing, education and integration. The book explores the relationship between refugee policies of international organisations and national governments and on the ground realities and demonstrates both the diverse of circumstances in which refugees live, and their struggle for recognition, protection and livelihoods.
Sea level rises pose a greater long term threat to Australia's coastline and major capital cities... more Sea level rises pose a greater long term threat to Australia's coastline and major capital cities than a military attack by a foreign power. Citizens are more likely to experience a pandemic virus than a nuclear threat. Food shortages have already occurred as a result of flood or drought, and the tentacles of international trade in drugs, money laundering and human trafficking already reach far into Australian communities.
Why Human Security Matters argues that Australian external relations needs to treat the 'soft' issues of security as seriously as it treats the 'hard' realities of military defence, but also the many complex situations in-between, whether it be civil war, political upheaval, terrorism or piracy. Australia needs to do this first and foremost in our region, but also in relation to the unresolved regional and global security issues as we confront an increasingly uncertain and turbulent world.
With contributions from leading thinkers in foreign policy and strategic studies, Why Human Security Matters is essential reading for anyone seeking a thoughtful and thought-provoking analysis of Australia's place in an age of transition.
This book explores a central tension in identity politics – how the state, civil society and peop... more This book explores a central tension in identity politics – how the state, civil society and people in general may want to create and maintain cultural, religious and social cohesion but paradoxically their practices in everyday life often run counter to this. Malaysia is no exception. Here, a political elite maintains a hegemonic system of control and cultural dominance but must juggle political pressure from Islamic and Malay supremacists on the one hand and moderate civil society groups on the other. The result is a complex interplay of domination, accommodation and negotiation between the state and its citizens.
At the heart of the study is the conjuncture between Malay ethnicity and Islamic faith, hence an examination of the state discourse on ‘civilizational Islam’, but other areas are also examined, including the arts as a contested space where artists and the state vie to shape the nation’s imagination.
At the theoretical level, this book is part of a greater narrative about identity politics. It seeks to reach broader understanding of what Heidegger calls being-in-the-world, or the way we relate to other people and places around us. Thus, this book brings a variety of philosophical theory, anthropological insights and social theory together to present an interesting, in-depth ethnographic exploration of contemporary Malay Muslim identity politics.
Religious pluralism in Malaysia: Can there be dialogue?, 2013
Hoffstaedter, G. (2013) ‘Religious pluralism in Malaysia: Can there be dialogue?’ In Camilleri, J... more Hoffstaedter, G. (2013) ‘Religious pluralism in Malaysia: Can there be dialogue?’ In Camilleri, J. and Schottmann, S. Culture, Religion and Conflict in Muslim Southeast Asia: Negotiating tense pluralisms, London: Routledge, 41-51.
Since its inception as an independent postcolonial state in 1957, successive Malaysian governments have attempted to reinvent Malaysia continually. Government-led modernization, industrialization and so-called ‘Islamization’ processes have left their mark on the nation and how it sees itself. Most prominent are state projects that try to subsume the national imagery and make sense of Malaysia, a ‘nation-of-intent’ (Shamsul 1996). The communal politics and elite status quo in politics, i.e. a power sharing of racially based parties under the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition that has been in power federally since independence, has impeded inter-faith and inter-religious dialogue in public for fear of how such a debate may be perceived by certain segments of the Malay/Muslim public. Backlashes against interfaith organizations in 2006 and a spate of attacks on churches, temples and mosques since 2008 underline this argument. These actions of a few have significantly obstructed interfaith dialogue. They are forcing the agenda of minority groups at the expense of meaningful discussion. In addition, the government tends to react heavy-handedly, often with ISA (Internal Security Act) detention without trial against people they cannot or do not wish to accommodate in their policies. This chapter argues that open debate is necessary to test the nation’s opinions. Without such debate new government concepts to unite the nation, such as the ‘1Malaysia’ concept launched by Prime Minister Najib on Malaysia Day in 2010, are unlikely to succeed for lack of popular support. Meaningful dialogue, it is my contention, is possible only if people are allowed to practise free speech for what they believe in and against others’ beliefs.
Refugees have become a global issue for most governments and civil society but in Malaysia they r... more Refugees have become a global issue for most governments and civil society but in Malaysia they remain in the margins. The government has not ratified the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and Malaysian law does not mention any form of right to asylum, so refugees in Malaysia are considered as illegal immigrants. As such, it is in limbo that refugee have been settling in Malaysia. The Chin and the Rohingya are now the two largest refugee communities in Malaysia. While the Rohingyas are represented as Muslim and most Chin are Christian, both have been fleeing West Myanmar to peninsular Malaysia since the 1990s. We highlight how informality impacts their daily life and how they have differently organized in such situation. Plus, a comparison of these two refugee groups suggests that the situation of refugee communities echoes the Malaysian political life where ethnicity is at the heart of both political and social life. We explore how the informality of both refugee groups is being used distinctively by Malaysian authorities. Respectively, we argue that the informality in which refugees are maintained facilitates a differentiated tolerance from both the government and Malaysian society based on religion and ethnicity.
This week, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, labelled the world's refugee pr... more This week, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, labelled the world's refugee problem a crisis that is primarily impacting developing countries, who are hosting most of the world's 70 million displaced people. It's the highest number of people fleeing violence since the second world war, the agency said in a report. Last year, 37,000 people were forced to flee their homes every day. Little has been done to help the millions of refugees from Myanmar, Venezuela, Syria and other troubled countries find permanent resettlement options. Here are 5 solutions to the problem
Older persons are among the most vulnerable of refugees seeking protection in Malaysia, yet seldo... more Older persons are among the most vulnerable of refugees seeking protection in Malaysia, yet seldom are they the focus of the work of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, local charities or non-government organisations. In-depth ethnographic research with a group of older Chin women in Kuala Lumpur demonstrates both the vulnerability and resilience of older refugees in urban environments. Older refugees play a crucial role in sustaining families and communities. They provide much-needed support to refugee communities who struggle to meet the needs of everyday life in the absence of protection protocols.
State-centred conceptions of security have been critiqued widely, not least because a focus on th... more State-centred conceptions of security have been critiqued widely, not least because a focus on the state renders structural inequalities within states and the insecurity that exists within borders invisible. Moreover, states are often the source of insecurity thus making ‘national’ security somewhat of a misnomer and insufficient as an approach to security. Security seeking behaviours associated with a realist perspective of national security have been increasingly called into question and the concept of ‘human security’ has gained traction in terms of theorising security and policy legitimacy. As is explained throughout this book human security shifts the focus of security from the state to the individual and offers a different approach to both the pursuit of security and development principles (Kaldor 2007: 184). This individualising of security has far reaching ramifications and, most relevant for this chapter, has implications for Australia’s foreign policy as we seek further to...
This concluding chapter brings together the key themes and emphasises the key points raised by th... more This concluding chapter brings together the key themes and emphasises the key points raised by the contributing authors.
Colonial legal legacies continue to shape the political and social landscape in Malaysia. Colonia... more Colonial legal legacies continue to shape the political and social landscape in Malaysia. Colonial era laws are routinely used to limit democratic spaces and are increasingly intertwined with the federation of Malaysia’s official religion: Islam. These laws continue to curtail freedoms and stymy the people’s ability to constructively reshape identity politics in a country where people’s identities remain codified by ethno-religious markers.
outheast Asia is a transit point as well as a point of destination for thousands of migrants and ... more outheast Asia is a transit point as well as a point of destination for thousands of migrants and refugees. This is not new, as people movements in and through the region have a long and diverse history. However, the spaces for movement have been severely restricted by modern national borders and border protection enforcement. A significant part of the migration flows are made up of refugees. This is particularly so in Malaysia, which is currently home to approximately 200,000 refugees. The Malaysian government continues to resist outside and internal pressures to face up to and remedy the refugee crisis it increasingly finds itself in. As a result, refugees live in a liminal and extra-legal place in Malaysia, which makes any real engagement with the Malaysian body politic and Malaysians problematic. This paper traces the attempts at place-making by Chin refugees in Malaysia and their attempts to evade, confront and circumvent Malaysian authorities.
If you do not have institutional access where you are, access it for free here (only 50 free reads): http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/xs9DZ44Y6rqWhQvHbEUF/full
In 2006 a forum to discuss Article 11 of the Malaysian constitution on religious freedom sparked ... more In 2006 a forum to discuss Article 11 of the Malaysian constitution on religious freedom sparked a major and unexpected pushback. Many Muslim and Malay NGOs and concerned citizens argued that they were defending Islam from the onslaught of liberalising forces in Malaysia. The clash between what could be termed liberal human rights discourses and/or reformist Islam and reactionary Islam is also one about Islamic theology in Malaysia. It is an example of how theology can be internally divisive and presents a problematic case study for an anthropological encounter and engagement with multiple theologies, debates about history and the anthropological project. This article charts one path for the encounter between an anthropologist and his ethnographic other that aims to understand these diverse perspectives and also seeks to understand both the project of writing an anthropology of Islam that incorporates Islamic theology and Muslims' lifeworlds that form the basis for it.
Debates on secularism in Malaysia often revolve around the legal, especially the constitutional, ... more Debates on secularism in Malaysia often revolve around the legal, especially the constitutional, framework. To this end several NGOs organised a road show in 2006 to debate issues surrounding freedom of religion. Not only were these events mobbed by angry crowds, but also the state intervened and shut down these and future discussions on the topic of religion, deeming such debates sensitive. This article addresses the particularities of secularism in Malaysia vis-à-vis Olivier Roy's thesis in ‘Secularism Confronts Islam’ that sees religious space and secular space as discernable yet not antithetical and Charles Taylor's thesis in the ‘Secular Age’, where he points to a new definition of secularism as a pluralist and transcendent notion of belief. In Malaysia both variants are present, with the state playing a dangerous game situating itself between reactionary Muslim forces and a moderate majority.
Urban refugees now account for over half the total number of refugees worldwide. Yet to date, far... more Urban refugees now account for over half the total number of refugees worldwide. Yet to date, far more research has been done on refugees living in camps and settlements set up expressly for them. This book provides crucial insights into the worldwide phenomenon of refugee flows into urban settings, repercussions for those seeking protection, and the agencies and organizations tasked to assist them. It provides a comparative exploration of refugees and asylum seekers in nine urban areas in Africa, Asia and Europe to examine issues such as status recognition, international and national actors, housing, education and integration. The book explores the relationship between refugee policies of international organisations and national governments and on the ground realities and demonstrates both the diverse of circumstances in which refugees live, and their struggle for recognition, protection and livelihoods.
Sea level rises pose a greater long term threat to Australia's coastline and major capital cities... more Sea level rises pose a greater long term threat to Australia's coastline and major capital cities than a military attack by a foreign power. Citizens are more likely to experience a pandemic virus than a nuclear threat. Food shortages have already occurred as a result of flood or drought, and the tentacles of international trade in drugs, money laundering and human trafficking already reach far into Australian communities.
Why Human Security Matters argues that Australian external relations needs to treat the 'soft' issues of security as seriously as it treats the 'hard' realities of military defence, but also the many complex situations in-between, whether it be civil war, political upheaval, terrorism or piracy. Australia needs to do this first and foremost in our region, but also in relation to the unresolved regional and global security issues as we confront an increasingly uncertain and turbulent world.
With contributions from leading thinkers in foreign policy and strategic studies, Why Human Security Matters is essential reading for anyone seeking a thoughtful and thought-provoking analysis of Australia's place in an age of transition.
This book explores a central tension in identity politics – how the state, civil society and peop... more This book explores a central tension in identity politics – how the state, civil society and people in general may want to create and maintain cultural, religious and social cohesion but paradoxically their practices in everyday life often run counter to this. Malaysia is no exception. Here, a political elite maintains a hegemonic system of control and cultural dominance but must juggle political pressure from Islamic and Malay supremacists on the one hand and moderate civil society groups on the other. The result is a complex interplay of domination, accommodation and negotiation between the state and its citizens.
At the heart of the study is the conjuncture between Malay ethnicity and Islamic faith, hence an examination of the state discourse on ‘civilizational Islam’, but other areas are also examined, including the arts as a contested space where artists and the state vie to shape the nation’s imagination.
At the theoretical level, this book is part of a greater narrative about identity politics. It seeks to reach broader understanding of what Heidegger calls being-in-the-world, or the way we relate to other people and places around us. Thus, this book brings a variety of philosophical theory, anthropological insights and social theory together to present an interesting, in-depth ethnographic exploration of contemporary Malay Muslim identity politics.
Religious pluralism in Malaysia: Can there be dialogue?, 2013
Hoffstaedter, G. (2013) ‘Religious pluralism in Malaysia: Can there be dialogue?’ In Camilleri, J... more Hoffstaedter, G. (2013) ‘Religious pluralism in Malaysia: Can there be dialogue?’ In Camilleri, J. and Schottmann, S. Culture, Religion and Conflict in Muslim Southeast Asia: Negotiating tense pluralisms, London: Routledge, 41-51.
Since its inception as an independent postcolonial state in 1957, successive Malaysian governments have attempted to reinvent Malaysia continually. Government-led modernization, industrialization and so-called ‘Islamization’ processes have left their mark on the nation and how it sees itself. Most prominent are state projects that try to subsume the national imagery and make sense of Malaysia, a ‘nation-of-intent’ (Shamsul 1996). The communal politics and elite status quo in politics, i.e. a power sharing of racially based parties under the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition that has been in power federally since independence, has impeded inter-faith and inter-religious dialogue in public for fear of how such a debate may be perceived by certain segments of the Malay/Muslim public. Backlashes against interfaith organizations in 2006 and a spate of attacks on churches, temples and mosques since 2008 underline this argument. These actions of a few have significantly obstructed interfaith dialogue. They are forcing the agenda of minority groups at the expense of meaningful discussion. In addition, the government tends to react heavy-handedly, often with ISA (Internal Security Act) detention without trial against people they cannot or do not wish to accommodate in their policies. This chapter argues that open debate is necessary to test the nation’s opinions. Without such debate new government concepts to unite the nation, such as the ‘1Malaysia’ concept launched by Prime Minister Najib on Malaysia Day in 2010, are unlikely to succeed for lack of popular support. Meaningful dialogue, it is my contention, is possible only if people are allowed to practise free speech for what they believe in and against others’ beliefs.
Refugees have become a global issue for most governments and civil society but in Malaysia they r... more Refugees have become a global issue for most governments and civil society but in Malaysia they remain in the margins. The government has not ratified the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and Malaysian law does not mention any form of right to asylum, so refugees in Malaysia are considered as illegal immigrants. As such, it is in limbo that refugee have been settling in Malaysia. The Chin and the Rohingya are now the two largest refugee communities in Malaysia. While the Rohingyas are represented as Muslim and most Chin are Christian, both have been fleeing West Myanmar to peninsular Malaysia since the 1990s. We highlight how informality impacts their daily life and how they have differently organized in such situation. Plus, a comparison of these two refugee groups suggests that the situation of refugee communities echoes the Malaysian political life where ethnicity is at the heart of both political and social life. We explore how the informality of both refugee groups is being used distinctively by Malaysian authorities. Respectively, we argue that the informality in which refugees are maintained facilitates a differentiated tolerance from both the government and Malaysian society based on religion and ethnicity.
This week, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, labelled the world's refugee pr... more This week, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, labelled the world's refugee problem a crisis that is primarily impacting developing countries, who are hosting most of the world's 70 million displaced people. It's the highest number of people fleeing violence since the second world war, the agency said in a report. Last year, 37,000 people were forced to flee their homes every day. Little has been done to help the millions of refugees from Myanmar, Venezuela, Syria and other troubled countries find permanent resettlement options. Here are 5 solutions to the problem
Older persons are among the most vulnerable of refugees seeking protection in Malaysia, yet seldo... more Older persons are among the most vulnerable of refugees seeking protection in Malaysia, yet seldom are they the focus of the work of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, local charities or non-government organisations. In-depth ethnographic research with a group of older Chin women in Kuala Lumpur demonstrates both the vulnerability and resilience of older refugees in urban environments. Older refugees play a crucial role in sustaining families and communities. They provide much-needed support to refugee communities who struggle to meet the needs of everyday life in the absence of protection protocols.
State-centred conceptions of security have been critiqued widely, not least because a focus on th... more State-centred conceptions of security have been critiqued widely, not least because a focus on the state renders structural inequalities within states and the insecurity that exists within borders invisible. Moreover, states are often the source of insecurity thus making ‘national’ security somewhat of a misnomer and insufficient as an approach to security. Security seeking behaviours associated with a realist perspective of national security have been increasingly called into question and the concept of ‘human security’ has gained traction in terms of theorising security and policy legitimacy. As is explained throughout this book human security shifts the focus of security from the state to the individual and offers a different approach to both the pursuit of security and development principles (Kaldor 2007: 184). This individualising of security has far reaching ramifications and, most relevant for this chapter, has implications for Australia’s foreign policy as we seek further to...
This concluding chapter brings together the key themes and emphasises the key points raised by th... more This concluding chapter brings together the key themes and emphasises the key points raised by the contributing authors.
Colonial legal legacies continue to shape the political and social landscape in Malaysia. Colonia... more Colonial legal legacies continue to shape the political and social landscape in Malaysia. Colonial era laws are routinely used to limit democratic spaces and are increasingly intertwined with the federation of Malaysia’s official religion: Islam. These laws continue to curtail freedoms and stymy the people’s ability to constructively reshape identity politics in a country where people’s identities remain codified by ethno-religious markers.
outheast Asia is a transit point as well as a point of destination for thousands of migrants and ... more outheast Asia is a transit point as well as a point of destination for thousands of migrants and refugees. This is not new, as people movements in and through the region have a long and diverse history. However, the spaces for movement have been severely restricted by modern national borders and border protection enforcement. A significant part of the migration flows are made up of refugees. This is particularly so in Malaysia, which is currently home to approximately 200,000 refugees. The Malaysian government continues to resist outside and internal pressures to face up to and remedy the refugee crisis it increasingly finds itself in. As a result, refugees live in a liminal and extra-legal place in Malaysia, which makes any real engagement with the Malaysian body politic and Malaysians problematic. This paper traces the attempts at place-making by Chin refugees in Malaysia and their attempts to evade, confront and circumvent Malaysian authorities.
If you do not have institutional access where you are, access it for free here (only 50 free reads): http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/xs9DZ44Y6rqWhQvHbEUF/full
In 2006 a forum to discuss Article 11 of the Malaysian constitution on religious freedom sparked ... more In 2006 a forum to discuss Article 11 of the Malaysian constitution on religious freedom sparked a major and unexpected pushback. Many Muslim and Malay NGOs and concerned citizens argued that they were defending Islam from the onslaught of liberalising forces in Malaysia. The clash between what could be termed liberal human rights discourses and/or reformist Islam and reactionary Islam is also one about Islamic theology in Malaysia. It is an example of how theology can be internally divisive and presents a problematic case study for an anthropological encounter and engagement with multiple theologies, debates about history and the anthropological project. This article charts one path for the encounter between an anthropologist and his ethnographic other that aims to understand these diverse perspectives and also seeks to understand both the project of writing an anthropology of Islam that incorporates Islamic theology and Muslims' lifeworlds that form the basis for it.
Debates on secularism in Malaysia often revolve around the legal, especially the constitutional, ... more Debates on secularism in Malaysia often revolve around the legal, especially the constitutional, framework. To this end several NGOs organised a road show in 2006 to debate issues surrounding freedom of religion. Not only were these events mobbed by angry crowds, but also the state intervened and shut down these and future discussions on the topic of religion, deeming such debates sensitive. This article addresses the particularities of secularism in Malaysia vis-à-vis Olivier Roy's thesis in ‘Secularism Confronts Islam’ that sees religious space and secular space as discernable yet not antithetical and Charles Taylor's thesis in the ‘Secular Age’, where he points to a new definition of secularism as a pluralist and transcendent notion of belief. In Malaysia both variants are present, with the state playing a dangerous game situating itself between reactionary Muslim forces and a moderate majority.
This paper explores recent critiques of aid and responses to them, with a particular focus on att... more This paper explores recent critiques of aid and responses to them, with a particular focus on attempts to address accountability concerns. It describes, with particular reference to Africa and Melanesia, some of the assumptions that underpin these responses. Using the allegory of theatre, we suggest that much of the formal process of interaction between aid agencies and local actors can be seen as a ‘performance’, and what goes on behind the scenes is often, and sometimes deliberately, ignored. We review why this ‘theatre’ is constructed and how it is maintained, as well as why attempts to dismantle it, or at least change the way it functions, have not met with much success. As a result, we propose alternative ways of addressing issues of accountability, as it relates to International Aid and Cooperation, based on some rather different assumptions about states, civil society, citizens and change than those upon which many of the current attempts to address accountability are based.
Malaysia does not recognise refugees legally. Refugees are seen as a problem by the Malaysian gov... more Malaysia does not recognise refugees legally. Refugees are seen as a problem by the Malaysian government, which continues to resist outside and internal pressures to remedy the refugee crisis it increasingly finds itself in. Rather, I argue, the Malaysian state uses refugees as a scapegoat and internal ‘radical other’ in order to deflect from its deep-seated racial and political divisions. This paper demonstrates that refugees embody and live in a non-place in Malaysia, a liminal and extra-legal place, which makes any real engagement with the Malaysian body politic and Malaysians
problematic.
Faith plays a crucial role in development, yet ‘faith-based’ organisations (FBOs) continue to fac... more Faith plays a crucial role in development, yet ‘faith-based’ organisations (FBOs) continue to face ambivalence towards their religiosity and how it may impact upon the development work they do. As a result they have undergone structural changes to ameliorate the pressures arising from mainly government related outcome oriented funding structures. This also relates to the dual role FBO legitimacy plays ensuring both public donations at home and successful outcomes in the recipient country. FBOs have significant advantages over secular organisations in their ability to harness moral will at home and abroad as well as tap into transnational religious networks and local communities in aid recipient countries. Australian faith based organisations involved in international development are a diverse and underresearched category that is difficult to define. Thus this paper seeks to make inroads into this group of organisations to better understand them and their missions, the challenges they pose to development and the challenges they face in development.
http://www.abc.net.au/religion/articles/2017/09/20/4737378.htm The Rohingya refugee crisis is not... more http://www.abc.net.au/religion/articles/2017/09/20/4737378.htm The Rohingya refugee crisis is not new. For decades, the Rohingya have been persecuted in Myanmar, with almost one million fleeing Myanmar since the 1970s. Such destruction is carried out within Myanmar, but the process continues when victims become refugees. As refugees, they are rendered stateless and without a cohesive social unit that is their group - namely, the Rohingya. This is no more evident than in the example of Malaysia, where we have seen that the Rohingya no longer exist as a cultural entity, separated as a group and individually subsumed within a different culture and social network.
Debates continue as to whether crimes committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar amount to genocid... more Debates continue as to whether crimes committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar amount to genocide. This article will address this question, framed in the broad context of the Rohingya victimisation in Myanmar, but also the narrow context of the Rohingya refugee lived experience in Malaysia. The authors contend that the Rohingya are victims of genocide, and this is in part evidenced by the destruction of the Rohingya culture, including through assimilation (and therefore loss of group identity) in refugee destination countries, such as Malaysia. This analysis is based on consideration of theories of genocide process and definition, international law, and qualitative data collected during extensive anthropological fieldwork by author two with urban refugees in peninsular Malaysia.
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Why Human Security Matters argues that Australian external relations needs to treat the 'soft' issues of security as seriously as it treats the 'hard' realities of military defence, but also the many complex situations in-between, whether it be civil war, political upheaval, terrorism or piracy. Australia needs to do this first and foremost in our region, but also in relation to the unresolved regional and global security issues as we confront an increasingly uncertain and turbulent world.
With contributions from leading thinkers in foreign policy and strategic studies, Why Human Security Matters is essential reading for anyone seeking a thoughtful and thought-provoking analysis of Australia's place in an age of transition.
At the heart of the study is the conjuncture between Malay ethnicity and Islamic faith, hence an examination of the state discourse on ‘civilizational Islam’, but other areas are also examined, including the arts as a contested space where artists and the state vie to shape the nation’s imagination.
At the theoretical level, this book is part of a greater narrative about identity politics. It seeks to reach broader understanding of what Heidegger calls being-in-the-world, or the way we relate to other people and places around us. Thus, this book brings a variety of philosophical theory, anthropological insights and social theory together to present an interesting, in-depth ethnographic exploration of contemporary Malay Muslim identity politics.
Since its inception as an independent postcolonial state in 1957, successive Malaysian governments have attempted to reinvent Malaysia continually. Government-led modernization, industrialization and so-called ‘Islamization’ processes have left their mark on the nation and how it sees itself. Most prominent are state projects that try to subsume the national imagery and make sense of Malaysia, a ‘nation-of-intent’ (Shamsul 1996). The communal politics and elite status quo in politics, i.e. a power sharing of racially based parties under the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition that has been in power federally since independence, has impeded inter-faith and inter-religious dialogue in public for fear of how such a debate may be perceived by certain segments of the Malay/Muslim public. Backlashes against interfaith organizations in 2006 and a spate of attacks on churches, temples and mosques since 2008 underline this argument. These actions of a few have significantly obstructed interfaith dialogue. They are forcing the agenda of minority groups at the expense of meaningful discussion. In addition, the government tends to react heavy-handedly, often with ISA (Internal Security Act) detention without trial against people they cannot or do not wish to accommodate in their policies. This chapter argues that open debate is necessary to test the nation’s opinions. Without such debate new government concepts to unite the nation, such as the ‘1Malaysia’ concept launched by Prime Minister Najib on Malaysia Day in 2010, are unlikely to succeed for lack of popular support. Meaningful dialogue, it is my contention, is possible only if people are allowed to practise free speech for what they believe in and against others’ beliefs.
If you do not have institutional access where you are, access it for free here (only 50 free reads): http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/xs9DZ44Y6rqWhQvHbEUF/full
Why Human Security Matters argues that Australian external relations needs to treat the 'soft' issues of security as seriously as it treats the 'hard' realities of military defence, but also the many complex situations in-between, whether it be civil war, political upheaval, terrorism or piracy. Australia needs to do this first and foremost in our region, but also in relation to the unresolved regional and global security issues as we confront an increasingly uncertain and turbulent world.
With contributions from leading thinkers in foreign policy and strategic studies, Why Human Security Matters is essential reading for anyone seeking a thoughtful and thought-provoking analysis of Australia's place in an age of transition.
At the heart of the study is the conjuncture between Malay ethnicity and Islamic faith, hence an examination of the state discourse on ‘civilizational Islam’, but other areas are also examined, including the arts as a contested space where artists and the state vie to shape the nation’s imagination.
At the theoretical level, this book is part of a greater narrative about identity politics. It seeks to reach broader understanding of what Heidegger calls being-in-the-world, or the way we relate to other people and places around us. Thus, this book brings a variety of philosophical theory, anthropological insights and social theory together to present an interesting, in-depth ethnographic exploration of contemporary Malay Muslim identity politics.
Since its inception as an independent postcolonial state in 1957, successive Malaysian governments have attempted to reinvent Malaysia continually. Government-led modernization, industrialization and so-called ‘Islamization’ processes have left their mark on the nation and how it sees itself. Most prominent are state projects that try to subsume the national imagery and make sense of Malaysia, a ‘nation-of-intent’ (Shamsul 1996). The communal politics and elite status quo in politics, i.e. a power sharing of racially based parties under the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition that has been in power federally since independence, has impeded inter-faith and inter-religious dialogue in public for fear of how such a debate may be perceived by certain segments of the Malay/Muslim public. Backlashes against interfaith organizations in 2006 and a spate of attacks on churches, temples and mosques since 2008 underline this argument. These actions of a few have significantly obstructed interfaith dialogue. They are forcing the agenda of minority groups at the expense of meaningful discussion. In addition, the government tends to react heavy-handedly, often with ISA (Internal Security Act) detention without trial against people they cannot or do not wish to accommodate in their policies. This chapter argues that open debate is necessary to test the nation’s opinions. Without such debate new government concepts to unite the nation, such as the ‘1Malaysia’ concept launched by Prime Minister Najib on Malaysia Day in 2010, are unlikely to succeed for lack of popular support. Meaningful dialogue, it is my contention, is possible only if people are allowed to practise free speech for what they believe in and against others’ beliefs.
If you do not have institutional access where you are, access it for free here (only 50 free reads): http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/xs9DZ44Y6rqWhQvHbEUF/full
problematic.
aid recipient countries. Australian faith based organisations involved in international development are a diverse and underresearched category that is difficult to define. Thus this paper seeks to make inroads into this group of organisations
to better understand them and their missions, the challenges they pose to development and the challenges they face in development.