Shipwrecks of the Roaring Forties. Researching some of Australia's earliest shipwrecks, ed. by J. Green and A. Paterson, Perth: UWA Publishing, 2021
This contribution presents new archival and art historical research on the trade silverware aboar... more This contribution presents new archival and art historical research on the trade silverware aboard the Batavia and helps to understand the motivations and expectations held by Francisco Pelsaert and the VOC when commissioning these objects.
Het einde van de middeleeuwen. Vijftig kunstwerken uit de tijd van Bosch en Erasmus, ed. by M. Ilsink, B. de Klerck, and A. Willemsen, Nijmegen: Uitgeverij Van Tilt, 2019
Towards the end of the first decade of the sixteenth century, the Ferrarese artist Benvenuto Tisi... more Towards the end of the first decade of the sixteenth century, the Ferrarese artist Benvenuto Tisi, better known as Il Garofalo, painted the ceiling of a small room in Palazzo Costabili in Ferrara. Focusing in particular on the Southwest corner of the ceiling, this article argues that the fresco in the so-called Sala del Tesoro should be read as an allegory of mutual love. The inclusion of references to all kinds of love, both spiritual and sensual and both traditional (heterosexual, familial, interconfessional) and transgressive (homosexual, pederastic and gynosodomic), without a clear hierarchy, indicate how the combined powers of Eros and Anteros generate a universal harmony.
In the first decade of the sixteenth century, Garofalo painted the ceiling of a small room in a p... more In the first decade of the sixteenth century, Garofalo painted the ceiling of a small room in a palace that belonged to one of Renaissance Ferrara’s most prominent citizens, its chief magistrate Antonio Costabili. Despite being one of the most widely studied works in Garofalo’s oeuvre, the so-called Sala del Tesoro remains not very well understood. This article argues that the grisailles in the lunettes – depicting the story of Eros and his brother Anteros, the god of mutual love – are key to reading the animated balcony scene on the ceiling as a world ruled by Anteros, where (unlikely) opposites are harmoniously united. Garofalo’s decorations cast Antonio Costabili as a second Anteros and underscore the essential role of Costabili in the successful governing of Ferrara.
Rivista d'Arte. Periodico internazionale di storia dell'arte medievale e moderna. Serie quinta, vol. III (2013)
Between 1528 and 1537 Garofalo produced ten canvases for the recently founded convent of Poor Cla... more Between 1528 and 1537 Garofalo produced ten canvases for the recently founded convent of Poor Clares at San Bernardino in Ferrara. Although the cycle is unrivalled as a group of works by a single artist for a female convent throughout the Renaissance, it has so far attracted little attention. This article deals with early reports on the paintings, the early history of the convent and finally focuses on one canvas for the nuns’ choir: a large – almost two by three metres - Crucifixion, which Garofalo dated in March 1533. It will be argued here that the semi-circular shaped Crucifixion would have hung high on the nuns’ side of the division wall, above a grille. Through this window the nuns would have been able to see the Elevation of the host in the outer church, whereby the vision of the corporeal (Christ’s body) would blend with the nuns’ spiritual devotions. Garofalo’s painting would therefore have served as an important devotional tool for the nuns.
Because of their relatively traditional iconography, the paintings by Hieronymus Bosch depicting ... more Because of their relatively traditional iconography, the paintings by Hieronymus Bosch depicting donor portraits have received little attention until now. Further investigation into these works show a different side to Bosch's work. In these donor portraits, the artist faithfully followed the pictorial tradition in both iconography as in the position of the donor. Here, we may assume a traditional relationship between artist and patron, whereby the (generally conventional) bourgeoisie requested a conventional iconography. Bosch and his workshop delivered as requested.
Bosch's donor portraits have been painted over extraordinary often. This possibly occurred after the paintings' function changed or after a change of ownership, where the portrait of the original donor was no longer wanted. The explanation that Bosch himself was responsible for this, starts from the idea of the self-willed arts who could not get along with his patrons. This image is probably prompted by the, often, curious iconography of many of the paintings by Bosch. This article aims to restore these donor portraits in their rightful place in the artist's oeuvre.
Review of the exhibition 'Batavia: Giving Voice to the Voiceless' (Lawrence Wilson Art Gallery, P... more Review of the exhibition 'Batavia: Giving Voice to the Voiceless' (Lawrence Wilson Art Gallery, Perth, October - 9 December 2017).
In the Renaissance, love was usually defined in binary oppositions: love of the spirit versus lov... more In the Renaissance, love was usually defined in binary oppositions: love of the spirit versus love of the body, the celestial versus earthly Venus and the heavenly Eros versus his terrestrial counterpart. In the early 1500s, however, patrons in Mantua and Ferrara ordered pictorial decorations that reflected a more refined thinking about love. Artists and humanists at the courts of Mantua and Ferrara did not renounce the sensual in favour of the rational, but instead showed concord between the two Venuses and between Eros and Anteros. Local treatises on love did not try to remove sexuality from love nor follow the usual hierarchy of the senses but stressed the ennobling force of love, sensual or spiritual. This paper will discuss the ‘culture of love’ at the courts of Mantua and Ferrara and compare the paintings for Isabella d’Este’s studiolo to Garofalo’s little known decorations at Palazzo Costabili in Ferrara where all the senses are activated to move the audience to feelings of love.
In 1510, Lucrezia Borgia founded the convent of San Bernardino in Ferrara for her niece Camilla, ... more In 1510, Lucrezia Borgia founded the convent of San Bernardino in Ferrara for her niece Camilla, the illegitimate daughter of Cesare Borgia, and for the virgin daughters of the city’s “primi gentiluomini.” The Poor Clares lived according to the strictest rules, “in altissima paupertate,” and as far as can be reconstructed (since the convent was dismantled in the nineteenth century) Lucrezia Borgia seems to have kept the decoration of the convent to a bare minimum. Eight years after Lucrezia’s death in 1519, the Ferrarese painter Garofalo created the first of a series of ten paintings for San Bernardino. Even though these paintings appear rather conventional at first sight, a close examination reveals they were clearly intended for a female audience. This paper will discuss to what extent these images still reflect Lucrezia Borgia’s spirituality, or to what extent the program was dictated by a Franciscan (male) ideal of female devotion.
On the back of Lorenzo Lotto’s Christ Crucified with the Symbols of the Passion a friend of the a... more On the back of Lorenzo Lotto’s Christ Crucified with the Symbols of the Passion a friend of the artist recorded that he had painted the work during Holy Week, finishing it on Good Friday at the hour of Christ’s Passion. The meditation on Christ’s Passion to which Lotto’s painting invites here seems to parallel the act of its creation. The Ferrarese artist Garofalo, on the other hand, is said by Vasari to have worked “on every feast-day for twenty whole years [...] for the love of God” at a local convent of Poor Clares to complete a series of canvases for the nuns. While Vasari’s facts often turn out to be fictions, two of the canvases do bear an inscription stating that Garofalo had created the works ‘free of charge’. Can we therefore read these paintings – like Lotto’s - as a ‘spiritual exercise’ or are diverging motives at play?
Twenty years after Raphael’s death, the Duke of Ferrara commissioned three local painters to crea... more Twenty years after Raphael’s death, the Duke of Ferrara commissioned three local painters to create several works after designs by the master. This was an unusual decision, as Ferrarese culture (though not unresponsive to foreign trends) tended to be firmly rooted in local traditions – and this trait was normally fostered by the Este dukes in their efforts to strengthen their power. The princes of Ferrara therefore strongly relied on local painters for the decoration of their court. The resulting Ferrarese artistic self-awareness is reflected in the painters’ equivocal response to Raphael’s designs, which this paper will outline in relation to Benvenuto Garofalo’s and Dosso Dossi’s contributions to the project. Garofalo follows Raphael in his imitation of antique models, thereby reaffirming the master’s status in the Italian canon as a classicist painter. Dosso Dossi, however, appropriates Raphael’s design and transforms his language so as to draw attention to his own virtuosity and role as author. Dosso’s painting is a complete reworking, a ‘rifacimento’ of Raphael, which can only be read as a ferocious, violent attack on the master in order to advertise a Ferrarese or Lombard identity. It will be argued that while Dosso challenges or even defiles Raphael’s status as a modern painter, his scepticism of Raphael’s authority was the prerequisite for a vital emancipation from tradition.
How was it possible to define, let alone to paint, Christian orthodoxy shortly after the outbreak... more How was it possible to define, let alone to paint, Christian orthodoxy shortly after the outbreak of the Reformation? In the 1520s, three Italian painters (Lorenzo Lotto, Polidoro da Caravaggio and Garofalo) turned to visual diagrams to translate abstract Catholic dogmas into visual form. This paper will mainly focus on Garofalo’s Allegory of the Old and the New Testament for the Austin friars of Sant’Andrea in Ferrara (1523). Garofalo’s fresco shows an ‘Avenging Crucifix’ which violently plunges a lance into the heart of Synogoga, and triumphantly crowns the figure of Ecclesia. The artist’s complicated figura makes abundant use of banderoles and inscriptions to support the reader in its interpretation of the fresco’s meaning. Such visual experiments were short-lived. Not only because Protestants made similar use of typology, but also because Counter-Reformation theorists of art tended to be highly critical of the use of allegory. Aretino, Dolce and particularly Gilio regarded it unsuitable for religious spaces; not just because it might be obscure, but because it was part of poetry, and poetic fiction had no place in the communication of religious truth.
From its inception in China, paper has been a driver for change in (visual) cultures across the g... more From its inception in China, paper has been a driver for change in (visual) cultures across the globe. The wider use of paper was closely related to the introduction of illustrated texts in the Islamic world while paper’s arrival in Europe changed artistic practises and facilitated the dissemination of prints. During the age of exploration, knowledge of ‘the other’ was easily transmitted and visualised on paper, while its transportability and low cost proved pivotal in processes of cultural transfer. The Mughal, for example, copied from prints brought to India by the Jesuits, but translated these Western prints into a visual language of their own. In the West, Rembrandt used Japanese Echizen paper to create drawings based on Mughal miniatures from his own collection. Whereas illustrated books, prints and drawings were often used to confirm cultural identity, paper’s ability to transmit knowledge and cross boundaries also served to overcome cultural bias. Probably more than any other medium images on paper have not only the ability to travel through space but also through time. From the sixteenth century onwards, works on paper were collected, selected, classified, arranged and re-arranged to order knowledge and create new narratives.
We welcome proposals about works on paper from before 1800, showing the versatility of the medium and material: how do prints and drawings change from one place to another, from one period to another, how have they settled and unsettled (colonial) narratives? How have they been used, reused, interpreted and reinterpreted?
Shipwrecks of the Roaring Forties. Researching some of Australia's earliest shipwrecks, ed. by J. Green and A. Paterson, Perth: UWA Publishing, 2021
This contribution presents new archival and art historical research on the trade silverware aboar... more This contribution presents new archival and art historical research on the trade silverware aboard the Batavia and helps to understand the motivations and expectations held by Francisco Pelsaert and the VOC when commissioning these objects.
Het einde van de middeleeuwen. Vijftig kunstwerken uit de tijd van Bosch en Erasmus, ed. by M. Ilsink, B. de Klerck, and A. Willemsen, Nijmegen: Uitgeverij Van Tilt, 2019
Towards the end of the first decade of the sixteenth century, the Ferrarese artist Benvenuto Tisi... more Towards the end of the first decade of the sixteenth century, the Ferrarese artist Benvenuto Tisi, better known as Il Garofalo, painted the ceiling of a small room in Palazzo Costabili in Ferrara. Focusing in particular on the Southwest corner of the ceiling, this article argues that the fresco in the so-called Sala del Tesoro should be read as an allegory of mutual love. The inclusion of references to all kinds of love, both spiritual and sensual and both traditional (heterosexual, familial, interconfessional) and transgressive (homosexual, pederastic and gynosodomic), without a clear hierarchy, indicate how the combined powers of Eros and Anteros generate a universal harmony.
In the first decade of the sixteenth century, Garofalo painted the ceiling of a small room in a p... more In the first decade of the sixteenth century, Garofalo painted the ceiling of a small room in a palace that belonged to one of Renaissance Ferrara’s most prominent citizens, its chief magistrate Antonio Costabili. Despite being one of the most widely studied works in Garofalo’s oeuvre, the so-called Sala del Tesoro remains not very well understood. This article argues that the grisailles in the lunettes – depicting the story of Eros and his brother Anteros, the god of mutual love – are key to reading the animated balcony scene on the ceiling as a world ruled by Anteros, where (unlikely) opposites are harmoniously united. Garofalo’s decorations cast Antonio Costabili as a second Anteros and underscore the essential role of Costabili in the successful governing of Ferrara.
Rivista d'Arte. Periodico internazionale di storia dell'arte medievale e moderna. Serie quinta, vol. III (2013)
Between 1528 and 1537 Garofalo produced ten canvases for the recently founded convent of Poor Cla... more Between 1528 and 1537 Garofalo produced ten canvases for the recently founded convent of Poor Clares at San Bernardino in Ferrara. Although the cycle is unrivalled as a group of works by a single artist for a female convent throughout the Renaissance, it has so far attracted little attention. This article deals with early reports on the paintings, the early history of the convent and finally focuses on one canvas for the nuns’ choir: a large – almost two by three metres - Crucifixion, which Garofalo dated in March 1533. It will be argued here that the semi-circular shaped Crucifixion would have hung high on the nuns’ side of the division wall, above a grille. Through this window the nuns would have been able to see the Elevation of the host in the outer church, whereby the vision of the corporeal (Christ’s body) would blend with the nuns’ spiritual devotions. Garofalo’s painting would therefore have served as an important devotional tool for the nuns.
Because of their relatively traditional iconography, the paintings by Hieronymus Bosch depicting ... more Because of their relatively traditional iconography, the paintings by Hieronymus Bosch depicting donor portraits have received little attention until now. Further investigation into these works show a different side to Bosch's work. In these donor portraits, the artist faithfully followed the pictorial tradition in both iconography as in the position of the donor. Here, we may assume a traditional relationship between artist and patron, whereby the (generally conventional) bourgeoisie requested a conventional iconography. Bosch and his workshop delivered as requested.
Bosch's donor portraits have been painted over extraordinary often. This possibly occurred after the paintings' function changed or after a change of ownership, where the portrait of the original donor was no longer wanted. The explanation that Bosch himself was responsible for this, starts from the idea of the self-willed arts who could not get along with his patrons. This image is probably prompted by the, often, curious iconography of many of the paintings by Bosch. This article aims to restore these donor portraits in their rightful place in the artist's oeuvre.
Review of the exhibition 'Batavia: Giving Voice to the Voiceless' (Lawrence Wilson Art Gallery, P... more Review of the exhibition 'Batavia: Giving Voice to the Voiceless' (Lawrence Wilson Art Gallery, Perth, October - 9 December 2017).
In the Renaissance, love was usually defined in binary oppositions: love of the spirit versus lov... more In the Renaissance, love was usually defined in binary oppositions: love of the spirit versus love of the body, the celestial versus earthly Venus and the heavenly Eros versus his terrestrial counterpart. In the early 1500s, however, patrons in Mantua and Ferrara ordered pictorial decorations that reflected a more refined thinking about love. Artists and humanists at the courts of Mantua and Ferrara did not renounce the sensual in favour of the rational, but instead showed concord between the two Venuses and between Eros and Anteros. Local treatises on love did not try to remove sexuality from love nor follow the usual hierarchy of the senses but stressed the ennobling force of love, sensual or spiritual. This paper will discuss the ‘culture of love’ at the courts of Mantua and Ferrara and compare the paintings for Isabella d’Este’s studiolo to Garofalo’s little known decorations at Palazzo Costabili in Ferrara where all the senses are activated to move the audience to feelings of love.
In 1510, Lucrezia Borgia founded the convent of San Bernardino in Ferrara for her niece Camilla, ... more In 1510, Lucrezia Borgia founded the convent of San Bernardino in Ferrara for her niece Camilla, the illegitimate daughter of Cesare Borgia, and for the virgin daughters of the city’s “primi gentiluomini.” The Poor Clares lived according to the strictest rules, “in altissima paupertate,” and as far as can be reconstructed (since the convent was dismantled in the nineteenth century) Lucrezia Borgia seems to have kept the decoration of the convent to a bare minimum. Eight years after Lucrezia’s death in 1519, the Ferrarese painter Garofalo created the first of a series of ten paintings for San Bernardino. Even though these paintings appear rather conventional at first sight, a close examination reveals they were clearly intended for a female audience. This paper will discuss to what extent these images still reflect Lucrezia Borgia’s spirituality, or to what extent the program was dictated by a Franciscan (male) ideal of female devotion.
On the back of Lorenzo Lotto’s Christ Crucified with the Symbols of the Passion a friend of the a... more On the back of Lorenzo Lotto’s Christ Crucified with the Symbols of the Passion a friend of the artist recorded that he had painted the work during Holy Week, finishing it on Good Friday at the hour of Christ’s Passion. The meditation on Christ’s Passion to which Lotto’s painting invites here seems to parallel the act of its creation. The Ferrarese artist Garofalo, on the other hand, is said by Vasari to have worked “on every feast-day for twenty whole years [...] for the love of God” at a local convent of Poor Clares to complete a series of canvases for the nuns. While Vasari’s facts often turn out to be fictions, two of the canvases do bear an inscription stating that Garofalo had created the works ‘free of charge’. Can we therefore read these paintings – like Lotto’s - as a ‘spiritual exercise’ or are diverging motives at play?
Twenty years after Raphael’s death, the Duke of Ferrara commissioned three local painters to crea... more Twenty years after Raphael’s death, the Duke of Ferrara commissioned three local painters to create several works after designs by the master. This was an unusual decision, as Ferrarese culture (though not unresponsive to foreign trends) tended to be firmly rooted in local traditions – and this trait was normally fostered by the Este dukes in their efforts to strengthen their power. The princes of Ferrara therefore strongly relied on local painters for the decoration of their court. The resulting Ferrarese artistic self-awareness is reflected in the painters’ equivocal response to Raphael’s designs, which this paper will outline in relation to Benvenuto Garofalo’s and Dosso Dossi’s contributions to the project. Garofalo follows Raphael in his imitation of antique models, thereby reaffirming the master’s status in the Italian canon as a classicist painter. Dosso Dossi, however, appropriates Raphael’s design and transforms his language so as to draw attention to his own virtuosity and role as author. Dosso’s painting is a complete reworking, a ‘rifacimento’ of Raphael, which can only be read as a ferocious, violent attack on the master in order to advertise a Ferrarese or Lombard identity. It will be argued that while Dosso challenges or even defiles Raphael’s status as a modern painter, his scepticism of Raphael’s authority was the prerequisite for a vital emancipation from tradition.
How was it possible to define, let alone to paint, Christian orthodoxy shortly after the outbreak... more How was it possible to define, let alone to paint, Christian orthodoxy shortly after the outbreak of the Reformation? In the 1520s, three Italian painters (Lorenzo Lotto, Polidoro da Caravaggio and Garofalo) turned to visual diagrams to translate abstract Catholic dogmas into visual form. This paper will mainly focus on Garofalo’s Allegory of the Old and the New Testament for the Austin friars of Sant’Andrea in Ferrara (1523). Garofalo’s fresco shows an ‘Avenging Crucifix’ which violently plunges a lance into the heart of Synogoga, and triumphantly crowns the figure of Ecclesia. The artist’s complicated figura makes abundant use of banderoles and inscriptions to support the reader in its interpretation of the fresco’s meaning. Such visual experiments were short-lived. Not only because Protestants made similar use of typology, but also because Counter-Reformation theorists of art tended to be highly critical of the use of allegory. Aretino, Dolce and particularly Gilio regarded it unsuitable for religious spaces; not just because it might be obscure, but because it was part of poetry, and poetic fiction had no place in the communication of religious truth.
From its inception in China, paper has been a driver for change in (visual) cultures across the g... more From its inception in China, paper has been a driver for change in (visual) cultures across the globe. The wider use of paper was closely related to the introduction of illustrated texts in the Islamic world while paper’s arrival in Europe changed artistic practises and facilitated the dissemination of prints. During the age of exploration, knowledge of ‘the other’ was easily transmitted and visualised on paper, while its transportability and low cost proved pivotal in processes of cultural transfer. The Mughal, for example, copied from prints brought to India by the Jesuits, but translated these Western prints into a visual language of their own. In the West, Rembrandt used Japanese Echizen paper to create drawings based on Mughal miniatures from his own collection. Whereas illustrated books, prints and drawings were often used to confirm cultural identity, paper’s ability to transmit knowledge and cross boundaries also served to overcome cultural bias. Probably more than any other medium images on paper have not only the ability to travel through space but also through time. From the sixteenth century onwards, works on paper were collected, selected, classified, arranged and re-arranged to order knowledge and create new narratives.
We welcome proposals about works on paper from before 1800, showing the versatility of the medium and material: how do prints and drawings change from one place to another, from one period to another, how have they settled and unsettled (colonial) narratives? How have they been used, reused, interpreted and reinterpreted?
Artists “who work at religious and holy subjects should be religious and holy men,” Vasari stated... more Artists “who work at religious and holy subjects should be religious and holy men,” Vasari stated in the Life of Fra Angelico, because “when such works are executed by persons of little faith who have little esteem for religion [...] they often arouse in men's minds evil appetites and licentious desires”. Even though we should read Vasari’s comment as an intervention in the Counter-Reformation debate over the religious and aesthetic vocations of art, the question arises what there is to say about the devotion of Renaissance artists, its impact on their production and viewers’ responses to works of art as products of that devotion. Artists often enough offered discounts to religious institutions or donated work pro deo in an act of reciprocity, hoping to save their soul, but this panel will specifically focus on cases where artists created art as a spiritual exercise. Should we read Pietro da Lucca’s comparison of the spiritual practice of cogitatione, meditatione and contemplatione with the practice of painting (1514) merely as a metaphor? Could there be truth in Vasari’s statement that Fra Angelico “never painted a Crucifix without the tears streaming down his cheeks”? The sculptor Antico was well known for refusing to work on feast days, but other artists made it a special case to produce their work on those days. On the back of Lorenzo Lotto’s Christ Crucified with the Symbols of the Passion (Florence, Villa I Tatti, Berenson Collection) for example, a friend of the artist recorded that he had painted the work during Holy Week, finishing it on Good Friday at the hour of Christ’s Passion. Which artists considered the act of making part of a devotional process and why? What were its visual and material outcomes? And how did viewers respond to the works produced: were these considered more devout than others or even more ‘effective’?
Proposals do not have to be limited to Italian material.
Please submit a 150-word proposal, title, key words, and a brief CV to Arvi Wattel (arvi.wattel@uwa.edu.au) by June 4. Feel free to email with any questions.
Audio-guide accompanying the exhibition 'Travellers and Traders in the Indian Ocean World' (Weste... more Audio-guide accompanying the exhibition 'Travellers and Traders in the Indian Ocean World' (Western Australia Museum, 31 October 2016 - 23 April 2017).
On 31 October 1517, Martin Luther sent his Ninety-Five Theses to Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg... more On 31 October 1517, Martin Luther sent his Ninety-Five Theses to Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg, the Archbishop of Mainz, criticising the Roman Catholic Church’s sale of indulgences. On the 500th anniversary of the beginning of the Protestant Reformation, this online exhibition is designed to help students explore how the reformation unfolded through the emerging phenomenon of print culture, through examples from the UWA Library Special Collections. Scholars from the Centre for Medieval and Early Modern Studies consider how the lives, images and thought of Luther, other Reformers and Catholic Reformation leaders were expressed in print, at a time when this fledgling media for communication was in rapid development.
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Papers by Arvi Wattel
Bosch's donor portraits have been painted over extraordinary often. This possibly occurred after the paintings' function changed or after a change of ownership, where the portrait of the original donor was no longer wanted. The explanation that Bosch himself was responsible for this, starts from the idea of the self-willed arts who could not get along with his patrons. This image is probably prompted by the, often, curious iconography of many of the paintings by Bosch. This article aims to restore these donor portraits in their rightful place in the artist's oeuvre.
Reviews by Arvi Wattel
Talks by Arvi Wattel
Call for Papers by Arvi Wattel
We welcome proposals about works on paper from before 1800, showing the versatility of the medium and material: how do prints and drawings change from one place to another, from one period to another, how have they settled and unsettled (colonial) narratives? How have they been used, reused, interpreted and reinterpreted?
Submit proposals to: arvi.wattel@uwa.edu.au
For more information on the conference and submission process, see: http://aaanz.info/art-directions-call-papers/
Bosch's donor portraits have been painted over extraordinary often. This possibly occurred after the paintings' function changed or after a change of ownership, where the portrait of the original donor was no longer wanted. The explanation that Bosch himself was responsible for this, starts from the idea of the self-willed arts who could not get along with his patrons. This image is probably prompted by the, often, curious iconography of many of the paintings by Bosch. This article aims to restore these donor portraits in their rightful place in the artist's oeuvre.
We welcome proposals about works on paper from before 1800, showing the versatility of the medium and material: how do prints and drawings change from one place to another, from one period to another, how have they settled and unsettled (colonial) narratives? How have they been used, reused, interpreted and reinterpreted?
Submit proposals to: arvi.wattel@uwa.edu.au
For more information on the conference and submission process, see: http://aaanz.info/art-directions-call-papers/
Proposals do not have to be limited to Italian material.
Please submit a 150-word proposal, title, key words, and a brief CV to Arvi Wattel (arvi.wattel@uwa.edu.au) by June 4. Feel free to email with any questions.